Showing posts with label James Harlan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label James Harlan. Show all posts

Thursday, February 29, 2024

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, April 2, 1866

Called with General Bolles on the President in relation to the case of Raphael Semmes. The call was pursuant to appointment. Secretary Harlan was with the President when we called, about 1 P.M. The President inquired as soon as the subject was taken up whether any facts were yet public in relation to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Indiana cases. He said the Court was nearly tied, but that judgment would probably be rendered to-morrow, at all events within a day or two. That decision might have a bearing on Semmes's case. I remarked that it might be well to delay action until we heard from the Court. The President said he thought so and that was why he had made the inquiry, but added we might as well talk over the matter at this time and get the points designated. Bolles said he had, perhaps, no remarks to make in the present position of things, but if Semmes was not to be immediately tried, a parole would be advisable, unless the case was wholly abandoned. I remarked that it appeared to me best that he should be tried or the case abandoned, rather than have a parole. A trial would best satisfy the public and serve the ends of justice. It would place the Government in the best attitude. If tried at all it should be for violating the laws of war, — a case which the established legal tribunals could not reach. His conduct as a buccaneer or rebel in capturing and destroying the ships of peaceful merchants was not the question, but, escaping after striking his colors and sending his boat to the Kearsarge announcing his surrender, and without an exchange, he had subsequently entered first the Rebel naval service and then the military, and made war upon those who claimed him as their lawful prisoner. If in this he had not acted in bad faith and violated the usages of civilized warfare, we had no case against him. But if he had done these things, it was proper he should be tried, and it must be by a military commission, for it did not belong to the courts. It was in that view I favored a trial. The courts were proceeding against no parties for treason; partisans were blaming the President because there were no trials and convictions when it was not within his province to prosecute or try. But here was a case which belonged to him specially and no one else. Hence if he ordered Semmes to trial the country would be satisfied that he was sincere and discharging his duty towards the worst Rebels, and they would understand that the courts were not as prompt as the Executive. He would, however, await the decision of the Court.

When alone I brought up the subject of placing his son on a naval vessel. Told him of the Monocacy, Commander Carter, late brigadier-general in Tennessee. The President said at once he did not wish connection with Carter in this matter. I then mentioned the Chattanooga, Captain McKinstry. This vessel would have an interesting voyage. Stated to him the purpose of the Department in regard to her. He approved it. Said, however, it was desirble Robert should have something to do. We spoke of positions, and, perhaps the Secretary of State would find him some civil employment. This met his views. I inquired if he or I should see Seward. He desired me to do so, and, feeling that he should be relieved of the care and anxiety of a parent in this crisis, I took upon myself that object. I called immediately at the State Department. Seward, appreciating the whole case, at once entered into the subject and said he would employ Robert, whom he knew to be capable, to look into the slave-trade at Cape of Good Hope and on the African coast.

I stated to Seward that he had named too high a price for the Danish islands; that five millions was, I apprehended, more than our people would feel like giving; that I would not offer more than three. He thanked me; said he would inquire their lowest terms, that Raasloff was anxious to sell, etc., etc., but thought not less than five millions would be required.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 471-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, April 6, 1866

The decision of the Supreme Court in the Indiana cases Milligan, Bolles, and others was discussed. Attorney-General Speed could not state exactly the points. The judges do not give their opinions until next winter. They seem to have decided against the legality of military commissions.

I inquired what should be done in Semmes's case, which had been long pending. Little was said, and the President remarked he would see me after the session, and I therefore remained. He remarked that there was a somewhat strange state of things. Grant thought the paroles he had given covered almost everything. The courts were taking up some of the cases for treason and were showing themselves against military commissions. He therefore thought it would be as well to release Semmes on his parole.

I suggested, in view of the present condition of affairs, and this late decision of the Court, that if Semmes could not have a prompt trial, it would be better to release him from his present arrest unconditionally. We already have two paroles from him, one on the surrender of the Alabama, and another at the time of Johnston's surrender. I would not take another. Nor would it be right, after holding him over three months in custody, to prolong his imprisonment.

The President assented to my suggestion and wished me to present it in some form for his action. My first thought was to place the grounds of his release, first on the proclamation, and second on the recent decision of the Supreme Court, making no allusion to Semmes's long imprisonment; but on second thought I omitted the President's own act, the proclamation, for it would be used against him by the captives.

The Senate by a vote of 33 to 15 this evening overrode the veto on the Civil Rights Bill. Wright of New Jersey was in his seat, but Dixon was not. Morgan, unexpectedly to me, and, I think, to most persons, voted with the majority. The vote of M. was one of calculation, not of conviction. I shall be disappointed if he does not lose rather than gain by the step he has taken. Such is usually the righteous termination of calculations made by scheming and ambitious men who consent to do wrong. In this instance M. may have had honest reasons. It is true he voted for the passage of the bill, but that was, as he has said to me, without much consideration given to the law, and, in repeated interviews and conversations since, he had left the impression on my mind that he should sustain the veto.

General and Mrs. Grant gave their last reception for the season this evening. Being somewhat indisposed, I did not propose to attend, but Edgar had not returned and there was no one to accompany Mrs. Welles and her friend, and I was, consequently, under the necessity of going, though afflicted with a severe headache. The party was in some respects unlike any of the season, and there was present not only a numerous but a miscellaneous company of contradictions. There had been some pre-understanding on the part of the Radicals, or a portion of them, to attend and to appropriate General Grant, or at least his name and influence, to themselves. But, most unexpectedly to them, as I confess it was to me, the President and his two daughters appeared early, and Montgomery Blair and some of his ladies were also on hand. There came also Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the late Confederacy, so called. When, therefore, Thad Stevens, Trumbull, and others, not exactly homogeneous though now acting together, came in, they were evidently astonished and amazed.

Stevens, though a brave old stager, was taken aback and showed himself discomfited. Trumbull betrayed surprise. I was not in a condition to circulate much in the crowd, but heard repeatedly, amid the exultation over the vote of the Senate, expressions of vexation that there was such a strange attendance here. Theodore Tilton, as full of fanatical, fantastical, and boyish enthusiasm as of genius and talent, but with no sensible ideas of the principles on which our government is founded or accurate knowledge of our republican federal system, or of the merits involved in pending questions, was boisterous over the result in the Senate. It was sufficient for him that a victory had been achieved for an ideal and fanciful theory, regardless of consequences, and indifferent whether we had a union or an empire, so that he could do a little more for the black man than for the white man. When a little older, if his erratic genius does not spoil him, he will be a little wiser. For a time he fastened himself on me, but I was too indisposed to do more than listen. He gloated over Morgan's vote; said he could have thrown his hat to the ceiling when he heard it, not that he cared for Morgan.

General and naval officers, as well as politicians, were present, with most of the foreign ministers. Of the Cabinet I saw none but Harlan.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 476-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, April 14, 1866

This being the anniversary of the assassination of President Lincoln, the several Departments were closed by order of the President.

Had an hour's talk with the President on several matters, but chiefly in relation to the policy of the Administration, which was brought about by my referring to the interview which I had had with Senator Doolittle on Thursday evening, and his urgent request that I would communicate with the President on the subject-matter of our consultation. I remarked that there were certain suggestions, which delicacy forbade me to mention, unsolicited, but that there was an apprehension that the Radicals were strengthening themselves by the non-action, or limited actions, of the Executive and by conceding to Members of Congress almost all opportunities [for placing] their Radical friends.

The President said it was exceedingly annoying and discouraging to witness so good a man as Doolittle desponding, and especially on the subject of removals and appointments, when Doolittle himself was not prepared to take or recommend action, even in his own State. It was true that his Cabinet was not in all respects what he wished; but he had taken it as he found it. Harlan, to be sure, came in later, but it was understood he sought and desired the position, although he had since obtained an election to the Senate. He supposed Harlan was not in accord with the policy of the Administration, and delicacy and propriety would seem to prompt him to resign. But he had, as yet, shown no disposition to give up his place. Speed, he said, certainly added no strength to the Administration, was manifestly in harmony with the Radicals, advising with and encouraging them. Delicacy should cause him, feeling as he did, to retire, but he had made no advance in that direction, nor would he, probably, uninvited. Stanton, he remarked, was claimed by the Radicals to be in their interst, and probably such was the fact, yet he had given him no intimation of that character, except in some general criticism on one or two measures in which he finally yielded and acquiesced. His Department had been an absorbing one during the War and still was formidable. To have an open rupture with him in the present condition of affairs would be embarrassing certainly, yet Stanton held on.

The delicacies and proprieties which should govern the relations that are supposed to exist between a President and his Cabinet associates—his political family, as it were—would indicate to men of proper sensibility the course which they should pursue, if they did not agree with the person whom they were expected to advise in the administration of affairs. If these three men did not approve his general policy, the President said they had not, as he was aware, disapproved of it. Statements were made in some of the Radical papers that the persons named were opposed to the Administration of which they were a part. Rumors to that effect had come to him in such a way and from such sources that he was not at liberty to doubt it. "Still they hold on here, and some of them likely report our proceedings. I do not, however, know the fact. What, then, can I do? Are these men to whom I give my confidence hypocrites, faithless, insincere, treacherous? The time has not arrived for a decisive stand. With mischievous Radical leaders, who appear to have little regard for the country, it is not a proper time to take upon ourselves other quarrels nearer home."

The President said he had borne, as well as he could, the malicious war which had been waged upon him for doing his duty, administering the Government for the whole country, not for a faction. If the schemes of the Radical managers to control the Executive had sometimes annoyed him, they had not caused him to deviate from what he was satisfied was right and for the best interest of the country. But it did grieve and wound him to witness such men as Doolittle desponding and giving way. Cowan, an intelligent, sensible, and good Senator, he said, was also complaining, and it was hard to be under the necessity of holding these men up, while compelled to encounter the whole opposition. Their discouragement afflicted him more than all that the Radicals had done or would do.

Only a day or two since Cowan had, with others, pressed earnestly for some changes in Pennsylvania which they said ought by all means to be made, and on their representations he had finally agreed to make some changes. But just as they were being ordered, Cowan began to show and have doubt, asked a suspension, and finally backed down and would consent to but two of the same changes he had urged. "These men take upon themselves no responsibility while goading me on to move, when I am breasting this storm." This he said he was ready to do. It was a duty and he could meet it, but it pained him to have good and true friends waver.

At the proper time he should be ready to act, but his friends must permit him to judge when to act. It would be pleasanter to him to have more cordiality, a more free interchange of opinions, more unity and earnestness on the part of all his Cabinet, for there was obvious distrust among them,—distrust of each other, and that on topics where the Administration was most interested.

I have given the substance and, so far as I can recall, the words. There was much desultory conversation intermixed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 481-3

Monday, February 12, 2024

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 26, 1866

Senator Doolittle called at my house last evening on the subject of the Civil Rights Bill, which it is now well understood, outside, will meet an Executive veto. Doolittle has an elaborate bill of his own which he proposes to submit. Something, he thinks, must be done. His bill is, perhaps, somewhat less offensive than the one which has been passed by both houses, but the whole thing is wrong and his plan has the same objectionable machinery as the other. I frankly told him that the kind of legislation proposed, and which Congress was greedy to enact, was not in my view correct, was sapping the foundation of the government and must be calamitous in its results. We went together to Senator Morgan's and talked over the subject an hour or more with him.

The President convened the Cabinet this A.M. at ten and read his message returning the Civil Rights Bill with his veto. Before reading it he desired the members to express their opinions. Seward said he had carefully studied the bill and thought it might be well to pass a law declaring negroes were citizens, because there had been some questions raised on that point, though there never was a doubt in his own mind. The rest of the bill he considered unconstitutional in many respects, and having the mischievous machinery of the Fugitive Slave Law did not help commend it.

McCulloch waived remark; had not closely scrutinized the bill, and would defer comment to Stanton, merely remarking that he should be gratified if the President could see his way clear to sign the bill.

Stanton made a long argument, showing that he had devoted much time to the bill. His principal point was to overcome the obnoxious features of the second section, which he thought should be construed favorably. He did not think judges and marshals, or sheriffs and local officers should be fined and imprisoned; did not think it was intended to apply to officers, but merely to persons. The bill was not such a one as he would have drawn or recommended, but he advised that under the circumstances it should be approved.

The President having previously been put in possession of my views, I briefly remarked that my objections were against the whole design, purpose, and scope of the bill, that it was mischievous and subversive.

Mr. Dennison thought that, though there might be some objection to parts, he, on the whole, would advise that the bill should receive Executive approval.

Mr. Harlan had not closely read the bill, but had met difficulties in the second section, and in one or two others which had been measurably removed by Stanton's argument. He thought it very desirable that the President and Congress should act in concert if possible.

Speed was ill and not present.

The Senate to-day deprived Stockton of New Jersey of his seat. It was a high-handed, partisan proceeding, in which Sumner, Fessenden, Morrill, and others exhibited a spirit and feeling wholly unworthy of their official position. While I have no special regard for Stockton and his party in New Jersey, I am compelled to believe they have in this instance certainly been improperly treated and for a factious purpose, and I apprehend that I can never think so well of some of the gentlemen who have been conspicuous in this proceeding. Had Stockton acted with Sumner and Fessenden against the veto, he never would have been ousted from his seat. Of this I have no doubt whatever, and I am ashamed to confess it, or say it. I am passing no judgment on his election, for I know not the exact facts, but the indecent, unfair, arbitrary conduct of the few master spirits is most reprehensible.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 463-5

Sunday, November 5, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 6, 1866

The Secretary of the Treasury is embarrassed by the test oath. He finds it difficult to procure good officers for collectors and assessors in the Rebel States and still more difficult to get good subordinates. When he attempts to reason with Members of Congress, they insist that their object is to exclude the very men required and say they want Northern men sent into those States to collect taxes. As if such a proceeding would not excite enmities and the foreign tax-gatherer be slain!

I advised McCulloch to address a strong and emphatic letter to the President, stating the difficulties, which letter the President could communicate to Congress. A direct issue would then be made, and the country could see and appreciate the difficulties of the Administration. Dennison took the same view, and stated some of his difficulties, and I suggested that he should also present them to the President. Seward was not prepared to act. Harlan was apprehensive that a confession of the fact that it was not possible to procure men of integrity who could take the test oath, would operate injudiciously just at this time. There is, he thinks, a growing feeling for conciliation in Congress, and such a confession would check this feeling. The suggestion was adroitly if not ingenuously put. Stanton half-responded to Harlan; doubted the expediency of a letter from McCulloch; said it was unnecessary; that he paid officers who could not take the oath; thought the Secretary of the Treasury might also; but concluded by saying he had not examined the question. Finally the subject was postponed to Friday. Stanton said it had presented itself to him in a new form during the discussion, and he required a little time for examination and reflection before submitting his views.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 445

Sunday, October 8, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 2, 1866

I think the President, though calm and reticent, exhibits indications of not being fully satisfied in some respects with the conduct and course of some in whom he has confided; yet he carefully abstains from remarks respecting persons. There can be no doubt that Stanton has given certain of the leading Radicals to understand that his views correspond with theirs, but I do not know that the President is fully aware of that fact. Seward, while he says nothing very decisively, leaves no doubt that he coincides in the general policy of the President. Harlan made a singular speech to the Iowa Radicals a week ago, but has written an explanatory letter which is no explanation. I have no doubt that Dennison is sincerely with the President and means to sustain his measures, yet he makes visible, without intending it, his apprehension that by this policy the Democrats may get a controlling influence. In this he is not singular, for many of the leading Radicals, especially those of Whig antecedents, have similar apprehensions and are afraid to trust the people. Having power, they do not scruple at means to retain it.

The truth is the Radical leaders in Congress openly and secretly have labored to defeat the President, and their hostility has engendered a distrust in their own minds, and caused fairer men, like Dennison, to have fears that the President might identify himself with the Democrats. This subject gives me no uneasiness whatever. I shall not be surprised if the extreme men become alienated, but their abandonment of the President will, under the working of our system of intelligent free thought and action, make room for the more reasonable and calculating of the opposition, if met with intelligent candor and determination. He will naturally feel kindly disposed towards those who sustain him and his measures, and will not be likely to give his confidence to those who oppose both.1
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1 The President was at this time greatly embarrassed by the advice and suggestions of Mr. Seward, who, though personally friendly to the President and the Administration, was himself so much of a party man, and so much under the influence of extreme partisans, as to be governed rather by party than by country. It was the aim and object of his New York friends to keep alive party distinctions created by Secession and the War, and to throw the power of the Administration into the Republican, or, in other words, Radical, hands. New York is a great State and has local controversies of its own, independent of the Federal Government, but the centralists could not secure and hold the ascendancy there except by the aid of the Federal Government. The New York politicians had, therefore, a double part to play, and Mr. Seward was their agent to effect their purpose. Whilst Thad Stevens and the extreme Radicals were making war on the Executive, it was important for the New Yorkers, and indeed for men of similar views in other States not to break immediately with the President, but to use the power and patronage of the Executive to promote their own ends. He had been elected by them, and Mr. Seward urged that he should not neglect them, even if they disagreed with him, for he insisted that the Democrats, although their views were with him on present questions, were opposed to him and his Administration. Party before country was inculcated by both Radicals and Democrats. The President had in the past as in the present placed country above party, and was consequently not a favorite with either.

Almost all the members of the Cabinet were strict party men and were subjected to severe discipline in those days. Without an exception they approved the principles and assented to the opinions and purposes of the President, but it was soon given out that they must conform to the theory and doctrines of Thad Stevens if they designed to preserve their Republican Party identity. Congress was the supreme department of the Government and must be recognized as the supreme power. Members of Congress must be permitted to exercise executive duties. The legislative department must control the action of the Government, prescribe its policy, its measures, and dictate appointments to the executive, or subordinate, department. Most of the members of the Cabinet acquiesced or submitted to the usurpation. No appointments or nominations to office made by the Executive, who was bound to see the laws executed, were confirmed by the Senate, except the nominees were first recommended or indorsed by Radical Members of Congress. Some of the Cabinet under these circumstances surrendered and made terms.

Mr. Seward advised that there should be compromise and concession. The President, unwilling to break with those who elected him, yielded and failed to make a stand and appeal to his countrymen for support. As a consequence, the unscrupulous Radicals wielded the government in all its departments.—G. W.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 424-6

Saturday, October 7, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 19, 1866

Attended special Cabinet-meeting this morning, at ten, and remained in session until about 1 P.M. The President submitted a message which he had prepared, returning the Freedmen's Bureau Bill to the Senate with his veto. The message and positions were fully discussed. Seward, McCulloch, and Dennison agreed with the President, as did I, and each so expressed himself. Stanton, Harlan, and Speed, while they did not absolutely dissent, evidently regretted that the President had not signed the bill. Stanton was disappointed. Speed was disturbed. Harlan was apprehensive. The President was emphatic and unequivocal in his remarks, earnest to eloquence in some portion of a speech of about twenty minutes, in which he reviewed the intrigues of certain Radical leaders in Congress, without calling them by name, their council of fifteen which in secret prescribed legislative action and assumed to dictate the policy of the Administration. The effect of this veto will probably be an open rupture between the President and a portion of the Republican Members of Congress. How many will go with him, and how many with the Radical leaders, will soon be known. Until a vote is taken, the master spirits will have time to intrigue with the Members and get them committed. They will be active as well as cunning.

Senator Trumbull, who is the father of this bill, has not been classed among the Radicals and did not intend to be drawn in with them when he drew up this law. But he is freaky and opinionated, though able and generally sensible. I shall be sorry to have him enter into associations that will identify him with extremists, and yet it will not surprise me should such be the case. He will be the champion of his bill and, stimulated and courted by those with whom he does not sympathize, will strive to impair the effect of the impregnable arguments and reasoning of the message.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 434-5

Thursday, August 17, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: January 30, 1866

I had another long talk with Senator Sumner, who called on me on Saturday. It was of much the same purport as heretofore. He is pleased with a speech of Secretary Harlan, made the preceding evening, which I had not then read, and said it came up to the full measure of his requirements. "Then," said I, "he probably is that member of the Cabinet who has been urging you to bring in a bill to counteract the President's policy." "No," said Sumner, "it was not Harlan but another member. There are," continued he, "four members of the Cabinet who are with us and against the President." "Then," replied I, "you must include Seward." This he promptly disclaimed. I told him he must not count Dennison. He was taken aback. "If you know from D.'s own mouth,—have it from himself, I will not dispute the point," said Sumner. I told him I knew D.'s views, that last spring he had, at the first suggestion, expressed himself for negro suffrage, but that he had on reflection and examination come fully into the President's views. He replied that he had known

D.'s original position and had supposed it remained unchanged. Sumner told me he should make a very thorough speech this week on the great question—the treatment of the States and people of the South—but should avoid any attack on the President; would not be personal. Tells me that Governor Hamilton of Texas has written him imploring him to persevere.

I am afraid the President has not always been fortunate in his selection of men. Either Hamilton is a hypocrite or there is a bad condition of things in Texas. The entire South seem to be stupid and vindictive, know not their friends, and are pursuing just the course which their opponents, the Radicals, desire. I fear a terrible ordeal awaits them in the future. Misfortune and adversity have not impressed them.

Have had much canvassing and discussion of Semmes's case with Solicitor Bolles, Mr. Eames, Fox, and others, and to-day took the papers to the Cabinet. When I mentioned the purport of the documents, which were somewhat voluminous, the President proposed that he and I should examine them together before submitting them to the Cabinet and thus save time. After going over the papers with him, he expressed a desire to leave the whole subject in my hands to dispose of as I saw proper. I remarked that the questions involved were so important that I preferred the course taken should be strictly administrative, and I wished to have the best authority, and careful and deliberate consideration and conclusion. The offenses charged being violation of the laws of war, I thought our action should be intelligent and certain. The President said he had confidence in my judgment and discretion, inquired why a purely naval court martial could not dispose of the subject. He exhibited a strong disinclination to commit the case to the military, and was more pointed and direct on that subject than I have before witnessed. He requested me to take the papers and consult such persons as I pleased and report in due time.

We had some general conversation on the tone and temper of Congress and the country. The President is satisfied that his policy is correct, and is, I think, very firm in his convictions and intentions to maintain it. The Radicals who are active and violent are just as determined to resent it.

I took occasion to repeat what I have several times urged, the public enunciation of his purpose, and at the proper time, and as early as convenient or as there was an opportunity, to show by some distinct and emphatic act his intention to maintain and carry into effect his administrative policy. That while a conflict or division was not sought but avoided, there should be no uncertainty, yet a demonstration which should leave no doubt as to his determination. On this we concurred.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 419-21

Monday, July 17, 2023

Senator Henry Clay to James Harlan, March 22, 1850

WASHINGTON, March 22, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor of the 15th instant. What you have stated, in answer to those who have inquired of you, whether under any contingency I would consent to be a candidate for the Presidency in 1852, is pretty much what I should have said myself, if I said any thing; but I have great repugnance to saying any thing about it. It would be great folly in me, at my age, with the uncertainty of life, and with a recollection of all the past, to say now that I would, under any contingences, be a candidate. I can scarcely conceive any, there are none in the range of probability, that would reconcile me to the use of my name. I have already publicly declared that I entertained no wish or expectation of being a candidate; and I would solemnly proclaim that I never would be, under any circumstances whatever, if I did not think that no citizen has a right thus absolutely to commit himself.

We can not yet see clearly how or when our slavery difficulties are to be settled.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 605-6

Monday, May 22, 2023

Senator Henry Clay to James Harlan, January 24, 1850

WASHINGTON, January 24, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—If I have not written to you often, it is because of my perpetual involuntary engagements, and because I have really nothing to write about of a practical nature, and I don't like indulging in speculation. Slavery here is the all-engrossing theme; and my hopes and my fears alternately prevail as to any satisfactory settlement of the vexed question. I have been anxiously considering whether any comprehensive plan of adjustment can be devised and proposed to adjust satisfactorily the distracting question. I shall not, however, offer any scheme unless it meets my entire concurrence.

I do not know whether any thing will be done about the Marshall in Kentucky. All our Whig delegation concurred in the propriety of a change; but when we came to designate the man, there was unfortunately much division. The Executive may not, under these circumstances, deem it expedient to remove the present incumbent.

My relations to the President are civil and amicable, but they do not extend to any confidential consultations in regard to public measures. I am, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 599-600

Senator Henry Clay to James Harlan, March 16, 1850

WASHINGTON, March 16, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have been very thankful to you for the information you have, from time to time, communicated to me during the session of Congress. While on the other hand you have found me an inattentive correspondent. My apparent neglect proceeded merely from the cause that I had nothing certain or definite to communicate.

The all-engrossing subject of slavery continues to agitate us, and to paralyze almost all legislation. My hopes are strong that the question will ultimately be amicably adjusted, although when or how can not be clearly seen.

My relations to the Executive are civil but cold. We have very little intercourse of any kind. Instead of any disposition to oblige me, I feel that a contrary disposition has been sometimes manifested. In the case of a Marshal for our State, four of the Whig mernbers, of which I was one, united from the first in recommending Mr. Mitchell. Two others of them (making six) informed the Secretary of the Interior that they would be satisfied with Mr. Mitchell; yet Speed was nominated, and his nomination is now before the Senate. It was the act of the President, against the advice of Ewing.

I have never before seen such an Administration. There is very little co-operation or concord between the two ends of the avenue. There is not, I believe, a prominent Whig in either House that has any confidential intercourse with the Executive. Mr. Seward, it is said, had; but his late Abolition speech has, I presume, cut him off from any such intercourse, as it has eradicated the respect of almost all men for him.

I shall continue to act according to my convictions of duty, co-operating where I can with the President, and opposing where I must.

I congratulate you on your appointment as one of the Revisers.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 603-4

Friday, May 12, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, December 28, 1865

Senator Morgan tells me that Sumner grows more radical and violent in his views and conduct on the subject of reëstablishing the Union, declares he will oppose the policy of the Administration, and acts, Morgan says, as if demented. It has been generally supposed that Wilson would occupy a different position from Sumner, but Morgan says they will go together. Morgan himself occupies a rather equivocal position. That is, he will not, I am satisfied, go to the extreme length of Sumner. Yet he does not frankly avow himself with the President, nor does he explicitly define his opinions, if he has opinions which are fixed. He was one of the sixteen in the Republican caucus who opposed Stevens's joint resolution, while fourteen supported. As there must, I think, be a break in the Administration party, Morgan will be likely to adhere, in the main, to the Administration, and yet that will be apt to throw him into unison with the Democrats, which he will not willingly assent to, for he has personal aspirations, and shapes his course with as much calculation as he ever entered upon a speculation in sugar.

He says Grimes told him that Harlan was expecting to be President. Not unlikely, and Grimes himself has probably similar expectations. So has Morgan, and so have a number of Senators and Representatives as well as other members of the Cabinet. Both Seward and Stanton are touched with the Presidential fever, or rather have the disease strong in their system.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 405

Sunday, April 30, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 8, 1865

Sumner called on me with young Bright. We had quite a talk on the policy of the Government, and his own views. Sumner's vanity and egotism are great. He assumes that the Administration is wholly wrong, and that he is beyond peradventure right; that Congress has plenary powers, the Executive none, on reestablishing the Union. He denounced the policy of the President on the question of organizing the Rebel States as the greatest and most criminal error ever committed by any government. Dwelt on what constitutes a republican government; says he has read everything on the subject from Plato to the last French pamphlet. Tells me that a general officer from Georgia had informed him within a week that the negroes of that State were better qualified to establish and maintain a republican government than the whites. He says that Seward, McCulloch, and myself are the men who have involved the President in this transcendent error, I, a New England man, New England's representative in the Cabinet, have misrepresented New England sentiment. McCulloch was imbued with the pernicious folly of Indiana, but Seward and myself were foully, fatally culpable in giving our countenance and support to the President in his policy.

I insisted it was correct, that the country aside from heated politics approved it, and asked if he supposed there was any opposition to that policy in the Cabinet. He said he knew Stanton was opposed to it, and when I said I was not aware of it, he seemed surprised. He asked if I had read his Worcester speech. I told him I had but did not indorse it. He replied, "Stanton does." "Stanton," said he, "came to Boston at that time; the speech was thrown into the cars, and he had read it before I met him. Stanton complimented the speech. I said it was pretty radical or had pretty strong views. Stanton said it was none too strong, that he approved of every sentiment, every opinion and word of it."

I told Sumner I did not understand Stanton as occupying that position, and I apprehended the President did not so understand him. I told him that I well recollected that on one occasion last spring, when I was in the War Department, he and Dawes and Gooch came in there. He said, "Yes, and Colfax was there." "I recollect he was. Stanton took out his project for organizing a government in North Carolina. I had heard it read on the last day of Mr. Lincoln's life, and had made a suggestion respecting it, and the project had been modified. Some discussion took place at the War Department on the question of negro suffrage. Stanton said he wanted to avoid that topic. You [Sumner] wanted to meet it. When that discussion opened I left, for I knew I could not agree with you."

Sumner said he well recollected that meeting; that he and Colfax had proposed modifications of the plan and put it in an acceptable shape, but that we had upset it. One other member of the Cabinet had written him a few days before he left home expressing sympathy with him, and one other had spoken equally cordially to him since he arrived here. "You may have had a letter from Speed," I remarked. "No," said he, "but Speed has had a conversation with me."

I think Harlan must be the man, yet my impressions were that Harlan held a different position. Perhaps Iowa has influenced him. Our conversation, though earnest, was not in anger or with any acrimony. He is confident that he shall carry Stevens's resolution through the Senate, and be able to defeat the President in his policy.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 393-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, December 19, 1865

Cabinet-meeting. Not much of special interest. Harlan brought forward a little complication with a Rhode Island editor, in which he was involved when chairman of the electioneering committee in 1864. He was rather laughed down.

Dennison called for me this A.M. to go to the President. We had over half an hour's conversation on the graver questions before Congress, and the factious partisan intrigues that are being carried on.

Dennison had three or four important post-office appointments which he submitted, and said they were recommended by Members of Congress. I asked if he knew their status on the great questions pending. He said he had not made that inquiry. I asked if the time had not arrived when we should know who was who, and what we were doing to fortify or weaken ourselves and the cause of right. The President said he thought it a duty.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 399

Wednesday, April 5, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, October 10, 1865

As I went into the President's office this morning and was passing him to enter the library, he took occasion to express his satisfaction with my circulars and his thorough conviction of their rectitude. He was exceedingly pleased with the manner of their reception by the public. Said Preston King, when last there, had advised that we should pursue a straightforward course and leave consequences to themselves.

Leaving the President, I went on to the library. Stanton and Dennison were there, and, I think, Ashton and W. E. Chandler. Harlan soon came in. Dennison almost immediately addressed me on the subject of my circular respecting assessments. He said it was likely to have an effect on other Departments. He had received this morning a petition from the clerks in the New York post-office inclosing my circular, and asking to be relieved of a five per cent assessment which had been levied upon them for party purposes. I remarked that they were proper subjects to be exempt from such a tax in times like these, that I disliked and was decidedly opposed to this whole principle of assessment of employés of the government for party objects,—if not broken up it would demoralize the government and country.

Stanton said if I had issued such a circular one year ago, we should have lost the election. I questioned the correctness of that assertion, and told him that I took the same ground then that I did now, although I issued no circular. He said he was aware I objected to assessments in the yards, but had understood that I finally backed down and consented. I assured him he was greatly mistaken; that Raymond had annoyed President Lincoln with his demands, and that I had been importuned to permit the tax to be levied but that I had never consented or changed my views, or actions, or been ever requested to do so by President Lincoln.

Dennison said that Mr. Harlan's committee—Harlan, being chairman—had made an assessment on all office-holders and he thought it was right. Stanton earnestly affirmed its rightfulness, and said the Democrats raised two dollars for every one raised by us. Asked if I did not pay an assessment. I told him I contributed money, but did not submit to be assessed or taxed. Harlan sat by and said nothing, though occasionally rolling up his eye and showing his peculiar smile. I told the gentlemen that, while differing with them, I was gratified to have the President with me. He came in a few moments after, and the subject was dropped.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 379-81

Tuesday, January 31, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, August 11, 1865

The question of the Indian war on the Plains was again brought forward. No one, it appears, has any knowledge on the question. The Secretary of War is in absolute ignorance. Says he has telegraphed to General Grant, and General G. says he has not ordered it. McCulloch wanted to know the probable expense, the numbers engaged, etc. Stanton thought McCulloch had better state how many should be engaged; said General Pope had command. Harlan said he considered Pope an improper man, was extravagant and wasteful. Thought twenty-two hundred instead of twenty-two thousand men was a better and sufficient number. This whole thing is a discredit to the War Department.

McCulloch inquired what should be done in regard to appointing officers of customs, revenue, etc., who could not take the oath which Congress prescribes. Speed advocated delay in making appointments. There was some favor of a modified oath. I queried whether the President was not empowered by the Constitution to select and nominate, and the Senate, if it chose, to confirm, independent of this restriction. In other words, was the President's constitutional prerogative to be thus narrowed by Congress? Seward said the President had signed the law, which in its operation was undoubtedly embarrassing to the Administration and injurious to the country. I remarked his signature could not make the law constitutional, if it was not constitutional; that one executive could not in this way tie up his successor. I was therefore for appointing good, true, honest men, whether they could or could not take this oath. Stanton was for appointing them without the oath, because the States are yet in rebellion. They were to be considered provisional appointments, and the law of Congress was inoperative until after the Rebellion was wholly suppressed. No other one indorsed or controverted this view, except as they had previously expressed their individual opinions. But the result was unanimous that the appointments should be made; that the current business of the Administration and the country must go on, notwithstanding unwise and ill-considered legislation.

Questions in relation to pardons were discussed. The President said that few had been granted, notwithstanding the clamor that was raised. No one who had been educated at public expense at either the Military or Naval School, no officer of the Army or Navy, no Member of Congress who had left his seat, no member of the Rebel government who had deserted and gone into that service, had been pardoned, nor did he propose at present to pardon any one of that class. It was understood that neither Davis, Stephens, nor any member of the Rebel Cabinet should be paroled.

The cases of Orr of South Carolina and Bennett of Kentucky came up. There was a kindly feeling towards Orr, but not towards Bennett. Orr had resisted secession but was compelled to go with his State, reluctantly and resistingly. Bennett went of his own accord and was a traitor to his State as well as the Union. Yet Bennett was, and is, urgently presented for pardon by Union men as well as others. This whole question is to be a troublesome one, and requires careful and discreet management. To some extent the action of the government must depend on the conduct of the Rebels and the people themselves. If they continue to organize themselves in opposition to the government, and strive to elect men on that basis, they will provoke stern measures towards themselves. One difficulty is whom to trust. All have violated their obligations as citizens by going into rebellion, and, if pardoned, will they act in better faith hereafter? Many Union men, in heart and sentiment, were forced by the State governments under which they lived into the Rebellion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 357-9

Sunday, January 29, 2023

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Colonel Russell Hastings, February 1, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 1, 1866.

DEAR COLONEL:— Mr. Sherman called with me on Secretary Harlan of the Department of the Interior this morning. Senator Sherman will use his influence heartily, and I have no doubt successfully, in your affair. There is a possibility of three things which I submit to you:— An Indian agency in the Indian Territory, Fort Smith, being, I think, headquarters; (2) Superintendency of Indian affairs in New Mexico; and (3) Surveyor-generalship of Dakota Territory. All of these places I regard as preferable to any clerkship or the like here. Can you muster physical strength enough for such a place as either of the three? Keep all this to yourself strictly. Neither of the places are vacant and it would be embarrassing to have them publicly spoken of.

Sincerely,
R. B. HAYES.
[COLONEL RUSSELL HASTINGS (?)] Private.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 15

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, February 4, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 4, 1866.

MY DEAR MOTHER:—  We have had very beautiful winter weather these last few days. We enjoy life very much now. As to what is called gaiety, we take little part in it. It is simply tedious to me. We have been out only twice in that line. Once to Secretary Harlan's reception, and one night to General Grant's first reception, and the same night to Senator Sherman's. General Grant's was very enjoyable from the large numbers of noticeable [notable (?)] people to look at. I have always wanted to be the first, the very first at a big party. I never heard of anybody who was first. We did it at Grant's. There were a goodly number of ladies and gentlemen in the clothing-rooms all waiting for somebody to break the ice. Lucy and I hurried off our things and got down first. It was right jolly. General and Mrs. Grant, a sister, and a staff officer's wife [were] waiting anxiously for an attack. We charged and had a good merry time of it all to ourselves.

Lucy goes to the House daily. Finds it very pleasant in all respects.

I hope Uncle is in better health. He will be interested in knowing that I find my Fine Arts Committee a very interesting one. The members all attend promptly and say it is the most interesting committee they ever belonged to. We have artists of all shades, learned professors, and book men before us, explaining their projects at every meeting, etc., etc.

Affectionately,
R.
MRS. SOPHIA HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 17

Tuesday, December 13, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, July 27, 1865

Brown, the Navy Agent, did not call on me yesterday as he promised. I therefore sent a paymaster to take charge of the office and directed a transfer to be made at two o'clock. But the messenger returned about that hour with a letter from Brown, stating that a consultation had been had with the President, who would see me, but if no change of programme was ordered by 5 P.M. he would immediately thereafter transfer. About three I received a note that the President wished to see me. He said Hamlin had been to see him and was very vehement, from some cause, in behalf of Brown. I stated what had been done; that I felt a little delicate in consequence of my relations with H., so had President Lincoln and himself also. I informed him I had a frank conversation with Brown, who said he wanted time to consider, but had obviously telegraphed to Hamlin. The President said he could not understand why H. should take such extraordinary interest in this case. He then got me the statutes and showed me a law on which Hamlin dwelt with some emphasis. We read it over together. I told the President the law offered no serious obstacle to me. He said he took the same view and would not deviate from his convictions. But Hamlin was vehement, and he wished to treat him with courtesy, and give him time to fully examine the case.

The paymaster (Fulton), who called to have the transfer made, said Brown told him he should not be prepared to transfer at two. F. then said he would wait, when a man whom he did not know, but who sat smoking a cigar, said it would be of no use, F. could wait or not. This man was Hamlin. Fulton replied that his business was with the Navy Agent and not with him (Hamlin.) The latter soon re marked he would go over and see Harlan, Secretary of the Interior.

Postmaster-General Dennison took a walk with me this evening. Returning, we had a cup of tea together. A shower came on, which detained him through the evening, and among a variety of topics we got on this of Hamlin and the Navy Agent. He thought the proceeding most extraordinary, and was especially surprised at the conduct of Hamlin. This led to some exposure of Hamlin's conduct which I have made to no others.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 344-5

Thursday, September 8, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 11, 1865

The Cabinet-meeting was full. Stanton submitted an application from Judge Campbell, asking to be released from imprisonment in Pulaski. Seward talked generalities, but on the whole would not advise Campbell's release at present. Said C. was a fool; that he lacked common sense and had behaved singularly. I remarked that he was a judge of the highest court, had failed in his duty at a critical moment, that he was the only judge on that bench that had been recreant and a traitor, and he would be one of the last I would recommend for special favor. The others coincided with me, and some were even stronger.

Stanton also stated the circumstances under which he had sent a guard to close Ford's Theatre, and prevent it from being reopened. Was opposed to its ever being again used as a place of public amusement. Ford, he said, expected to make money from the tragedy, by drawing crowds to the place where Lincoln was slain. McCulloch and Harlan said that a crowd was gathering for riotous purposes, and that commotion would have followed the opening of the theatre. Stanton assigned that as one of the principal reasons for his course. It was concluded that it would not be advisable for the present to permit any attempt to open the theatre, for, in the present state of the public mind, tumult and violence, endangering not only the theatre but other property in the vicinity and human life, would be certain to follow.

The President and Cabinet agreed to visit Rear-Admiral Dahlgren on the Pawnee. Went on the tug Geranium from the foot of 7th St. at half past-four. Had a pleasant time. A heavy shower came upon us on our return and delayed us at the wharf for nearly an hour.

Both Stanton and Seward are disposed to exercise arbitrary power, — have too little regard for personal rights. The two men, I think, act in concert and have an understanding with each other on most important questions. If neither felt quite so severe towards Campbell, the traitor judge, as the rest of us, they were harsher towards the other prisoners. On the question of Ford's Theatre there had, I thought, been preconcert between them. True some others of the Cabinet were under apprehension of a mob disturbance and concurred with them. I thought Ford's course not commendable in some respects, but, after all, who shall destroy his property or take it from him? A wrong is done him whether deprived of his own by arbitrary government acts or by mob violence. Stanton says he has been compelled to seize buildings for public use and can take this. But this is a perversion. He does not need this building; it is an excuse, a false pretext. And I doubt if he will put it to any public use, though I presume he will pay Ford for depriving him of his property.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 330-2