Showing posts with label Geary. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Geary. Show all posts

Saturday, June 3, 2023

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 19, 1863

April 19.

Yesterday the rebels at the Ferry made arrangements for Col. Higginson to meet General [W. S.] Walker this morning under a flag of truce. The request was that the Colonel in command here should send over a boat to bring the General across. But the Colonel concluded to go over to them at the hour appointed. I would have gone with him but for my lameness, a wrench to the knee from the Quartermaster's poor horse falling upon it. The Colonel was met by the General's staff with an official letter, but when informed what regiment he represented, they replied that their orders were to hold no official Communication with officers of such regiments. The Colonel learned that General Walker is the W. S. Walker of the regular army, who was under my care in Worcester in the autumn of 1852, and who subsequently in 1856, at the head of a company of dragoons, was sent by Gov. Geary to meet the Colonel on the plains of Kansas while he was at the head of an armed emigrant train. The meeting then was one of mutual surprise, and instead of arrests being made and the train stopped, they went together to the Governor, and the affair took a less stringent turn than had threatened. Yesterday the Colonel took especial pains to send him word that his old acquaintance, T. W. H. would have been happy to send his compliments, had he been treated with due respect, and that his old medical friend, Dr. R. was also here.

In the absence of the Chaplain today, Thomas Long of Co. G held the divine service. His prayers were so deep and simple and touching that we all found our sight somewhat dimmed by tears. In the course of his sermon he said; "If each one of us was praying men, it appears to me that we could fight as well with prayers as with bullets, for the Lord has said that if we have faith, even as a grain of mustard seed cut into four parts, you could say unto that sycamore tree, arise, and it will come up."

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 389-90

Tuesday, June 9, 2020

Samuel Clark Pomeroy

Pomeroy, Samuel Clark, pioneer and United States senator, was born at Southampton, Mass., Jan. 3, 1816; was educated at Amherst College, and in 1840 became an enthusiastic opponent of slavery. He was present when President Pierce signed the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and remarked to the president: “Your victory is but an adjournment of the question from the halls of legislation at Washington to the prairies of the freedom-loving West, and there, sir, we shall beat you.” To assist in carrying out his prophecy he left Boston in Aug., 1854, with 200 people bound for Kansas, and upon arriving in the territory located at Atchison. He canvassed the Eastern states in the interest of the free-state cause; was one of a party arrested by Col. Cooke on the Nebraska river in Oct., 1856, but was released by Gov. Geary upon his arrival at Topeka; was a member of the Osawatomie convention in May, 1859, that organized the Republican party in Kansas, and served on the first state executive committee of that party. In connection with his management of the aid committee for the relief of the people of Kansas in the great drought of 1860 he was charged with irregular conduct, but was exonerated in March, 1861, by a committee composed of W. W. Guthrie, F. P. Baker and C. B. Lines. On April 4, 1861, he was elected one of the first United States senators from Kansas, and was reĆ«lected in 1867. During the troubles over the Cherokee Neutral Lands many of the people of the state lost confidence in Mr. Pomeroy, and in 1873 he was defeated for reĆ«lection to the senate by John J. Ingalls. It was in connection with this [s]enatorial election that State Senator A. N. York of Montgomery county made his sensational charges of bribery against Senator Pomeroy. The charges were investigated by a committee of the United States senate and also by a joint committee of the Kansas legislature. On March 3, 1873, a majority of the former committee reported that “the whole transaction, whatever view be taken of it, is the result of a concerted plot to defeat Mr. Pomeroy.” Three days later the committee of the state legislature reported Mr. Pomeroy "guilty of the crime of bribery, and attempting to corrupt, by offers of money, members of the legislature.” He was arraigned for trial before Judge Morton at Topeka on June 8, 1874, but a change of venue was taken to Osage county. After several delays and continuances the case was dismissed on March 12, 1875. On Oct. 11, 1873, while the political opposition to Mr. Pomeroy was at its height he was shot by Martin F. Conway in Washington, the bullet entering the right breast, inflicting a painful but not serious wound. Conway claimed that Pomeroy had ruined himself and his family. After the bribery case against him was dismissed Mr. Pomeroy returned to the East and died at Whitinsville, Mass., Aug. 27, 1891.

SOURCE: Frank W. Blackmar, Editor, A Standard History of Kansas and Kansans, Volume 2, p. 485-6

Thursday, June 6, 2019

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to a Member of the Dabney Family, October 9, 1856

Steamboat Cataract
aground on a bank in the Missouri River
October 9, 1856

I know you would enjoy going to Kansas, for it is as genuine a sensation as we expect it to be; things and people are very real there. It is precisely like waking up some morning and stepping out on the Battle of Bunker Hill; one learns in a single day more about Greeks and Romans and English Puritans and Scotch Jacobites, and Hungarians and all heroic peoples, than any course of history can teach. The same process is producing the same results before your eyes, and what is most striking the same persons whom you saw a year ago in Boston, indolent and timid, are here transformed to heroes. Perhaps this brings down the dignity of our courage a little, showing it to be the child of circumstances, but still one sees great differences of temperament in Kansas as elsewhere. What struck me most was the unconscious buoyancy of the people. Living in the midst of danger, they recognize it as the normal condition of existence, and talk of it in the sort of way that sailors do. In the intervals of dinner (if dinner there be), they talk over the last fight as if it were a picnic. In fact it was plain that the excitement had become a necessary stimulus to them, and during the partial peace which existed while I was there, they confessed that they missed something. Women complained that there wasn't much to talk about. At Lawrence, when the evening drum beat to call out the guard (of United States troops, placed there by Governor Geary, for protection) somebody would always exclaim, “That sounds good!” And the patience is about as remarkable as the courage. People would describe their way of living, sick wife and children perhaps . . . and always end, “But we shall live or die in Kansas.” Of course there are exceptions; but the more men sacrifice there, the more they seem to love the country. The difficulty is, that there is not much left to sacrifice; everybody has grown poor. I hope nothing from Governor Geary; he means well and has energy of will, but no energy of character; he can take efficient single steps, but not carry out any systematic plan of action. . . . I have less hope that Kansas will be a free State than before I came here. Before this last interference of Governor Geary, the Kansas men under General Lane (who is a very remarkable man) had driven out the Missourians in all directions; but it is their policy not to resist the United States Government, and the Missourians are always ready to take the slightest advantage which that affords them. After the Presidential election the invaders will make a desperate effort; their success is certain if Buchanan is elected, and probably if Fremont is.

. . . On board I have thus far met no annoyance, though there is a company of young Virginians and Carolinians returning to their homes; they are of the race of “poor white folks,” commonly. My copy of “Dred” occasions some remarks. I trust your father will feel a becoming reverence when I say that I am a General in the Kansas Army, having been immediately presented with a commission to that effect by the redoubtable “Jim Lane” himself, the “Marion” of the age. I keep it as a valuable autograph, or to be used on my next visit to Kansas.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 142-4

Saturday, April 27, 2019

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, September 24, 1856

Topeka, September 24, 1856

People joke here as readily as anywhere, though all pronounce it the darkest time Kansas has ever seen. . . . Geary is conquering them at last and the leaders are flying from arrest. Just as they had thoroughly expelled the Missourians, the United States Government steps in, and arrests their best and bravest. Geary's intention is to give them peace and bread, at the price of obedience to the laws of the false legislature. He is making a clear path, therefore, for a contest between the inhabitants and the United States troops, first or last.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 141

Thursday, November 8, 2018

Journal of Amos A. Lawrence, January 6, 1857

Very cold and windy. Rode an hour and a half. Called at the United States Hotel on Captain John Brown, the old Kansas hero. Found Governor Robinson of Kansas at the Emigrant Aid rooms. Spent most of the forenoon with him. He has resigned his office, and the plan is to give Governor Geary, now a United States official, the popular vote, and so help on the “Free State” movement. Bought a fur coat for Robinson. Met Captain Brown; he is trying to raise a company to be ready in any emergency that may arise in Kansas. He looks a little thinner than when he went to Kansas with his sons. He fought the Missourians at Osawatomie in such a style as struck terror into the whole body of marauders. To Professor Longfellow's in Cambridge with my wife and Mary. A party mostly of young people. Played whist with Mr. Nathan Appleton, Mrs. Lothrop Motley, and Sarah. Home at half past ten, very cold. Deep drifts on the cross roads, Cambridge.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 123-4

Thursday, October 25, 2018

Amos A. Lawrence to Governor John W. Geary

To secure the adoption in all parts of the Territory of the best system of public schools seems to be desirable at this early day, and I have a plan to communicate to some one or two who have the leisure to attend to its execution. Some funds which I intended for the proposed university will be better used for the present for this purpose; and if the government should make adequate provisions for the former, no private contributions would be required. In the centre of this continent there should be a model State which shall be an example to all; a model for those which come in hereafter to copy, and a stimulant to the old States to keep up a high standard of learning, virtue, and patriotism.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 119-20

Wednesday, May 16, 2018

Governor Salmon P. Chase to Senator Charles Sumner, December 13, 1856

State Of Ohio, Executive Department,                       
Columbus, Dec 13, 1856.

Dear Sumner, I long to hear of you at the Capitol, but I long infinitely more to hear of your perfect restoration. At the present moment you are not greatly needed at Washington. Nothing can be done now but to announce principles, & make test questions. A year hence it will be important to have our strongest men in the field. Mr. Buchanan's Administration will then be fairly under way. For that time you should be prepared, &, if need be, reserved. I write this because I see it stated that you propose going to Washington about the first of January. Let me beg you to risk nothing; but to lay aside every care except that of your own restoration. You will of course be reelected. Why not let the present session go, & take a trip somewhere out of sight and as far as possible out of recollection, of disturbing & exciting causes. If your friends think it well, you might resign that your place this session be filled by somebody else. Then be whole for the next session.

My intelligence from Kansas is encouraging. The reasons for believing it will be a free state preponderate more & more. I expect next week the return of a gentleman whom I sent to the territory to ascertain the precise condition & to bear to Gov Geary a letter in behalf of the prisoners, & to them some little relief. I hope the best. But for our cause — we must make a deeper issue; believe that right is expedient; be consistent & trust the people. Then I believe will come the day when the Republic, restored to its original policy, will renew her strength & move forward in the fulfilment of her sublime mission, with the applause of all the patriotic & all the good. Talia sӕcla, cunite.

Affectionately yours,
[SALMON P. CHASE.]

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 274-5

Thursday, June 23, 2016

Major Charles Fessenden Morse: May 31, 1864


Kingston, Ga., May 31, 1864.

My last letter was written from Cassville, and sent by Colonel Coggswell. On the 23rd the whole army made a movement forward, and successfully crossed the Etowah River by various bridges, camping on the south bank. The next day the Altoona mountains were reached and crossed, no great opposition being made except by cavalry. On the 25th the army moved, by several roads, towards Dallas, and skirmishing began. Suddenly an order came to halt, face about, recross the creek, and move to the left to support Geary. As I was crossing the bridge, an order came to me saying that the Second Massachusetts had been especially detailed by General Hooker to remain on that road and hold the bridge on which we had crossed.

About five P. M., I heard our division “go in” about three miles on my left with a tremendous crash of musketry and artillery; the fighting seemed to last an hour, then suddenly stopped. The next morning I heard about our division's fight.

As soon as they arrived on the ground, they were formed in three lines, and made an impetuous attack on the enemy for nearly a mile into a strong line of works. Then Sherman found that he had the whole of Johnston's army in his front; he therefore immediately began concentrating his army, which was accomplished during the day of the 26th. McPherson, driving the enemy out of Dallas, formed in front of that place. His army constituted the right wing, Thomas the centre, and Schofield the left. Our division suffered severely in the fight, losing about a thousand killed and wounded, one-half being out of our brigade.

On the 29th I reported at headquarters. I found the division in reserve, a large part of it escorting trains to the rear.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 168-9

Thursday, May 26, 2016

Major Wilder Dwight: December 20, 1861

camp Hicks, near Frederick, December 20, 1861.

It was only the immediate pressure of another topic that crowded out the mention of the arrival of the box of shirts and drawers, &c., from Mrs. Ticknor. They were equally distributed among the men needing them most. They were most gladly welcomed. In size, shape, and substance, they are all we could desire. The gay-colored handkerchiefs warmed the fancy of the men, and were eagerly snatched at. The mittens, too, notwithstanding the finger deformity, were grasped by eager hands. I think it would reward the effort of our friends if they could have seen the opening of the box, and the scattering of the clothing to the companies. The eyes of the men chosen for the gifts glistened, and the eyes of the others fell, as those of children. Indeed, in many respects, soldiers are like children; and the idea that there is a box from home with a present in it is, you know, the crowning joy of childhood. There is a certain flavor to these arrivals, of warmth and comfort, that seems to dwell with peculiar relish on the mind. They make a day glad and cheerful. But I must protest against this form of “soldier’s mitten. Make a good, honest mitten, in which there shall be no aristocracy or seclusion among the fingers, but where they may dwell together in unity. When the man is to use his gun he won't wear a mitten. At other times he wants the old, warm mitten, not this eccentric innovation. By this criticism I do not wish to discourage the sending of mittens of this or any other shape. We want those of any shape. I speak only in the interests of science and truth.

I wish you could have seen the regiment this evening at parade. We got fresh white gloves for the men to-day; and the steady line, with its regular and precise movement, the shining brass of the equipments, and general neatness, was a fine sight. Our old uniforms, after all their service, look better than most new ones. General Banks was present, and afterwards came up and admired my tent-house.

My friend Colonel Geary has gone back to Point of Rocks. General Hamilton is off to Williamsport, and the Board will meet again “some day next week.”

I enjoyed Colonel Geary's talk very much. He has seen a good deal of rough life; was a colonel during the Mexican War, then a Californian, and the last alcalde of San Francisco, then a governor of Kansas. He speaks of events of which he was himself no small part.

Colonel ——, of the Sixteenth Indiana, is a character, — a tall, gaunt Western lawyer turned colonel. He has just returned from a visit to Washington and his home. Speaking of the crowds of officers and soldiers who throng Pennsylvania Avenue, he said, “I told my friends if we could only get the Confederates into Pennsylvania Avenue, we could give them an awful thrashing. I never saw so many officers in my life. We could thrash ’em to death, sir.”

I was glad to receive news from Howard. Glad, too, to find him in service and promoted. His success is certain, if he holds on. I shall write to him not to be discouraged, and not to regret being in Missouri. Halleck will reorganize, correct, discipline the force; and he will belong to a grand army, and perhaps share in glorious achievement. . . . .

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 176-8

Saturday, April 23, 2016

Captain Charles Fessenden Morse: May 7, 1863


Stafford C. H., May 7, 1863.

I am going to give you, without any introduction, a history of this last campaign against Richmond by the army under the great Joe Hooker. I believe I have seen it and judged it fairly.

On Monday, April 27th, our corps broke camp early in the morning and marched to Hartwood Church, ten miles; there it went into camp for the night. The Eleventh and Fifth Corps also came up there and camped in our vicinity; next morning, we all moved and camped that night near Kelly's Ford. A pontoon bridge was thrown across and the Eleventh was over before daylight Wednesday; the other corps followed rapidly and the advance began towards the Rapidan. The Eleventh and Twelfth marched on the road to Germana Ford, the Fifth on the road to Ely's Ford; all three of the corps were under command of General Slocum. I was detailed, the morning of the advance, as Aide to General Slocum, and another officer was made Acting Provost Marshal. All the companies of the Second Massachusetts were sent to the Regiment. We skirmished all the way to Germana Ford; there we met quite a determined resistance; our cavalry was drawn in and the Second Massachusetts and the Third Wisconsin sent forward to clear the way; they drove everything before them and, by their heavy fire, forced the rebels at the Ford to surrender (about one hundred officers and men). We lost in this skirmish about a dozen killed and wounded.

General Slocum now determined to cross the Rapidan, though there was no bridge and the ford was almost impassable. He sent the First and Third Brigade, (First Division, Twelfth Corps), through the water although it was more than waist deep, also five batteries of artillery, which took position on the other side of the river. A bridge was then constructed, and before daylight Thursday morning, the remainder of the Twelfth and Eleventh Corps were across the river. By eight o'clock, A. M., we were moving again. The rebels kept attacking us on our flank with cavalry and artillery, and any less bold officer than General Slocum would have halted his column and delayed the march; but he kept along steadily, detaching a small force at intervals to repel the enemy. I had the pleasure of superintending, at one of these skirmishes, having in charge the Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania Regiment; we drove the rebels before us for nearly a mile, almost capturing their artillery, taking a large number of prisoners. At about noon, we arrived at Chancellorsville, and found the Fifth Corps already there. We had a small cavalry skirmish, in which Colonel McVicars was killed with about a dozen of his men, but besides that, nothing of importance occurred that day; the troops were formed in line of battle, but were not attacked. Up to this time you see everything had gone well and success seemed certain.

Towards night, General Hooker arrived with his staff, and we heard of the crossing at the U. S. Ford of the Second, Third and First Corps. All the headquarters were in the vicinity of the Chancellor House, a large, fine brick mansion. General Hooker took supper with General Slocum; he didn't seem to be able to express his gratification at the success of General Slocum in bringing the three corps up so rapidly. Then, in the most extravagant, vehement terms, he went on to say how he had got the rebels, how he was going to crush them, annihilate them, etc.

The next morning at ten, the Fifth and Twelfth Corps advanced in order of battle on two parallel roads; we soon met the enemy and skirmished for about two miles, when they appeared in considerable force and the battle began. We were in a splendid position and were driving the enemy when an order came to General Slocum to retire his command to its former position. No one could believe that the order was genuine, but almost immediately, another of General Hooker's staff brought the same order again. Now, perhaps, you don't know that to retire an army in the face of an enemy when you are engaged, is one of the most difficult operations in war; this we had to do. I carried the order to General Geary to retire his division in echelon by brigades, and stayed with him till the movement was nearly completed. It was a delicate job; each brigade would successively bear the brunt of the enemy's attack. Before the last brigades of the Fifth and Twelfth Corps were in position, the enemy made a furious attack on the Chancellor House; luckily, we had considerable artillery concentrated there and they were driven back. The next attack was on our corps, but the enemy were severely repulsed. This about ended the fighting on Friday; we lost, I suppose, about five hundred men.

During the night, the men were kept at work digging trenches and throwing up breastworks of logs. Our headquarters were at Fairview, an open piece of ground rising into quite a crest in the centre. Skirmishing began at daylight next morning and continued without much result to either side, till afternoon, when the enemy began to move, in large force, towards our right, opposite General Howard, Eleventh Corps. This corps was in a fine position in intrenchments, with almost open country in front of them, the right resting on Hunting creek. At about four P. M., the Third Corps, General Sickles, was moved out to the right of the Twelfth and advanced towards Fredericksburgh. The order then came to General Slocum that the enemy were in full retreat, and to advance his whole line to capture all he could of prisoners, wagons, etc. Our right, General Williams’ Division, advanced without much trouble, driving the enemy before it, but the Second Division had hardly got out of the trenches before it was attacked with great determination, yet it steadily retained its position. At about five P. M., a tremendous and unceasing musketry fire began in the direction of the Eleventh Corps. As it was necessary to know what was going on there in order to regulate the movements of the Twelfth Corps, General Slocum and the rest of us rode for our lives towards this new scene of action. What was our surprise when we found, that instead of a fight, it was a complete Bull Run rout. Men, horses, mules, rebel prisoners, wagons, guns, etc., etc., were coming down the road in terrible confusion, behind them an unceasing roar of musketry. We rode until we got into a mighty hot fire, and found that no one was attempting to make a stand, but every one running for his life. Then General Slocum dispatched me to General Hooker to explain the state of affairs, and three other staff officers to find General Williams and order him back to his trenches with all haste.

I found General Hooker sitting alone on his horse in front of the Chancellor House, and delivered my message; he merely said, “Very good, sir.” I rode back and found the Eleventh Corps still surging up the road and still this terrible roar behind them. Up to this time, the rebels had received no check, but now troops began to march out on the plank road and form across it, and Captain Best, Chief of Artillery of our corps, had on his own responsibility gathered together all the batteries he could get hold of, had put them in position (forty-six guns in all) on Fairview, and had begun firing at the rate of about one hundred guns a minute, into the rebels. This, in my opinion, saved our army from destruction. After delivering my message to General Hooker, I went back and tried to find General Slocum, but it was now after eight o'clock and I was unsuccessful in my search, so I took hold and tried to rally some of the cowardly Dutchmen. With the help of one cavalry orderly, I succeeded in forming a good many of them on the left of the new line, but an unusually heavy volley coming, they broke and ran like sheep. After this little episode, I again searched after the General. Towards ten, I found the rest of the staff, and soon after, we came across the General. At about eleven, the fighting stopped, but we were all hard at work getting the men of our corps into position. You see, while our First Division was advancing, the rebels had routed the Teutons and were now occupying our trenches. The Second and Third Brigades got into their former position, but the First made out only to cut through the rebels, losing a large part of its men and taking a position considerably in the rear of its former one. General Sickles fought his way through with the exception of one division and one battery, which were left out in front of our lines that night. The artillery men were hard at work all night, throwing up traverses to protect their guns, and about two in the morning we all lay down on the ground and slept until about four, when daylight began to appear. Our right was now formed by the Third, Fifth and First Corps, about five hundred yards in the rear of our first position. The rebels began the attack, as soon as there was light enough, from the left of our First Division to about the right of the Third Corps. General Birney's Division of the Third Corps was out in front of General Williams; his men behaved badly, and after a slight resistance, fell back into our lines, losing a battery.

The rebels now charged down our First Division, but were met with such a deadly fire that they were almost annihilated. Their second line was then sent in, but met the same fate, and their third and last line advanced. Our men now had fired more than forty rounds of cartridges and were getting exhausted. General Slocum sent almost every one of his staff officers to General Hooker, stating his position and begging for support; Hooker's answer was, “I can't make men or ammunition for General Slocum.” Meantime, Sickles' Corps was holding its own on the right of ours, but it was rapidly getting into the same condition as the Twelfth. The rebels were driven back every time they advanced, and we were taking large numbers of prisoners and colors. All this time while our infantry was fighting so gallantly in front, our battery of forty-six guns was firing incessantly. The rebels had used no artillery till they captured the battery from Birney, when they turned that on us, making terrible destruction in General Geary's line. General Meade, Fifth Corps, now went to Hooker and entreated that he might be allowed to throw his corps on the rebel flank, but General Hooker said, “No, he was wanted in his own position.” On his own responsibility, General Meade sent out one brigade, which passed out in rear of the enemy's right, recaptured a battery, three hundred of our men who were prisoners, and four hundred of the rebels, and took them safely back to their corps.

It was now after seven o'clock. Our men had fired their sixty rounds of cartridges and were still holding their position; everything that brave men could do, these men had done, but now nothing was left but to order them to fall back and give up their position to the enemy. This was done in good order and they marched off under a heavy fire to the rear of our batteries. The rebels, seeing us retreating, rushed forward their artillery and began a fearful fire. I found I could be useful to Captain Best, commanding our artillery, so I stayed with him. I never before saw anything so fine as the attack on that battery; the air was full of missiles, solid shot, shells, and musket balls. I saw one solid shot kill three horses and a man, another took a leg off one of the captains of the batteries. Lieutenant Crosby of the Fourth Artillery was shot through the heart with a musket ball; he was a particular friend of Bob Shaw and myself; he lived just long enough to say to Captain Best, “Tell father I die happy.”

The rebels came up to the attack in solid masses and got within three hundred yards, but they were slaughtered by the hundreds by the case-shot and canister, and were driven back to the woods. Still not an infantry man was sent to the support of the guns. More than half the horses were killed or wounded; one caisson had blown up, another had been knocked to pieces; in ten minutes more, the guns would have been isolated. They, too, therefore, were ordered to retire, which they did without losing a gun. You see, now, our centre was broken, everything was being retired to our second line, the rebel artillery was in position, their line of battle steadily advancing across our old ground. This fire of the batteries was concentrated on the Chancellor House, Hooker's original headquarters, and it was torn almost to pieces by solid shot and was finally set on fire by a shell.

The army was now put in position in the second line; the centre was on a rising piece of ground and protected by a battery of forty or fifty guns. The Fifth Corps was on the right and was the last to fall back out of the woods and it was closely followed by the rebel masses, but these were met by such a tremendous artillery fire that they were actually rolled back into the woods. Our corps was ordered to support first the Third, afterwards the Second and Eleventh. Towards night the enemy made another desperate assault on our centre, but they were again repulsed. Our corps was now ordered to the extreme left to form behind the Eleventh. I believe that General Slocum remonstrated with General Hooker so firmly that he finally got permission to put the Twelfth Corps on the extreme left and to have only one division of the Eleventh in the trenches on his right.

You can easily see that, if the enemy once forced our right or left, our communications would at once be cut and all possibility of retreat prevented. Late that night, we lay down close beside the Rappahannock. By three o'clock next morning, we were awakened by a heavy artillery fire and shells bursting over us. Our guns replied and kept at it for about an hour, when the enemy's batteries were silenced. We now mounted our horses and rode along the lines to look at our position; we found that it was a very strong one and capable of being made very much more so.
We found that the sharpshooters were getting altogether too attentive to our party, so we moved back to our line and had hardly turned away, when a sergeant was shot dead almost on the spot where the general had been standing. All that day, our men were hard at work throwing up breastworks, cutting abattis, etc. No attack was made on us, but throughout that day and night, we heard Sedgwick fighting in the direction of Fredericksburgh.

Tuesday morning, I knew by appearances that a retreat was to be effected, as a large part of the artillery, all the ambulances, etc., were removed across the river, although the men were kept at work making line after line of trenches and breastworks. Just before dark, the order of retreat came, the Fifth and Twelfth Corps being the last to cross. About four o'clock that afternoon it began to rain in torrents. There were originally three pontoon bridges, but before most of the crossing had been effected, the river became so swollen that one of the bridges had to be taken up to piece out the other two; this caused a great delay. At about twelve, I was sent down to the ford to examine into the condition of things; it was a terrible night, the wind blowing a gale and the rain pouring, the road for a mile full of artillery. I found, at the bridge, that not a thing was moving, and learned from General Patrick that the order for retreat had been suspended and everything was to move back to its former position. This order came, remember, when half of the artillery was on the north side of the Rappahannock, the soldiers without a ration and the supply trains ten miles the other side of the river. I ran my horse back to headquarters and made my report; the telegraph was down between U. S. Ford and Falmouth, where General Hooker was. General Slocum wrote a dispatch, saying, that unless the movement was continued, our army would have to be surrendered within twenty-four hours; this was sent by an orderly who was ordered to kill his horse carrying it. Then to prepare for the worst, General Slocum sent one of his aides and myself back to the Ford to get our artillery ready to move back into position, that our corps might, at least, be ready to make a desperate fight in the morning; but at about two-thirty A. M., the messenger returned from General Hooker with orders for the movement to continue.

At about five, one of our divisions began to cross. The two or three succeeding hours were the most anxious I ever passed in my life. A large part of our army was massed on the south side of the river, only two bridges for the whole of it to cross, the river full to the edge of its banks; a very little extra strain would have carried away the upper bridge, and this would have swept away the lower one and all retreat would have been cut off. The rebel artillery began to fire on our troops and bridges, but was silenced by our guns; we had sixty in position on the north side.
It soon became evident that the enemy were not in force in our vicinity, but for all that, it was one of the happiest moments of my life when I saw the last of our corps over the bridge. We all started then for Stafford C. H., where our corps was ordered to its old camp. We arrived at our old headquarters at about two P. M., and found, to our joy, that our wagons had arrived and tents were being pitched. It was not until after we were in comfortable quarters that the terrible fatigue of the last ten days began to tell on us. Since we had left Stafford, we had been without wagons or blankets, with nothing to eat except pork and hard bread, and half the time not even that, and we had averaged each day at least twelve or sixteen hours in the saddle. The moment we touched a seat, we sunk into the most profound sleep and stayed in this condition for several hours. It may seem strange to you that I speak of being happy to get back into our old quarters, but you must remember that we had been through danger and hardship for ten days and had met with constant disappointment and were now safe back again where we were going to have sleep, rest, and food.

Now, let us see what this campaign shows. It seems to me that the plan was a very good one, with the exception of separating Sedgwick with thirty thousand men from the army, and that it was carried out with great success till General Hooker arrived at Chancellorsville. The next thing shown is that the commander of our army gained his position by merely brag and blow, and that when the time came to show himself, he was found without the qualities necessary for a general. If another battle had been fought on Monday, it would have been by the combined corps commanders, and the battle would have been won.

I doubt if, ever in the history of this war, another chance will be given us to fight the enemy with such odds in our favor as we had last Sunday, and that chance has been worse than lost to us. I don't believe any men ever fought better than our Twelfth Corps, especially the First Division; for two hours, they held their ground without any support, against the repeated assaults of the enemy; they fired their sixty rounds of cartridges and held their line with empty muskets till ordered to fall back. The old Second, of course, did splendidly, and lost heavily, twenty-two killed, one hundred and four wounded, ten missing; my company had five killed and eleven wounded. Lieutenant Fitzgerald was killed, Coggswell, Grafton, Perkins, and Powers, wounded. George Thompson had a narrow escape; a grape shot tore one leg of his trousers and his coat almost off and grazed his leg. Our colors got thirty new holes in them and the staff (the third one), was smashed to pieces.*

You cannot imagine the amount of admiration I have for General Slocum, for the gallant way in which he conducted himself throughout the campaign, and his skillful management of his command; then besides all that, we have been so together, that he has seemed almost like my old friends in the regiment.

I have written in this letter a pretty full account of the operations as I have seen them, and I don't believe any one has had a better chance, for during the fighting, I was at different times at every part of our lines, and in communication with General Hooker and other generals.

Our staff casualties were as follows: — Lieutenant Tracy, badly wounded in right arm, his horse shot in four places; one of our orderlies shot and two more horses. I feel thankful to have come out unharmed from so much danger. Tracy was carrying an order to General Williams, when he was hit: somehow, he got outside our lines and was ordered to surrender; he said he thought he wouldn't, turned his horse and ran for it, while the rebels put two volleys after him.

I telegraphed, last Monday, that I was all right; I hope you received the message.
_______________

* Actual loss: 31 killed and mortally wounded, 91 wounded, 7 prisoners. Total loss, 129.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 127-39

Saturday, March 21, 2015

Charles Robinson to John Brown, September 13, 1856

Lawrence, Sept. 13, 1856.
Captain John Brown.

Dear Sir, — Governor Geary has been here and talks very well. He promises to protect us, etc. There will be no attempt to arrest any one for a few days, and I think no attempt to arrest you is contemplated by him. He talks of letting the past be forgotten, so far as may be, and of commencing anew. If convenient, can you not come to town and see us? 1 I will then tell you all that the governor said, and talk of some other matters.

Very respectfully,
C. Robinson.
_______________

1 The interview solicited by Robinson did take place at a house in Lawrence, and in course of it, according to John Brown, Jr., who was present, Robinson not only did not censure Brown for his Pottawatomie executions, but urged him to undertake similar work elsewhere; to which Brown replied, “If you know of any job of that sort that needs to be done, I advise you to do it yourself,” or words to that effect. Robinson now denies that he made such a proposition.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 329-30

Saturday, April 5, 2014

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General George B. McClellan, May 25, 1862 – 8:30 p.m.

(Send in Cypher).
War Department
Washington City, D.C.
May 25. 1862 8½ P.M.
Major Gen. McClellan

Your despatch received. Banks was at Strausburg with about six-thousand men, Shields having been taken from him to swell a column for McDowell to aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force scattered at various places. On the 23rd. a rebel force of seven to ten thousand fell upon one regiment and two companies guarding the bridge at Front-Royal, destroying it entirely, crossed the Shenandoah, and on the 24th. (yesterday) pushed to get North of Banks on the Road to Winchester. Banks ran a race with them, beating them into Winchester yesterday evening. This morning a battle ensued between the two forces in which Banks was beaten back into full retreat towards Martinsburg, and probably is broken up into a total route. Geary, on the Manassas Gap R.R. just now reports that Jackson is now near Front-Royal with ten thousand following up & supporting as I understand, the force now pursuing Banks. Also that another force of ten thousand is near Orleans following on in the same direction. Stripped bare, as we are here, it will be all we can do to prevent them crossing the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, or above. We have about twenty thousand of McDowell's force moving back to the vicinity of Front Royal; and Gen. Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving to Harrisonburg, both these movements intended to get in the enemies rear. One more of McDowells Brigades is ordered through here to Harper's Ferry. The rest of his force remains, for the present, at Fredericksburg.  We are sending such regiments and dribs from here and Baltimore, as we can spare, to Harper's Ferry, supplying their places, in some sort, by calling in Militia from the adjacent States. We also have eighteen cannon on the road to Harper's Ferry of which arm, there is not a single one yet at that point. This is now our situation. If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should be utterly helpless. Apprehension of something like this, and no unwillingness to sustain you, has always been my reason for withholding McDowells force from you. Please understand this, and do the best you can with the force you have.

A. LINCOLN

SOURCES: Roy P. Basler, editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, p. 236-7; a copy of this letter can be found in The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of CongressMary Anna Jackson, Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson (Stonewall Jackson), p. 264

Sunday, January 26, 2014

Skirmish in the Shenandoah Department

WASHINGTON, May 17.

The following is extracted from a dispatch to the Secretary of War:


RECTORTOWN, Va., May 16.

A company of infantry of my command was yesterday ordered to Linden, to remain stationary there.  A detachment of seventeen men, guard to the company wagon, reached there a short time before the main body of the company, which was on a train.  They were attacked by a body of cavalry, variously estimated at from 300 to 600, coming upon them from four directions. – Our men resisted them, keeping up a sharp fire under shelter of the depot, which was riddled with bullets.  My men were overpowered.  One was killed and fourteen taken prisoners, three of whom were wounded, when the enemy hastily retired under fire, and I am informed that a portion of Gen. Shields’ command had a skirmish with them.

(Signed,)
JNO. W. GEARY,
Brig. Gen. Commanding.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, May 20, 1862, p. 2

Tuesday, February 14, 2012

Gen. Banks falling back – The Shenandoah Valley again in the Hands of the Rebels

NEW YORK, May 25 – Herald’s correspondent from Banks’ Division writes that 7,000 men had been added to the rebel force in the Shenandoah Valley, and that the whole force was said to number from 18,000 to 20,000 with 34 pieces of artillery, one of which was a 24 pounder rifled gun.  On the 9th of May he said there was a large rebel force in the mountains in their vicinity but that Gen. Banks had enough men to keep them in check but it appears that on the 15th both Gen. Shields and Gen. Geary were withdrawn from Gen. Banks’ command and their troops transferred to McDowell.

In a letter of the 17th we find these Generals and their forces had left to join McDowell that the day previously a union had been effected between the commands of the Rebel Generals Johnson, Jackson & Ewell and that they were marching upon the divided and reduced forces of Banks.

The telegraph now bring us the intelligence that Gen. Banks has fallen back before a superior force of the rebels who are occupying the whole of the Shenandoah Valley, which has cost us so much trouble to rescue from their clutches.


(Times Special.)

We have passed a very exciting day in Washington.  The intelligence received last evening to the effect that Gen. Banks has fallen back from Strasburgh to Winchester, was understood to indicate rather a precautionary measure on his part than the result of any immediate movement of the enemy.  The tidings of this morning the occupation of Winchester by Jackson, the withdrawal of Banks after an engagement of six hours, in the direction of Martinsburg and Harper’s Ferry, placed matters in a new light and aroused serious apprehensions not only for the safety of his little command but for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the city of Baltimore, and even the capitol.

Later in the day, the reports of the rioting in Baltimore, and of the route of the entire force of Banks by the quick march and overwhelming numbers of Jackson greatly intensified the excitement.

The secessionists sympathizing with Jeff Davis were too greatly elated to conceal their joy and openly expressed their belief that the hosts of Jeff Davis will overrun Maryland and the district within 24 hours.

The reports of the riot in Baltimore are doubtless greatly exaggerated, and have given the enemies of the Union here increased boldness this evening.  At no time since the disaster of Bull Run have they been so vaunting and defiant among loyalists.

The feeling is one of regret that by some body’s blunder our cause in the Valley of the Shenandoah should have been so seriously set back and the enemy given such a decisive advantage.

Great sympathy is expressed for the Union men of Winchester and Vicinity.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 31, 1862, p. 4

Saturday, July 11, 2009

Reports of Lieut. Col. George Burton, Fourth Iowa Infantry.

HEADQUARTERS FOURTH IOWA INFANTRY,
Lookout Mountain, November 25, 1863.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to report that, agreeably to your order, about 7 a.m. of yesterday the Fourth Iowa Infantry moved forward and took a position on a hill immediately in front of Lookout Mountain, and near the Tennessee River, supporting the First Ohio Battery (Battery K, First Ohio Artillery) there planted.

About 11 o'clock, when the engagement became spirited on the right by the personal order of Brigadier-General Osterhaus, I sent forward 50 of my regiment as skirmishers, under command of Major Nichols, to the bank of the creek skirting the base of the mountain near the river, and engaged the attention of the enemy at that point. I also shortly afterward, by further direction of General Osterhaus, moved the regiment down the hill in advance of the battery, sustaining and relieving.

About 4 p.m. I received an order from Colonel -------, on the staff of Major-General Hooker, to report forthwith with the regiment to Brigadier-General Geary, commanding (Second) Division, (Twelfth) Army Corps.

I thereupon crossed the creek, and under the direction of General Geary, arrived and ascended the mountain, reaching a position assigned us near the cliffs about dark, and awaited orders. Soon afterward I relieved the Twenty-fourth (?) Ohio Infantry., who represented themselves as out of ammunition. Here our right rested on the base of the cliffs connecting onto the left of the Thirty-sixth Indiana, on line extending directly down the mountain, our left joining at right angles the right of the Thirty-first Iowa. While here the regiment assisted materially by its enfilading fire in repulsing two charges of the enemy, and must certainly have inflicted upon them a severe loss.

About 1 a.m. of to-day we were relieved by the Seventh Ohio. Too much praise cannot be awarded both officers and men for the coolness, promptness, and firmness with which they advanced to and held the various positions assigned them, in nearly every case under a heavy fire. Our loss in the day's engagement was 1 killed and 6 wounded, a list(*) in detail of which is hereby appended.

I have the honor to subscribe myself, sir, your most obedient servant,

GEO. BURTON,
Lieutenant-Colonel, Comdg. Fourth Iowa Infantry.

Capt. GEORGE E. FORD,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

–––

HEADQUARTERS FOURTH IOWA INFANTRY,
Camp near Ringgold, Ga., November 28, 1863.

LIEUTENANT: I have the honor to report that, about 10 a.m. of yesterday, we arrived at Ringgold, and were immediately ordered by Col. J. A. Williamson to follow the Seventy-sixth Ohio Infantry, and move by the right flank in rear of the center of that regiment for the purpose of supporting it. The Seventy-sixth Ohio at this time was in advance of us, moving to a point at the base of Taylor's Ridge, a short distance to the east of the town. On arriving at the base of the hill, I obeyed the order strictly until the regiment was half way up the ascent, when, at the request of the major commanding the Seventy-sixth Ohio, I brought my regiment into line immediately in his rear, still moving steadily forward. When near the crest of the hill, the men of both regiments, from the steepness and ruggedness of the ground and the heaviness of the enemy's fire, being somewhat deployed, the regiment was ordered to fix bayonets, and charge in line with the Seventy-sixth. The order was gallantly obeyed; the crest of the hill was taken and held for about ten minutes, when the enemy, being in heavy force, rallied in our front and charged upon our right and left flanks simultaneously, at the same time pouring upon us a heavy direct and enfilading fire. Under these circumstances, having no support, we were compelled to fall back about 30 yards down the hill, where we succeeded in holding our position until re-enforcements arrived. About 2 o'clock we again advanced and scaled the hill. The enemy, however, had by this time evacuated his position. Under the order of Col. J. A. Williamson, who was present, we now moved a short distance along the ridge toward the gap near the town, when we advanced down the hill and drove the enemy from the railroad bridge, which they were endeavoring to destroy. While the regiment was putting out the fire on the bridge nearest the gap, by further order of Colonel Williamson, I sent Major Nichols, with 40 men, to save the railroad bridge in advance on the road by which the enemy had retreated, which was also in flames.

Both officers and men merit the highest praise for their coolness and bravery during the day's engagement.

Our casualties were 7 killed, 24 wounded, and 1 missing. A list(*) in detail is hereto appended.

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,

GEO. BURTON,
Lieutenant-Colonel, Comdg. Fourth Iowa Infantry.

Lieut. LEMUEL SHIELDS,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

*Omitted.

SOURCE: The Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies During the War of the Rebellion, Series 1, Volume 31, part 2: NOVEMBER 23-27, 1863. – The Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign, p. 618-9