Showing posts with label Edgar Cowan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Edgar Cowan. Show all posts

Thursday, February 29, 2024

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, April 14, 1866

This being the anniversary of the assassination of President Lincoln, the several Departments were closed by order of the President.

Had an hour's talk with the President on several matters, but chiefly in relation to the policy of the Administration, which was brought about by my referring to the interview which I had had with Senator Doolittle on Thursday evening, and his urgent request that I would communicate with the President on the subject-matter of our consultation. I remarked that there were certain suggestions, which delicacy forbade me to mention, unsolicited, but that there was an apprehension that the Radicals were strengthening themselves by the non-action, or limited actions, of the Executive and by conceding to Members of Congress almost all opportunities [for placing] their Radical friends.

The President said it was exceedingly annoying and discouraging to witness so good a man as Doolittle desponding, and especially on the subject of removals and appointments, when Doolittle himself was not prepared to take or recommend action, even in his own State. It was true that his Cabinet was not in all respects what he wished; but he had taken it as he found it. Harlan, to be sure, came in later, but it was understood he sought and desired the position, although he had since obtained an election to the Senate. He supposed Harlan was not in accord with the policy of the Administration, and delicacy and propriety would seem to prompt him to resign. But he had, as yet, shown no disposition to give up his place. Speed, he said, certainly added no strength to the Administration, was manifestly in harmony with the Radicals, advising with and encouraging them. Delicacy should cause him, feeling as he did, to retire, but he had made no advance in that direction, nor would he, probably, uninvited. Stanton, he remarked, was claimed by the Radicals to be in their interst, and probably such was the fact, yet he had given him no intimation of that character, except in some general criticism on one or two measures in which he finally yielded and acquiesced. His Department had been an absorbing one during the War and still was formidable. To have an open rupture with him in the present condition of affairs would be embarrassing certainly, yet Stanton held on.

The delicacies and proprieties which should govern the relations that are supposed to exist between a President and his Cabinet associates—his political family, as it were—would indicate to men of proper sensibility the course which they should pursue, if they did not agree with the person whom they were expected to advise in the administration of affairs. If these three men did not approve his general policy, the President said they had not, as he was aware, disapproved of it. Statements were made in some of the Radical papers that the persons named were opposed to the Administration of which they were a part. Rumors to that effect had come to him in such a way and from such sources that he was not at liberty to doubt it. "Still they hold on here, and some of them likely report our proceedings. I do not, however, know the fact. What, then, can I do? Are these men to whom I give my confidence hypocrites, faithless, insincere, treacherous? The time has not arrived for a decisive stand. With mischievous Radical leaders, who appear to have little regard for the country, it is not a proper time to take upon ourselves other quarrels nearer home."

The President said he had borne, as well as he could, the malicious war which had been waged upon him for doing his duty, administering the Government for the whole country, not for a faction. If the schemes of the Radical managers to control the Executive had sometimes annoyed him, they had not caused him to deviate from what he was satisfied was right and for the best interest of the country. But it did grieve and wound him to witness such men as Doolittle desponding and giving way. Cowan, an intelligent, sensible, and good Senator, he said, was also complaining, and it was hard to be under the necessity of holding these men up, while compelled to encounter the whole opposition. Their discouragement afflicted him more than all that the Radicals had done or would do.

Only a day or two since Cowan had, with others, pressed earnestly for some changes in Pennsylvania which they said ought by all means to be made, and on their representations he had finally agreed to make some changes. But just as they were being ordered, Cowan began to show and have doubt, asked a suspension, and finally backed down and would consent to but two of the same changes he had urged. "These men take upon themselves no responsibility while goading me on to move, when I am breasting this storm." This he said he was ready to do. It was a duty and he could meet it, but it pained him to have good and true friends waver.

At the proper time he should be ready to act, but his friends must permit him to judge when to act. It would be pleasanter to him to have more cordiality, a more free interchange of opinions, more unity and earnestness on the part of all his Cabinet, for there was obvious distrust among them,—distrust of each other, and that on topics where the Administration was most interested.

I have given the substance and, so far as I can recall, the words. There was much desultory conversation intermixed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 481-3

Saturday, October 7, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, February 21, 1866

Took the President the executive order for the trial of Semmes. Found that he hesitated. Told him I had no feeling whatever in regard to it. That I was not willing nor did I believe we could legally try him for treason or piracy by a military commission, for those crimes were cognizable by the civil courts, but a violation of the laws of war required, perhaps, a commission and could be reached in no other way. He assented to these views, but thought it would be better to get an opinion from the Attorney-General. Moreover, he thought delay rather advisable at this time. I told him I thought it a good opportunity to show that he was ready to bring criminals to trial when the duty devolved on him.

Senators Doolittle and Cowan were with the President when I called on him this morning. Doolittle had the rough plan of a bill to modify and terminate the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. I prefer non-action. So does Cowan, and I think the President also. Doolittle thinks something will be advisable to satisfy the public, whose sympathies have been excited by cunning appeals. This is Seward.

Whiting, Solicitor, or late Solicitor, of the War Department, came to see me. It was amusing to see how self-satisfied he was in weaving a pleasant web on the subject of negro suffrage and the questions at issue. He is writing and publishing a series of numbers in the Republican, which, he says, were penned at my suggestion some months since, doubtless in part at least for my benefit. In the midst of our talk Montgomery Blair came in, and Whiting left with great speed. Blair is gratified with the stirring-up of the waters of controversy, and anticipates, I doubt not, that Stanton, who still occupies an ambiguous attitude, may be brought to a plain development of his true position. He insists that Stanton is playing false to the President. No doubt of it in my mind, yet he and Seward are in accord, but Seward is not treacherous.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 436-7

Monday, September 5, 2016

Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, January 8, 1861

Washington Jan 8, 1861
Hon A Lincoln

Dear Sir

When Gen'l Cameron returned from Springfield he showed me your letter When the appointment was made known it created some talk may many taking the ground it was a good one & others unfit to be made Friday I think your telegraph came He showed it to me but did not suppose it changed your intention Saturday he was sent for & went to Harrisburg By Monday the two Senators were agreed upon – Cowan for the long term & some one I dont know who for the short term To day in pursuance of that agreement they probably elect Cowan This morning Cameron called on me & showed your letter. He complains he has been badly treated says he only consented to take the place to please his friends. He complains of the form of your letter He thinks it contains an intimation of imputation of upon his character and mortifies him I have had a long talk with him & he finally agreed he would say to every one that he would not go in to the cabinet & that I might telegraph to that effect

I assured him your motives were good & if you could have an interview you would satisfy him He said if you had written him a kind letter, setting forth that you had contemplated calling him into the Cabinet & had invited him to S. with that view but in the condition of the country you had for motives of no unkindness to him but for reasons of state had changed your mind & had asked him to relieve you, he would most cheerfully have done so.

He agreed I might copy the letter which I send. He also agreed he would not act badly but would sustain you & be friendly to you but thought you ought to explain fully the reason of your action at some full future time He said he would as leef have an enemy at home as in N Jersey & did not want Dayton to be appointed. I think from his talk if you should appoint no one in Penna. or N. Jersey the matter might be reconciled If you should I think it could not be but would lead to open hostility He seemed to wish the patronage of Penn. should not be given to his foes I think he cares more about this than about going into the Cabinet

Considering the whole affair he talk nobly & manly about the whole affair McClure came home & has been trying to bargain with Cameron to consent to his appointment upon condition that he might be returned to the Senate Things look fearfully here If Virginia goes Maryland is very doubtful Within a day or two, I have heard very little objection to Cameron & think in a day or two it would have been all undid. I think you will hear complaint about all appointments.

Yours Truly
Leonard Swett