Showing posts with label New Jersey. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New Jersey. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 17, 2023

John Tyler to Robert Tyler, September 14, 1860

VILLA MARGARET, Sept. 14, 1860.

MY DEAR ROBERT: I see the election is gone in Maine, although Douglas confidently calculated on carrying the State. Such were his declarations here. You say nothing to me as to Pennsylvania. Can you hold out any hope in regard to it? I am almost in despair as to results, and deeply meditate the future. The Marylanders have struck upon the right key in nominating Chief-Justice Taney and Nelson. I fear that they move too late. My hope is that many here will come to their reason before it be too late; but it seems to me certain that Lincoln is to be elected, in despite of all combinations. How stand things in New Jersey? The increase of the Republican vote in Maine augurs an increase all through the free States.

What does Seward mean by originating a war on the army and navy? Does he design to hold out inducements to the wide-awakes? In his strategemic game, does he mean to open to the ambition of his organized bands generalships, colonelships, etc., etc., and the $25,000,000 now bestowed on the army and navy; and thus with his train-bands have his will supreme in the execution of his movements on the Constitution and the South? I suspect the man at every step and in every movement. A more arch and wily conspirator does not live. I can understand why, if the army or navy be too large, they should be reduced; but how to get on without them entirely I cannot understand. Or how the militia could be called on to do duty in fortifications and the Indian frontier, or how to collect a revenue, or claim the respect of the world without regular seamen, officers, and men, I cannot understand. If he makes the move, depend upon it he seeks only to further his ambitious schemes. Do write to me your opinion relative to Pennsylvania and New Jersey.

All send love.
Your father,
JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 562

Sunday, November 5, 2017

Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863 – Received at 11:05 a.m.

PHILADELPHIA, June 30, 1863.    
(Received 11.05 a.m.)
His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
President of the United States:

SIR: Have been twenty-four hours hoping to hasten the organization of troops. It seems impossible to do so to an extent at all commensurate with the emergency. Our people are paralyzed for want of confidence and leadership, and, unless they can be inspired with hope, we shall fail to do anything worthy of our State or Government. I am fully persuaded that to call McClellan to a command here would be the best thing that could be done. He could rally troops from Pennsylvania, and I am well assured that New York and New Jersey would also respond to his call with great alacrity. With his efficiency in organizing men, and the confidence he would inspire, early and effective relief might be afforded us, and great service rendered to the Army of the Potomac.

Unless we are in some way rescued from the hopelessness now prevailing, we shall have practically an inefficient conscription, and be powerless to help either ourselves or the National Government.

After free consultation with trusted friends of the Administration, I hesitate not to urge that McClellan be called here. He can render us and you the best service, and in the present crisis no other consideration should prevail. Without military success we can have no political success, no matter who commands. In this request I reflect what seems to be an imperative necessity rather than any preference of my own.

 A. K. McCLURE.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 436; The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington D. C.

Tuesday, September 6, 2016

William H. Seward to Abraham Lincoln, January 13, 1861

Washington Jan. 13. 1861
My Dear Sir,

I regret to say that Mr Cameron is very much grieved, by the result of the proposition to him of a cabinet place. I have conversed with Mr Swett freely on the subject and he will communicate my views more fully than I care to write.

But I will say these two or three things,

1st. That Mr Cameron will insist that neither N Jersey, nor Pa. shall now have a place in the Cabinet.

2d. That Mr Cameron claims that by some explanation to be made to him he shall, so far as indications of your confidence in and respect for him, may go, be put before the public in a position as strong as he was before he was invited to go to Springfield.

Mr Swett will explain to you that I am willing to be the mediator of conversation between you and Mr Cameron as a mutual friend, acting confidentially, and at the same time cooperating to make the matter as honorable to both parties as possible while I [reafirm?] my relations to him as enjoying and giving mutual confidence—

Very respectfully
Your friend
William H Seward

Monday, September 5, 2016

Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, January 8, 1861

Washington Jan 8, 1861
Hon A Lincoln

Dear Sir

When Gen'l Cameron returned from Springfield he showed me your letter When the appointment was made known it created some talk may many taking the ground it was a good one & others unfit to be made Friday I think your telegraph came He showed it to me but did not suppose it changed your intention Saturday he was sent for & went to Harrisburg By Monday the two Senators were agreed upon – Cowan for the long term & some one I dont know who for the short term To day in pursuance of that agreement they probably elect Cowan This morning Cameron called on me & showed your letter. He complains he has been badly treated says he only consented to take the place to please his friends. He complains of the form of your letter He thinks it contains an intimation of imputation of upon his character and mortifies him I have had a long talk with him & he finally agreed he would say to every one that he would not go in to the cabinet & that I might telegraph to that effect

I assured him your motives were good & if you could have an interview you would satisfy him He said if you had written him a kind letter, setting forth that you had contemplated calling him into the Cabinet & had invited him to S. with that view but in the condition of the country you had for motives of no unkindness to him but for reasons of state had changed your mind & had asked him to relieve you, he would most cheerfully have done so.

He agreed I might copy the letter which I send. He also agreed he would not act badly but would sustain you & be friendly to you but thought you ought to explain fully the reason of your action at some full future time He said he would as leef have an enemy at home as in N Jersey & did not want Dayton to be appointed. I think from his talk if you should appoint no one in Penna. or N. Jersey the matter might be reconciled If you should I think it could not be but would lead to open hostility He seemed to wish the patronage of Penn. should not be given to his foes I think he cares more about this than about going into the Cabinet

Considering the whole affair he talk nobly & manly about the whole affair McClure came home & has been trying to bargain with Cameron to consent to his appointment upon condition that he might be returned to the Senate Things look fearfully here If Virginia goes Maryland is very doubtful Within a day or two, I have heard very little objection to Cameron & think in a day or two it would have been all undid. I think you will hear complaint about all appointments.

Yours Truly
Leonard Swett

George N. Eckert to Abraham Lincoln1, November 5, 1860

Philada 228 South Broad St
Novr 5, 1860
Hon Abm Lincoln

Dear Sir,

The result of the election to morrow in our State is not a matter of doubt, but of absolute certainty. Your majority will probably exceed fifty thousand If your own State and Indiana will go with Penna – & N. Jersey then your election is certain. In that event I wish to say to you that under no circumstances or contingency will it answer to even dream of putting Simon Cameron in the Cabinet. He is corrupt beyond belief. He is rich by plunder – and can not be trusted any where. The particulars I can give you on some convenient occasion. He being our Senator you should and must know him. I had intended to make you a visit this week for the express purpose of putting you on your guard against Genl Cameron, but circumstances forbid my absence.

Very truly yours
Resptflly
Geo N Eckert

James E. Harvey to Abraham Lincoln, June 5, 1860

Private
Washington City,
June 5. 1860.
My dear Sir,

Your note of the 31st May, reached me a day or two since. I think your reserve in regard to private correspondence, eminently proper under present circumstances, and no personal or political friend ought to except to it.

My information from the interior of Pennsylvania is encouraging, and in Philadelphia we have silenced the Fillmore organ of '56, through the influence of which we were then betrayed. Consequently, the third ticket has now but one paper there, – the Evening Journal – of limited influence & character, & not of American antecedents, which is really the important point in our local politics. You are aware of Course, that the political organization of Pennsylvania supporting You, is not strictly Republican. To bring in the Americans, disaffected Democrats, & general elements of Opposition, we called it the People's Party, & in that name all our victories have been achieved & the State redeemed. The largest infusion is Republican in character, & that spring from our old Whig party. Of late, there has been an attempt in Philadelphia, to get a distinctive Republican organization, in anticipation of future results. Certain patriots suppose that prominence in this way now, may be serviceable hereafter. The only effect of that movement is to embarrass us with those, who hold the balance of power, & to a great extent the result in their hands. You will at once see the hazard of such an experiment, as introducing an element of discord among men, who have hitherto acted in concert & harmoniously. Our friends have however judiciously yielded, all that good policy might concede to these parties, and it now looks, as if we would work smoothly together.

There is a pause in Pennsylvania & New Jersey, which will continue until after the Baltimore nominations. Douglass has a strong hold on his party in both. But I am persuaded not only from observation, but from close contact with all the factions at Charleston, that nothing can now happen at Baltimore, which will seriously damage us. In the first place, I cannot see how Douglass is to obtain two thirds. That will depend upon the admission of bogus delegates from the South, which the New York vote will decide, & New York put the knife to his throat at Charleston. If nominated, the Cotton States will certainly run a separate ticket, which of itself would demoralize the party. If not nominated & an obnoxious platform be adopted, such as is now proposed & intended with the aid of New York, his friends assured me at Charleston – I mean the men authorized to speak – that they would quietly retire from the Convention. In either Contingency therefore, our prospect is not impaired.

Pennsylvania after all is to be the battle ground of this Contest. New Jersey breathes the same atmosphere & sympathizes with us. In order to reach the Commercial Classes, the North American has been obliged to address their reason & intelligence gradually, commending & illustrating Your Conservative Whig character & antecedents. This will serve to explain why we have not shouted as loudly as some others. Had we done so, our influence for good, would have been much neutralized. The state of the Tariff here is likely to aid us materially. Hunter & the controlling spirits of the Senate are disinclined to touch the House bill, & intend to adjourn if possible, after passing the appropriations – say about the 25. If they do, we will raise a storm about their ears, which will echo across your prairies. Our man Cameron, has not done all that we desired, but he will be constrained to do the rest. Let me say just here, there is a rivalry springing up between him & Curtin, our Candidate for Governor, which you would do well to ignore entirely. It will be bad enough by & by when we win. Let us know neither now. Seward is much cut down & has good sense enough to avoid Chase's bad taste & folly. The real & upright men who sustained him, are in grave earnest – I mean such as Spaulding who represents Buffalo. Greely writes me, that his quarrel is about ended, which ought never to have been begun, & that henceforth Webb & Co, will be allowed to splurge in peace. Laus Deo.

Very Truly
James E. Harvey

Tuesday, August 30, 2016

Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, May 13, 1860

Tremont House,
Gage, Bro. & Drake, Proprietors
Chicago, 10 P M May 13th 1860
Hon A Lincoln

My Dear Sir

Since your Springfield friends have been fairly located matters have been looking up. I have taken to their quarters a number of the Iowa Delegates, some of the Minnesota and all the Kansas. I have taken “Cottenwood” into my Room, he is sound. Ross & Proctor of Kansas I think can be managed their prefference is Chase. But even with the Seward Delegates you are their 2nd Choice – Greely is here as a Proxie for Origon, and is telling a Crowd now around him that NY can be carried for Bates I think he is Calculated rather to injure Seward – Some of the N. J. men talk very well as I just learned from Col Ross – and so do some of the Mass men – they say they are for a success – I have induced the Penna Delegates to stop talking about their man as an ultum attim. They have mooted one thing, that would Kill them off and I have admonished them to abandon it, which was to call Ills Ind Penna & N. J. Delegates together to harmonize between you & Cameron, such a move would appear like a “Slate” and Seward is too potent here to attempt such a meeting, his friends would probably Slate us, if it were done – I have been up late & Early and am perfectly cool & hopeful –

Delahay

Carson Dobbins Hay to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1860

Newton Jasper Co. Ills
March 27th 1860
Hon. A. Lincoln

Honored & Dear Sir

I have been highly delighted at Seeing the perfect Success of your tour East. It is very evident that nothing has transpired recently to so much advance your interest and elevate you in the minds of the people, as that short trip.

I regret you did not address the people of Pennsylvania & New Jersey. I see by the papers that you were urged by the people of those States to do so. Cant you do it yet? Those are two of the doubtful States, and we must have Pennsylvania or we are almost certainly defeated, and I believe there is no man can do as much to secure Penna. as yourself. After the meeting of the Chicago Convention it will probably be too late for you to Speak in Penna. as I think in all probability you will be chosen our Standard-bearer—

I saw one of the delegates to that Convn the other day from the Southern part of Indiana and he Said that the Indiana delegation would will go for Abraham Lincoln on the first balot. He said it was all a mistake about Indiana going for Bates. It is ascertained that the Germans are opposed to Bates, and this fact being once fully understood, will lay him on the Shelf.

I was of opinion some time since, that as it was so all important to carry Penna. it would be pollicy for us to place a Pennsylvanian at the head of the ticket, but I am now fully of the opinion that the Strongest ticket we can get is Abraham Lincoln for President and Simon Cameron for Vice P. –

I shall be at the Decatur Convention and hope to meet you there—

I must not close, without mentioning the fact that we have a little Abraham Lincoln at our house, about twenty four hours old– His arrival created something of a Stir in our little town as it got noised around that your Honor was at Mr Hays, and Several persons were on their way to call on you, when it was discovered that it was not the original, but only a namesake—

I hope you will not think I am trying to flatter you . . . What I write comes from the bottom of my heart –

Believe me very Sincerely and Truly Your Friend and Humb. Sevt.

C. D. Hay

Sunday, August 9, 2015

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, May 21, 1860

New York, May 21, 1861.

Pike: Your Maine delegation was a poor affair; I thought you had been at work preparing it for the great struggle; yet I suspect you left all the work for me, as everybody seems to do. Massachusetts also was right in Weed's hands, contrary to all reasonable expectation. I cannot understand this. It was all we could do to hold Vermont by the most desperate exertions; and I at some times despaired of it. The rest of New England was pretty sound, but part of New Jersey was somehow inclined to sin against light and knowledge. If you had seen the Pennsylvania delegation, and known how much money Weed had in hand, you would not have believed we could do so well as we did. Give Curtin thanks for that. Ohio looked very bad, yet turned out well, and Virginia had been regularly sold out; but the seller couldn't deliver. “We had to rain red-hot bolts on them, however, to keep the majority from going for Seward, who got eight votes here as it was. Indiana was our right bower, and Missouri above praise. It was a fearful week, such as I hope and trust I shall never see repeated. I think your absence lost us several votes.

But the deed is done, and the country breathes more freely. We shall beat the enemy fifty thousand in this State — can't take off a single man. New England stands like a rock, and the North-west is all ablaze. Pennsylvania and New Jersey are our pieces de resistance, but we shall carry them. I am almost worn out.

Yours,
Horace Greeley.
James S. Pike, Esq., Somewhere.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 519-20

Sunday, March 22, 2015

Fitz Henry Warren to James S. Pike, February 2, 1860

Burlington, Iowa, February 2, 1860.

Particular Pike: The ills of a congested liver, brought on by attempting to decipher a letter of the First of the Tribunes, addressed to me from Galesburg, Ill., have been much assuaged by your comforting letter of the 29th of January. When I look at a bald head, I expect to find under its polished surface good sense. Horace is an exceptional case. I am glad you agree with me about Edward Bates. I have no doubt Blair is right about him (Bates). He is with us in sentiment and sympathy. But, in the language of Daniel the Dark, “What is all this worth” for a President? For a church-warden or a congregational deacon I should be for him, with both hands up. What business have we to nominate and elect a man President who has never been in political life, who has no taste for politics, and no personal knowledge of public men? If I had had any room for a favorable impression of his qualities beyond my slight acquaintance with him, Peter Parley's indorsement would finish it out. The paper was bad enough before, as the bank president said, “but with that indorsement it is not worth a d—n.” For God's sake let us look to life and not to resurrection for our success in '60. I go in for electing; but why go into the bowels of Niggerdom for a candidate? If you can carry Missiouri for Bates, you can carry Arkansas for him ; and you can lift yourself up by the waistband daily for ten years before you can do either. The King of Terrors has a large work to do in Missouri before any Republican candidate can touch bottom there. I pray to be spared the anguish of voting for any man who can get this electoral vote.

With regard to the governor, the slender chance he had has gone out with John Sherman. Possibly you know what we have gained by electing old Pennington; I don't. I would far rather have been beaten with E. than to have backed down from him. I am consoled somewhat that it was not Corwin.

Pitt Fessenden would make a President after my own heart. But he is too near the “open Polar sea.” Uncle Dan's telescope could not discern the North Star, and your feeble lens can hardly reach it. If he lived in Iowa, or Greeley's paradise of bullfrogs, Indiana, he might come in; but we can't go into the tall timber of Maine. The question now recurs on the original question, “Who are you (I) for?” I am for the man who can carry Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Indiana, with this reservation, that I will not go into cemetery or catacomb; the candidate must be alive, and able to walk at least from parlor to dining-room. I am willing to take the opinions of the delegates from those States on this point. But if the choice is to be between King Stork and King Log, count me in for the former. I had rather have a President who would take me by the nape of the neck and kick me down stairs, than to have one who would smile me out with the hypocritical leer of that greatest of all nuisances in the White House, Millard Fillmore.

Very truly,
Fitz henry Warren.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 483-4

Sunday, April 27, 2014

Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863

Time 11 05 AM
United States Military Telegraph,
War Department,
Washington, D. C., June 30 1863

Philadelphia June 30

President Lincoln

Have been twenty four hours from home Hoping to hasten the organization of troops It seems impossible to do so to an extent at all commensurate with the emergency Our people are paralyzed for want of confidence & leadership & unless they can be inspired with hope we shall fail to do anything worthy of our State or Govt I am fully persuaded that to call McClellan to a command here would be the best thing that could be done He could rally troops from Penna & I am well assured that New York & New Jersey would also respond to his call with great alacrity with his efficiency in organizing men & the confidence he would inspire early & effectual relief might be afforded us & great service rendered to the Army of the Potomac Unless we are in some way rescued from the hopelessness now prevailing we shall have practically an inefficient conscription & be powerless to help either ourselves or the National Govt After free consultation with trusted friends of the Administration I hesitate not to urge that McClellan be called here – He can render us & you the best service & in the present crisis no other considerations should prevail without military success we can have no [political] success no matter who command In this request I reflect what seems to be an imperative necessity rather than any preference of my own

A K McClure

Sunday, February 17, 2013

Washington News

WASHINGTON, April 4. – Attorney General Bates has given his opinion that acts of January, and August, 1813, granting pensions for wounds or disabilities are applicable only to the forces thereby created, and will not cover the cases of those called into service by the acts of 22d July last, nor are their widows and orphans entitled to pensions under the act of 4th of July 1836.

Grave doubts may be suggested whether the existing laws make provision for pensions to the widows of those now in service who may die from disease or be killed in battle, and upon the whole question the Attorney General inclines to the opinion that there is no adequate provision of law by which such widows are entitled to a pension in addition to the bounties conferred by the acts of July last, the militia received under the Presidents Proclamation of the 15th of April 1861, which was in accordance with the law of the 2d August, 1813, and in cases of wounds and disabilities, entitled to pensions under its provisions.

Previous to adjournment to-day Senator Trumbull gave notice that he would call up the confiscation bill, and press it until disposed of.

An official war bulletin from the War Department creates two military departments.  First, that portion of Virginia and Maryland, lying between the mountains and the Blue Ridge, to be called the Department of the Shenandoah, to be commanded by Gen. Banks.  Second, that portion of Virginia, east of the Blue Ridge and west of the Potomac and the Fredericksburg and Richmond Railroad, including the district of Columbia and the country between the Patuxet to be called the Department of the Rappahannock, to be under command of Gen. McDowell.


WASHINGTON, April 4. – A military hospital has been ordered to be established and New Albany, Indiana, and Jefferson Barracks, near St. Louis, has been converted into a military hospital.

The Secretary of War has communicated to Congress his opinion that the present organization of the Medical Bureau is inadequate to the service.  He has authorized the Surgeon General, of New Jersey, under the direction of the Governor, to organize a Volunteer Surgeon Corps, to render medical aid when requested.

A similar organization has been made under the Governor of Pennsylvania, and valuable service has been rendered.

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 12, 1862, p. 4

Wednesday, May 4, 2011

Poisoned

The death of Ex-Governor Pennington of New Jersey, it is said was caused by giving him eight grains of morphine by mistake instead of quinine.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 28, 1862, p. 2