Boston, December 22,1861.
I read your message about funds and some other parts of your
letter to our committee, and we voted to send on $10,000 at once. Hope to have
some more, but it would help us if you would stir up New York a little more,
and have a movement going on there at the same time. We have in hand, or
promised, $2000 more, especially given to your Ladies' Society. For the two we
are good for $15,000 in all probability, and Roxbury $1500 more for their
Ladies' Society. A strong effort might, if essential at this time, bring still
more, and we are going on with our systematized levy. Possibly something of our
system might help you in New York. We got a committee of about twenty business
men, lawyers, ministers, and doctors, having as great a variety as possible, and
with power to add to their number. I then had a list made of all who could
afford to pay $25 and upwards (from tax-book) adding to it out-of-town names of
known wealth; then called a meeting of committee, read off the list
(alphabetically arranged), asking each member to accept promptly the duty of
calling upon such persons as he is willing to — also assigning to absent
members a fair proportion. We then fixed upon $200 as the maximum to be asked
for, and the first week called upon all who were likely to give $200 and $100,
not refusing $50 when offered. We had an address, of which I give you a copy,
and provided members with slips printed from the newspapers to hand to our
friends, and save talking. The large givers exhausted, we came down to $25, not
refusing $10. Now we send a pleasant collector known to ball and theatre
goers, to pick up smaller sums. Those who have refused the large sums may give
$10 to the collector. I had doubts about asking more than $100 of any one, but
it has worked well enough. It has been considerable work, and I sometimes feel
as if the money could have been earned almost as easily as begged. Our
committee have worked with great spirit, and now we look for the application of
our earnings. I hope, whatever you do with other money and things, that you
will be rigid as iron in applying ours strictly to the comfort of our
soldiers, sick and well. No matter how strong appeals may be made for other
good objects. One instance of deviation will check the enthusiasm of
hundreds. People feel as if there was some hope of making an impression on the
extra needs of the army through your organization, but if you are tempted to
try to do anything for other good objects, it will seem like risking a certain
good for a doubtful success. The loyal refugees, for instance, do or may form
such an enormous object of charity, that if we mean to help them at all it must
be done by a separate and very large organization.
Your prospect of success with the medical reform is most
cheering; if you can effect it, that one act will be worth all the rest of your
results.
I speak without any knowledge of persons, but it is clear
that it would be the most wonderful chance ever heard of, if the oldest army
doctors proved up to the mark! We are preparing an address to Congress which I
think all who are asked will sign, simply because it attacks the system of
seniority, and protests against its application to our 650,000 men. I will try
to inclose a copy of it. A suitable medical board ought to be second in
importance only to the commanding generals. One is great to destroy, the other
ought to have power to save. The operations of the generals, so far as life is
concerned, cover only one quarter or one fifth of the numbers which the medical
board with sufficient powers ought to have an influence over. The generals
cause the death of, say one quarter, but even upon this quarter killed and
wounded, the skill of the surgeons must have a marked influence. When you add
to this the power of preventing or palliating the diseases which carry off the
other three quarters, you make a sum which ought to dwindle down to the
faintest line any claims of any persons, even for meritorious services to be
rewarded! How much smaller the claims of those who ask high places as a reward
for longevity, and for keeping their precious bodies out of harm's way so long!
The case needs only to be stated, to be decided in your favor; if you will only
keep personal quarrels out of it.
N. B. — Of course, you have figured out the importance of
the allotment system?l
500,000 men get per month $6,600,000
wages, of which one half, $3,300,000, is a large allowance for necessary
expenses of men well clothed, and fed, and doctored by government? Whether the
other half shall go to frolicking or be used to prevent pauperism of the soldiers'
families, is a great question! If you have any spare time, I hope you will give
some help to the perfecting and passing of the bill for securing the payment of
the allotments at the expense and risk of the United States.
All hands, sanitary inspectors, chaplains, surgeons, and all
decent army officers, should use their influence with the men to further the
allotment.
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1 The allusion is to a plan for securing from the
volunteers “allotments” of their pay for the benefit of their families. A law
providing for this was enacted on December 24, 1861. — Ed.
SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and
Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 270-3
