Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Thursday, January 29, 1863

The duties of the regiments now stationed at Corinth, are very arduous. Almost every day a regiment or two are called upon to make a trip either to the Tennessee river for forage, or to the Davenport Mills for lumber to construct fortifications. Corinth is becoming quite a Gibraltar. The freedmen are all the while kept busy upon these works. This evening the officers of the Illinois regiments meet in Music Hall to give expression to their views upon modern democracy, and their bitter detestation of the treasonable element that is becoming so prevalent in Illinois. The following are the views of the Illinois soldiers on copperheads and defunct democracy. The object is to show to Governor Yates and to all our friends at home that we are still in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war, and that we will uphold our President and our Governor in all their efforts to crush the rebellion and restore the Union. On motion a committee to draft resolutions was appointed, consisting of the following officers : Colonel Chetlain 12th Illinois Infantry commanding post; Colonel M. M. Bane, 50th Illinois Infantry commanding Third brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Wilcox 52d Illinois Infantry, Colonel Burk, 65th Illinois sharp-shooters, Colonel A. J. Babcock, 7th Illinois Infantry, Colonel Merser 9th Illinois Infantry, commanding Second brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Morrill, 54th Illinois Infantry. The committee submited the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted :

Whereas, Our government is now engaged in a struggle for the perpetuation of every right dear to us as American citizens, and requires the united efforts of all good, true and loyal men in its behalf: and whereas, we behold with deep regret the bitter partizan spirit that is becoming dangerously vindictive and malicious in our state, the tendency of which is to frustrate the plans of the federal and state authorities in their efforts to suppress this infamous rebellion ; therefore, Resolved, That having pledged ourselves with our most cherished interests in the service of our common country in this hour of national peril, we ask our friends at home to lay aside all petty jealousies and party animosities, and as one man stand by us in upholding the president in his war measures, in maintaining the authority and the dignity of the government, and in unfurling again the glorious emblem of our nationality over every city and town of rebeldom.

Resolved, That we tender to Governor Yates and Adjutant General Fuller our warmest thanks for their untiring zeal in organizing, arming and equipping the army Illinois has sent to the field, and for their timely attention to the wants of our sick and wounded soldiers, and we assure them of our steady and warm support in their efforts to maintain for Illinois the proud position of pre-eminent loyalty which she now occupies.

Resolved, That we have watched the traitorous conduct of those members of the Illinois Legislature who misrepresent their constituents—who have been proposing a cessation of the war, avowedly to arrange terms for peace, but really to give time for the exhausted rebels to recover strength and renew their plottings to divest Governor Yates of the right and authority vested in him by our state constitution and laws, and to them we calmly and firmly say, beware of the terrible retribution that is falling upon your coadjutors at the south, and that as your crime is ten-fold blacker it will swiftly smite you with ten-fold more horrors, should you persist in your damnable work of treason.

Resolved, That in tending our thanks to Governor Yates, and assuring him of our hearty support in his efforts to crush this inhuman rebellion, we are deeply and feelingly in "earnest.” We have left to the protection of the laws he is to enforce, all that is dear to man — our wives, our children, our parents, our homes, — and should the loathsome treason of the madmen who are trying to wrest from him a portion of his just authority render it necessary in his opinion for us to return and crush out treason there, we will promptly obey a proper order so to do, for we despise a sneaking, whining traitor in the rear much more than an open rebel in front.

Resolved, That we hold in contempt, and will execrate any man who in this struggle for national life, offers factious opposition to either the federal or state government in their efforts or measures for the vigorous prosecution of the war for the suppression of this godless rebellion.

Resołved, That we are opposed to all propositions for a cessation of hostilities, or a compromise other than those propositions which the government has constantly offered; “Return to loyalty--to the laws and common level with the other states of the Union, under the constitution as our fathers made it."

Lieut. Col. PHILLIPS, 9th Illinois,

President.

T. N. LETTON, Adjutant 50th Illinois.

Secretary.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 135-8

Abraham Lincoln’s Address to the People of Sangamon County, March 9, 1832*

FELLOW-CITIZENS: Having become a candidate for the honorable office of one of your Representatives in the next General Assembly of this State, in accordance with an established custom and the principles of true Republicanism, it becomes my duty to make known to you, the people whom I propose to represent, my sentiments with regard to local affairs. Time and experience have verified to a demonstration the public utility of internal improvements. That the poorest and most thinly populated countries would be greatly benefited by the opening of good roads, and in the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person will deny. Yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other kind without first knowing that we are able to finish them,—as half-finished work generally proves to be labor lost. There cannot justly be any objection to having railroads and canals, any more than to other good things, provided they cost nothing. The only objection is to paying for them; and the objection arises from the want of ability to pay.

With respect to the County of Sangamon, some more easy means of communication than it now possesses, for the purpose of facilitating the task of exporting the surplus products of its fertile soil, and importing necessary articles from abroad, are indispensably necessary. A meeting has been held by the citizens of Jacksonville and the adjacent country, for the purpose of deliberating and inquiring into the expediency of constructing a railroad from some eligible point on the Illinois River, through the town of Jacksonville, in Morgan County, to the town of Springfield, in Sangamon County. This is, indeed, a very desirable object. No other improvement that reason will justify us in hoping for can equal in utility the railroad. It is a never-failing source of communication between places of business remotely situated from each other. Upon the railroad the regular progress of commercial intercourse is not interrupted by either high or low water, or freezing weather, which are the principal difficulties that render our future hopes of water communication precarious and uncertain.

Yet, however desirable an object the construction of a railroad through our country may be; however high our imaginations may be heated at thoughts of it, — there is always a heart-appalling shock accompanying the amount of its cost, which forces us to shrink from our pleasing anticipations. The probable cost of this contemplated railroad is estimated at $290,000; the bare statement of which, in my opinion, is sufficient to justify the belief that the improvement of the Sangamon River is an object much better suited to our infant resources.

Respecting this view, I think I may say, without the fear of being contradicted, that its navigation may be rendered completely practicable as high as the mouth of the South Fork, or probably higher, to vessels of from twenty-five to thirty tons burden, for at least one half of all common years, and to vessels of much greater burden a part of the time. From my peculiar circumstances, it is probable that for the last twelve months I have given as particular attention to the stage of the water in this river as any other person in the country. In the month of March, 1831, in company with others, I commenced the building of a flatboat on the Sangamon, and finished and took her out in the course of the spring. Since that time I have been concerned in the mill at New Salem. These circumstances are sufficient evidence that I have not been very inattentive to the stages of the water. The time at which we crossed the mill-dam being in the last days of April, the water was lower than it had been since the breaking of winter in February, or than it was for several weeks after. The principal difficulties we encountered in descending the river were from the drifted timber, which obstructions all know are not difficult to be removed. Knowing almost precisely the height of water at that time, I believe I am safe in saying that it has as often been higher as lower since.

From this view of the subject it appears that my calculations with regard to the navigation of the Sangamon cannot but be founded in reason; but, whatever may be its natural advantages, certain it is that it never can be practically useful to any great extent without being greatly improved by art. The drifted timber, as I have before mentioned, is the most formidable barrier to this object. Of all parts of this river, none will require so much labor in proportion to make it navigable as the last thirty or thirty-five miles; and going with the meanderings of the channel, when we are this distance above its mouth we are only between twelve and eighteen miles above Beardstown in something near a straight direction; and this route is upon such low ground as to retain water in many places during the season, and in all parts such as to draw two thirds or three fourths of the river water at all high stages.

This route is on prairie-land the whole distance, so that it appears to me, by removing the turf a sufficient width, and damming up the old channel, the whole river in a short time would wash its way through, thereby curtailing the distance and increasing the velocity of the current very considerably, while there would be no timber on the banks to obstruct its navigation in future; and being nearly straight, the timber which might float in at the head would be apt to go clear through. There are also many places above this where the river, in its zigzag course, forms such complete peninsulas as to be easier to cut at the necks than to remove the obstructions from the bends, which, if done, would also lessen the distance.

What the cost of this work would be, I am unable to say. It is probable, however, that it would not be greater than is common to streams of the same length. Finally, I believe the improvement of the Sangamon River to be vastly important and highly desirable to the people of the county; and, if elected, any measure in the legislature having this for its object, which may appear judicious, will meet my approbation and receive my support.

It appears that the practice of loaning money at exorbitant rates of interest has already been opened as a field for discussion; so I suppose I may enter upon it without claiming the honor, or risking the danger which-may await its first explorer. It seems as though we are never to have an end to this baneful and corroding system, acting almost as prejudicially to the general interests of the community as a direct tax of several thousand dollars annually laid on each county for the benefit of a few individuals only, unless there be a law made fixing the limits of usury. A law for this purpose, I am of opinion, may be made without materially injuring any class of people. In cases of extreme necessity, there could always be means found to cheat the law; while in all other cases it would have its intended effect. I would favor the passage of a law on this subject which might not be very easily evaded. Let it be such that the labor and difficulty of evading it could only be justified in cases of greatest necessity.

Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the Scriptures, and other works both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves.

For my part, I desire to see the time when education — and by its means, morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry — shall become much more general than at present, and should be gratified to have it in my power to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which might have a tendency to accelerate that happy period.

With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws, the law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some others, are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. But, considering the great probability that the framers of those laws were wiser than myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless they were first attacked by others; in which case I should feel it both a privilege and a duty to take that stand which, in my view, might tend most to the advancement of justice.

But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which I have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in regard to any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is better only sometimes to be right than at all times to be wrong, so soon as I discover my opinions to be erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them.

Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow-men, by rendering myself worthy of their esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be developed. I am young, and unknown to many of you. I was born, and have ever remained, in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case is thrown exclusively upon the independent voters of the country; and, if elected, they will have conferred a favor upon me for which I shall be unremitting in my labors to compensate. But, if the good people in their wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined.

Your friend and fellow-citizen,

A. Lincoln.

New Salem, March 9, 1832.

_______________

* Lincoln was just past his twenty-third year when he indited this address to the people of Sangamon County. Though defeated in the effort to become a member of the General Assembly of the State of Illinois, his address, distributed in the form of a hand-bill, aroused great interest and enthusiasm among his fellow-citizens. It is worth passing mention to note that this defeat for the Illinois Legislature was the only one Lincoln ever suffered by direct vote of the people.

SOURCE: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Biographical Edition, Volume 1, p. 1-9

Proclamation of Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois, April 15, 1861

SPRINGFIELD, Ill., April 15, 1861.

I, Richard Yates, Governor of the State of Illinois, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution, hereby convene the Legislature of the State, and the members of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly are hereby required to be and appear in their respective places, at the Capitol, on TUESDAY, the twenty-third day of April, A. D. 1861, for the purpose of enacting such laws and adopting such measures as may be deemed necessary, upon the following subjects: The more perfect organization and equipment of the militia of the State, and placing the same upon the best footing to render assistance to the General Government in preserving the Union, enforcing the laws and protecting the property and rights of the people; also, the raising of such money and other means as may be required to carry out the foregoing object; and also to provide for the expenses of such session.

In testimony whereof, I hereunto set my hand, and have caused the Great Seal of the State to be hereunto affixed at the City of Springfield, the 15th day of April, A, D. 1861.

RICHARD YATES.

By order of the Governor:

O. M. HATCH, Secretary of State.

SOURCE: T. M. Eddy, The Patriotism Of Illinois, Volume 1, p. 78-9

Ulysses S. Grant to Jesse Root Grant, May 6, 1861

Camp Yates, near Springfield,

May 6th. 1861.

Dear Father:

Your second letter, dated the first of May has just come to hand. I commenced writing you a letter three or four days ago but was interrupted so often that I did not finish it. I wrote one to Mary which no doubt was duly received, but do not remember whether it answers your questions or not.

At the time our first Galena company was raised I did not feel at liberty to engage in hot haste, but took an active interest in drilling them, and imparting all the instruction I could, and at the request of the members of the company, and of Mr. Washburn, I came here for the purpose of assisting for a short time in camp, and of offering, if necessary, my services for the war. The next two days after my arrival it was rainy and muddy so that the troops could not drill and I concluded to go home. Governor Yates heard it and requested me to remain. Since that I have been acting in that capacity, and for the last few days have been in command of this camp. The last of the six regiments called for from this State, will probably leave by tomorrow, or the day following, and then I shall be relieved from this command.

The Legislature of this State provided for the raising of eleven additional regiments and a battalion of artillery; a portion of these the Governor will appoint me to muster into the service of the State, when I presume my services may end. I might have obtained the colonelcy of a regiment possibly, but I was perfectly sickened at the political wire-pulling for all these commissions, and would not engage in it. I shall be in no ways backward in offering my services when and where they are required, but I feel that I have done more now than I could do serving as a captain under a green colonel, and if this thing continues they will want more men at a later day.

There have been fully 30,000 more volunteers who have offered their services, than can be accepted under the present call, without including the call made by the State; but I can go back to Galena and drill the three or four companies there, and render them efficient for any future call. My own opinion is that this war will be but of short duration. The Administration has acted most prudently and sagaciously so far in not bringing on a conflict before it had its forces fully marshalled.  When they do strike, our thoroughly loyal states will be fully protected, and a few decisive victories in some of the southern ports will send the secession army howling, and the leaders in the rebellion will flee the country. All the states will then be loyal for a generation to come. Negroes will depreciate so rapidly in value that nobody will want to own them, and their masters will be the loudest in their declamation against the institution from a political and economic point of view. The negro will never disturb this country again. The worst that is to be apprehended from him is now: he may revolt and cause more destruction than any Northern man, except it be the ultra-abolitionist, wants to see. A Northern army may be required in the next ninety days to go South to suppress a negro insurrection. As much as the South have vilified the North, that army would go on such a mission and with the purest motives.

I have just received a letter from Julia. All are well. Julia takes a very sensible view of our present difficulties. She would be sorry to have me go, but thinks the circumstances may warrant it and will not throw a single obstacle in the way.

There is no doubt but the valiant Pillow has been planning an attack on Cairo; but as he will learn that that point is well garrisoned and that they have their ditch on the outside, filled with water, he will probably desist. As, however, he would find it necessary to receive a wound, on the first discharge of firearms, he would not be a formidable enemy. I do not say he would shoot himself, ah no! I am not so uncharitable as many who served under him in Mexico. I think, however, he might report himself wounded on the receipt of a very slight scratch, received hastily in any way, and might irritate the sore until he convinced himself that he had been wounded by the enemy.

Tell Simpson that I hope he will be able to visit us this summer. I should like very much to have him stay with us and I want him to make my house his home.

Remember me to all.

ULYSSES.

SOURCE: Jesse Grant Cramer, Editor, Letters of Ulysses S. Grant to His Father and His Youngest Sister, 1857-78, p. 34-7

Ulysses S. Grant to Mary Frances Grant, April 29, 1861

Springfield, [Illinois]

April 29th, 1861.

DEAR SISTER:

I CAME to this place several days ago, fully expecting to find a letter here for me from father. As yet I have received none. It was my intention to have returned to Galena last evening, but the Governor detained me, and I presume will want me to remain with him until all the troops are called into service, or those to be so called, are fully mustered in and completely organized. The enthusiasm throughout this state surpasses anything that could have been imagined three weeks ago. Only six regiments are called for here, while at least thirty could be promptly raised. The Governor, and all others in authority, are harassed from morning until night with patriotic men, and such political influence as they can bring, to obtain first promises of acceptance of their companies, if there should be another call for troops. The eagerness to enter companies that were accepted by the Governor, was so great that it has been impossible for Commanders of companies to keep their numbers within the limits of the law, consequently companies that have arrived here have all had from ten to sixty men more than can be accepted. The Legislature on Saturday last passed a bill providing for the maintenance and discipline of these surplus troops for one month, unless sooner mustered into service of the United States under a second call. — I am convinced that if the South knew the entire unanimity of the North for the Union and maintenance of Law, and how freely men and money are offered to the cause, they would lay down their arms at once in humble submission. There is no disposition to compromise now. Nearly every one is anxious to see the Government fully tested as to its strength, and see if it is not worth preserving. The conduct of eastern Virginia has been so abominable through the whole contest that there would be a great deal of disappointment here if matters should be settled before she is thoroughly punished. This is my feeling, and I believe it universal. Great allowance should be made for South Carolinians, for the last generation have been educated, from their infancy, to look upon their Government as oppressive and tyrannical and only to be endured till such time as they might have sufficient strength to strike it down. Virginia, and other border states, have no such excuse and are therefore traitors at heart as well as in act. I should like very much to see the letter Aunt Rachel wrote Clara! or a copy of it. Can't you send it?

When I left Galena, Julia and the children were very well. Jesse had been very sick for a few days but was getting much better. I have been very anxious that you should spend the summer with us. You have never visited us and I don't see why you can't. Two of you often travel together, and you might do so again, and come out with Clara. I do not like to urge anything of the kind, lest you should think that I ignored entirely the question of economy, but I do not do so. The fact is I have had my doubts whether or not it would not be more prudent for all of you to lock up and leave, until the present excitement subsides. If father were younger and Simpson strong and healthy, I would not advise such a course. On the contrary, I would like to see every Union man in the border slave states remain firm at his post. Every such man is equal to an armed volunteer at this time in defence of his country. There is very little that I can tell you that you do not get from the papers.

Remember me to all at home and write to me at once, to this place.

BROTHER ULYSSES.

SOURCE: Jesse Grant Cramer, Editor, Letters of Ulysses S. Grant to His Father and His Youngest Sister, 1857-78, p. 27-30