SOME THOUGHTS FOR THE
PRESIDENT’S CONSIDERATION.
April 1, 1861.
1. We are at
the end of a month‘s Administration, and yet without a policy either domestic
or foreign.
2. This,
however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. The presence of the
Senate, with the need to meet applications for patronage, have prevented
attention to other and more grave matters.
3. But
further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies, for both domestic and foreign
affairs, would not only bring scandal on the Administration, but danger upon
the country.
4. To do this
we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I suggest that we make the
local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or general ones for ulterior and
occasional action.
5. The policy
at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and, perhaps, not sufficiently
explained. My system is built on this idea, as a ruling one, namely: that we
must change the question, before the public, from one upon Slavery, or about
Slavery, for a question upon Union or Disunion. In other words, from what would
be regarded as a party question to one of Patriotism or Union.
The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not,
in fact, a slavery or party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper
manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by Union men in the
South. I would, therefore, terminate it, as a safe means of changing the issue.
I deem it fortunate that the last Administration created the necessity.
For the rest, I would simultaneously defend all the forts in
the Gulf, and have the Navy recalled from foreign stations, to be prepared for
a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law.
This will raise distinctly the question of Union or Disunion. I would maintain every fort and possession in the South.
FOR FOREIGN NATIONS.
I would demand explanations from Spain and France
categorically, at once. I would seek explanation from Great Britain and Russia,
and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America, to reuse a vigorous
continental spirit of independence on this continent against European
intervention, and if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and
France, would convene Congress, and declare war against them.
But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic
prosecution of it. For this purpose, it must be somebody's business to pursue
and direct it, incessantly.
Either the President must do it himself, and be all the
while active in it, or devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted,
debates on it must end, and all agree, and abide. It is not my especial
province; but I neither seek to evade, nor assume responsibility.
SOURCE: Frederick W. Seward, Seward at Washington, as Senator and Secretary of State, p. 535
