Showing posts with label Pennsylvania. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pennsylvania. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 17, 2023

John Tyler to Robert Tyler, September 14, 1860

VILLA MARGARET, Sept. 14, 1860.

MY DEAR ROBERT: I see the election is gone in Maine, although Douglas confidently calculated on carrying the State. Such were his declarations here. You say nothing to me as to Pennsylvania. Can you hold out any hope in regard to it? I am almost in despair as to results, and deeply meditate the future. The Marylanders have struck upon the right key in nominating Chief-Justice Taney and Nelson. I fear that they move too late. My hope is that many here will come to their reason before it be too late; but it seems to me certain that Lincoln is to be elected, in despite of all combinations. How stand things in New Jersey? The increase of the Republican vote in Maine augurs an increase all through the free States.

What does Seward mean by originating a war on the army and navy? Does he design to hold out inducements to the wide-awakes? In his strategemic game, does he mean to open to the ambition of his organized bands generalships, colonelships, etc., etc., and the $25,000,000 now bestowed on the army and navy; and thus with his train-bands have his will supreme in the execution of his movements on the Constitution and the South? I suspect the man at every step and in every movement. A more arch and wily conspirator does not live. I can understand why, if the army or navy be too large, they should be reduced; but how to get on without them entirely I cannot understand. Or how the militia could be called on to do duty in fortifications and the Indian frontier, or how to collect a revenue, or claim the respect of the world without regular seamen, officers, and men, I cannot understand. If he makes the move, depend upon it he seeks only to further his ambitious schemes. Do write to me your opinion relative to Pennsylvania and New Jersey.

All send love.
Your father,
JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 562

Wednesday, April 5, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: October 11, 1865

The elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Iowa come in favorable, though the vote and the majorities are reduced from the Presidential election. I am glad that the Union party has done well in Philadelphia, for if we had lost the city or given a small vote, there would have been a claim that it was in consequence of my circulars. As it is, I get no credit, but I escape censure for doing right.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 381

Wednesday, July 22, 2020

Abraham Lincoln to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 10, 1864 — 2:30 p.m.

WASHINGTON, July 10, 1864 2.30 p.m.
Lieutenant-General GRANT:

Your dispatch to General Halleck referring to what I may think in the present emergency is shown me. General Halleck says we have absolutely no force here fit to go to the field. He thinks that with the 100-days' men and invalids we have here we can defend Washington, and scarcely Baltimore. Besides these there are about 8,000, not very reliable, under Howe, at Harper's Ferry, with Hunter approaching that point very slowly, with what number I suppose you know better than I. Wallace, with some odds and ends and part of what came up with Ricketts, was so badly beaten yesterday at Monocacy that what is left can attempt no more than to defend Baltimore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania and New York will scarcely be worth counting, I fear. Now, what I think is that you should provide to retain your hold where you are, certainly, and bring the rest with you personally, and make a vigorous effort to destroy the enemy's force in this vicinity. I think there is really a fair chance to do this if the movement is prompt. This is what I think, upon your suggestion, and is not an order.

A. LINCOLN,                       
President of the United Slates.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 37, Part 2 (Serial No. 71), p. 155

Sunday, July 5, 2020

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 14, 1864

Mr. A. ——, editor of the ——, recommends the Secretary of War to get Congress to pass, in secret session, a resolution looking to a reconstruction of the Union on the old basis, and send Commissioners to the Northern Governors. Meantime, let the government organize an army of invasion, and march into Pennsylvania. The object being to sow dissension among the parties of the North.

A letter from a Mr. Stephens, Columbia, S. C, to the President, says it is in his power to remove one of the evils which is bringing the administration into disrepute, and causing universal indignation—Gen. Winder. The writer says Winder drinks excessively, is brutish to all but Marylanders, and habitually receives bribes, etc. The President indorsed on it that he did not know the writer, and the absence of specifications usually rendered action unnecessary. But perhaps the Secretary may find Mr. S.'s character such as to deserve attention.

Captain Warner says it is believed there will be a riot, perhaps, when Col. Northrop, the Commissary-General, may be immolated by the mob. Flour sold to-day at $200 per barrel; butter, $8 per pound; and meat from $2 to $4. This cannot continue long without a remedy.

The President has another reception to-night.

A Yankee Account Of The Treatment Op Confederate Prisoners.—The Chicago Times gives the account which follows of the treatment of our soldiers at Camp Douglas.

It is said that about four weeks ago one of the prisoners was kindling his fire, which act he had a right to perform, when one of the guard accosted him with, “Here, what are you doing there?” The prisoner replied, “That is not your business,” when the guard instantly drew his musket and shot the fellow dead. It is said also that a mulatto boy, a servant of one of the Confederate captains, and, of course, a prisoner of war, who was well known to have a pass to go anywhere within the lines, was walking inside the guard limits about a day after the above occurrence, when the guard commanded him to halt. He did not stop, and was instantly killed by a bullet.

It is also charged that, at the time the discovery was made of an attempt on the part of some of the prisoners to escape, a party of three or four hundred was huddled together and surrounded by a guard; that one of them was pushed by a comrade and fell to the ground, and that instantly the unfortunate man was shot, and that three or four others were wounded. It is further stated that it is no uncommon thing for a soldier to fire on the barracks without any provocation whatever, and that two men were thus shot while sleeping in their bunks a week or two ago, no inquiry being made into the matter. No court-martial has been held, no arrest has been made, though within the past month ten or twelve of the prisoners have been thus put out of the way. Another instance need only be given: one of the prisoners asked the guard for a chew of tobacco, and he received the bayonet in his breast without a word.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 128-9

Thursday, May 21, 2020

In The Review Queue: Slavery & the Underground Railroad in South Central Pennsylvania


By Cooper H. Wingert

Much like the rest of the nation, South Central Pennsylvania struggled with slavery. The institution lingered locally for more than fifty years, although it was virtually extinct everywhere else within Pennsylvania.

Gradually, anti-slavery views prevailed. The Appalachian Mountains and the Susquehanna River provided natural cover for fleeing slaves, causing an influx of travel along the Underground Railroad. Locals like William Wright and James McAllister assisted these runaways while publicly advocating to abolish slavery. Historian Cooper Wingert reveals the struggles between slavery and abolition in South Central Pennsylvania.

About the Author

Cooper H. Wingert is the author of ten books and numerous articles on slavery and the American Civil War. He is the recipient of the 2012 Dr. James I. Robertson Jr. Literary Award for Confederate History, in recognition for his book The Confederate Approach on Harrisburg.

ISBN 978-1467119733, The History Press, © 2016, Hardcover, 162 pages, Maps, Photographs, Illustrations, Endnotes, Bibliography & Index. $28.99. To purchase this book click HERE.

Thursday, September 5, 2019

Congressman Thomas Henry* to Congressman Robert M. T. Hunter, January 2, 1840

(Confidential.)
Washington City, January 2, 1840.

My Dear Sir: My position on the Committees is to me a little mortifying. I do not profess to be worthy of much consideration; but you have undoubtedly placed me in a situation, the last but one on the last and least important Committee. Which will give occasion to political enemies to reproach me and to reproach my friends in the highly respectable district I have the honor to represent.

I shall feel more sensibly the taunts of enemies, because I was among the first, who broke away from the Marshalled forces of the Whigs, and sustained you to the end, for the highly honorable station you occupy. What still adds to, and makes my position more peculiar, was the manner in which the whig papers of Penn[sylvani]a and of my own district, approbated my course.

It may hereafter, be in your power to remedy, I will not say the wrong, but the injury you have unconsciously inflicted on me.
_______________

* Representative In Congress from Pennsylvania, 1839-1843; died 1849.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916 in Two Volumes, Volume II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter 1826-1876, p. 31

Thursday, August 1, 2019

Captain Charles Wright Wills: July 15, 1864

July 15, 1864.

This is a glorious place. The current in the river is very swift, and it is the nicest stream to bathe in imaginable. I've a mind to stay here and have my meals brought to me. Expect we will catch some nice fish after they get over being scared at having so many Yanks bobbing around with them. It is too hot to write, and altogether too hot to enjoy good health, except in swimming. We are all glad to hear of those raids into Pennsylvania and Maryland. Go in Imboden and Early.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 279

Wednesday, July 25, 2018

John H. Lumpkin* to Howell Cobb, November 13, 1846

Rome [ga.], 13th Nov., 1846.

Dear Cobb, Your letter of the 10th inst. was received by last night's mail. I agree with you that the Southern democracy have not redeemed their pledges to their Northern allies; that while we have contended for and obtained the whole of Texas, we have sacrificed and given up one half of our claim to Oregon — and this of itself is enough to account for the defeats that our friends have met with in Pa., N. Y., and other Northern and Northwestern States. But is this the cause of our disasters? I think not entirely. Indeed I incline to the opinion that our Northern allies are not prepared to support some of the cardinal measures of the Democratic party. With the Southern' portion of our party a tariff for revenue only is a cardinal principle, and we cannot consent to compromise this principle, even for success itself. But in Pennsylvania and in New York and some other states North and East this doctrine is repudiated by those who claim to be associated with us in principles. I need not inform you that such Democrats received no encouragement or countenance in the legislation of the last session of Congress. I am not surprised therefore that these men have been repudiated at home. In fact I rejoice that Whigs have superseded such Democrats as Dr. Leib, Yost, Black etc. etc., and for my part I had rather be in the minority than to be in the majority controlled by such men. The bill making appropriations for rivers and harbours caused a similar division among our own friends in different sections of the Union, and has likely contributed in some degree to these disastrous results. But shall we give up our opposition to protective tariff and to these extravagant appropriations on this account? By no means. Let us commence the contest anew and have nothing to do with any man or set of men who combine for our destruction; and if we have not the power to accomplish positive good, we may have power to prevent harm and prevent our destruction. Some of our warm and influential Democrats in this section of the State are disposed to censure the President and his Cabinet and attribute these results to the want of management in our Executive. I disagree with all such. I do not believe that Genl. Washington, or Genl. Jackson in his prime, could have directed the ship of state with more ability. Indeed, no man living or dead could have produced harmony and ensured success with such conflicting and discordant materials. I am amazed when I see what was accomplished at the last session, and can never censure the President for any of these disastrous results. I differ with the President in one point only, and that is purely a question of policies, and that is in regard to appointing men to office who do not agree with him in principle. I do not mean such as are politically opposed to him alone, but such as do not sustain the great, leading measures of his administration that are nominally identified with the Democratic party. More of this when we meet. I shall be with you in Augusta on the first. Mrs. L. unites with me in regards to Mrs. Cobb.
_______________     

*A leading Democrat of northwestern Georgia, Member of Congress, 1843-1849 and 1855-1857; judge of the superior court of Georgia (Cherokee circuit), 1849-1850; a close friend and voluminous correspondent of Howell Cobb.



SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 86-7

Saturday, April 21, 2018

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, July 8, 1863

Camp White, Charleston, West Virginia, July 8, 1863.

Dear Mother: — . . . We received the news of the capture of Vicksburg last night. I hope it will not turn out as so many reports — stock-jobbers' lies. We have thus far had encouraging success in Pennsylvania. If it is continued the Rebels will hardly repeat the experiment of invading our soil. Altogether things wear a hopeful appearance, but I do not expect an early end of the war. A great deal remains to be done, and it is gratifying that the people seem determined to be patient and firm. . .

Affectionately, your son,
Rutherford.
Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 417

Thursday, April 12, 2018

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, July 1, 1863

Camp White, West Virginia, July 1, 1863.

Dear Uncle: — Lucy and family left here today. They go to Ross County. They will probably visit Delaware during the summer. Unless we should have more active duty, I shall be quite lonely for a while without them.

The invasion of Pennsylvania is likely to work important changes; possibly to take us East again. The Army of the Potomac has another commander. I still suspect that in the case of that army, the soldiers are more in fault for their disasters than the generals. I dread to hear of a battle there. They will do better, however, on our own soil. If Grant could only get Vicksburg in time to spare a corps or two of his troops for the campaign in the East, we should be safe enough. If Lee really is pushing into Pennsylvania in full force, it ought to prove his ruin; but we shall see. I think, as you do, that it will do much to unite us.

Sincerely,
R. B. Hayes.
S Birchard.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 415

Monday, January 8, 2018

Captain Charles Wright Wills: July 1, 1863

Lagrange, Tenn., July 1, 1863.

Everything moves quietly here. No more alarms or anything else to "bust" the confounded monotony of garrison life. A guerrilla was brought in yesterday who has murdered at least one of our soldiers, and an unarmed one at that. He rests comfortably now with a nice lot of jewelry on his arms and legs, and a good heavy chain connecting his precious body to his bed, a not very soft plank. He is a worse fellow than we have in Illinois to my knowledge. We have two regiments of negroes here now, great big, stout, hardy fellows, and they really look right well in their uniforms. I heard from old Company "E" of the 8th this morning. They have had two men killed and five wounded before Vicksburg. There are only 15 left now. Wonder where my bones would have been if I had stayed with the boys.

A woman from Holly Springs is up to-day with the statement that Johnston is marching on Memphis, and proposes to have possession thereof within ten days. Good for Joseph! We had a confirmation of the report of the taking of Port Hudson yesterday, but nothing further to-day. It don't go down here without a good deal of forcing.

Isn't it music to hear those Pennsylvania fellers howl? I almost wish that Lee would cut the levee of Lake Ontario, and let the water over that country. Don't tell father and mother. If Lee don't wake them up to a sense of their misery, he isn't the man that Price is. If ever Price reaches Illinois, and he swears he's going to do it some day, you can reckon on seeing a smoke, sure! Don't you folks feel a little blue over Lee's move? Kind o' as though you wish you hadn't gone and done it! Never mind, you'll get used to it. The first raid isn't a sample. Wait until general Rebel somebody, establishes his headquarters in Canton, and you've all taken the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. Imagine yourself going up to the headquarters with your oath in your hand and tears in your eyes to ask the general to please keep the soldiers from tearing the boards off your house (for bunks), or asking for something to eat out of his commissary department, and then blubber right out and tell him that the soldiers broke open your trunks and took your clothes and what little money you had, and you don't know what in the world you'll do. Many of these people are in this condition, and I hear a hundred of them tell the story every week. Every man in Illinois ought to die on the border rather than allow an invading force to march into our State.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 184-6

Thursday, December 21, 2017

Senator Charles Sumner to Major-General Benjamin F. Butler, January 8, 1863

SENATE CHAMBER, January 8, 1863.
[General BUTLER :]

DEAR GENERAL: Mr. Stanton assured me last evening that had he known your real position with regard to the proclamation he would have cut off his right hand before he would have allowed anybody to take your place; that his fixed purpose was that on the 1st of January a general should be in command at New Orleans to whom the proclamation would be a living letter, and that, in this respect, it was natural, after the recent elections in Pennsylvania and New York, that he should look to a Republican rather than to an old Democrat. I mention these things frankly that you may see the precise motive of the recent change. I afterward saw the President, who said that he hoped very soon to return you to New Orleans. He added that he was anxious to keep you in the public service and to gratify you, as you had deserved well of the country.

I do not know that you will care to hear these things, but I trust that you will appreciate the sympathy and friendly interest which dictate their communication.

Believe me, dear general, very faithfully, yours,
CHARLES SUMNER.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 53 (Serial No. 111), p. 546

Monday, December 18, 2017

Edwin M. Stanton to Thomas A. Scott, June 10, 1863

WAR DEPARTMENT,         
June 10, 1863.
THOMAS A. SCOTT, Esq.,
Philadelphia, Pa.:

Major-General Couch has accepted command of the Department of the Susquehanna, and will start by first train for Harrisburg, where you had better meet him. Wright had better go on his staff as adjutant. An appointment will be forwarded to-morrow. No time should be lost in organizing for defense. A telegram received from Pleasonton a few minutes ago states that Stuart's raid is designed for Pennsylvania. He thinks that the engagement of yesterday may postpone it for a few days, but how long is uncertain.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 55

Wednesday, November 15, 2017

The Pennsylvania Election.

Secretary Stanton sent to Col. Forney the following congratulatory letter about the result of the election in Pennsylvania:—

WASHINGTON, Oct. 14th, 1863.
To John W. Forney, Esq.

Thanks for your telegram.  All honor to the Keystone State!  She upheld the federal arch in July, and with steel and cannon-shot drove the invaders from her soil; and now, in October she has again rallied for the Union, and overwhelmed the foe at the ballot-box.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

— Published in The Liberator, Boston Massachusetts, Saturday October 24, 1863, p. 3

Wednesday, November 8, 2017

Address of the Union State Central Committee

To the People of Pennsylvania:

In the midst of a fierce conflict for the national life – responding to calls for large reinforcements to enable our armies to successfully combat with traitors – cheerfully meeting the payment of extraordinary taxation to supply the Government with money to conduct the war, the submitting to an immense increase in the prices of living, the people of Pennsylvania have nevertheless been able for three years to maintain a prosperity, and secure a healthy operation in all the branches of their trade, unprecedented in the annals of any country while engaged in the prosecution of a war.  In the trials of this bloody war, with the struggle just reaching its climax, the people of Pennsylvania suddenly find themselves involved in a political contest invested with the highest importance, because fraught with the most momentous issues.  Ordinarily, heretofore, political contests meant only a choice of policy as to the manner of administering the Government.  The struggle of parties was for the possession of the powers of Government, and merely to control their operation.  How, however, our political contests have resolved themselves into a direct and a positive issue for the safety and the permanence of the Government; because, politically as well as sectionally, the contest at the ballot-box and in the battle-field must decide whether the Union shall exist or perish with the triumph or defeat of one or the other of the contending parties.  Hence the unwonted importance with which our political campaigns are now invested. — Parties are now divided on issued which vitally concern the Government.  They are composed of friends and enemies of that government.  To choose between these parties equally interests the cause of loyalty and that of treason.  No man can stand neutral between the two, and all that are not fairly for the Government will be justly recognized as its enemy. — Admitting that such is the new importance assumed by our political contests, we have an excuse as well as a justification for entering on the contest fast approaching, for the amendments to the Constitution, with all the zeal in our nature, and all the devotion that should characterize the patriot and the lover of his country in his effort to serve it.

It was seem that on an amendment to the Constitution granting the soldier a right to vote there should be no division.  Among a free people particularly, who are admitted always to be the most intelligent, such a right should be so well grounded in common and statute law as to need no action, at this late day, for its exercise and vindication.  The soldier, in all lands, alike among civilized and barbaric nations, has ever been admitted to the highest honors conferred by the governments beneath whose banners he fought.  His valor, his sacrifices, and his devotion, have ever been regarded as themes for the poet, subjects for the painter, and material for the historian; and thus the calling of arms became one of honor – one which elicited the noble rivalries of compatriots, and, where civilization refined for the instincts and elevated the character of men, war has been so conducted as to force combatants to respect and honor each other’s qualities – the victor still to treat the vanquished as a MAN.  The Constitution and laws expressly declare that no man shall be deprived of his citizenship, except for high crimes of which he shall be chard and proven guilty.  He must be summoned to meet such a charge of criminality in the presence of judges whose oaths bind them to do him entire justice.  He must be insured a trial by a jury sworn impartially to consider his case.  If found guilty, the sentence of his judges may result in his disfranchisement – but disfranchisement is not aimed at as a result of his punishment.  Disfranchisement as a direct punishment is only made to follow the highest crime known against the State.  Yet in the face of these facts, and in opposition to all equity, there are those in the State who insist that disfranchisement should follow the highest service which a man can perform for his Government.  There is a strong party to-day in Pennsylvania, regularly organized, controlled by able leaders and sustained by astute and learned advocates, insisting that the service of a citizen as a soldier – the periling of life and limb in the support of the Government, the giving up of domestic endearments, the sacrifice of business interests, and the yielding  of all personal comforts, forfeit for those thus engaged all political right, every franchise of a free-born or constitutionally adopted American citizen.  The monstrous iniquity of such a claim is at once apparent, however it has been maintained by our highest judicial tribunals.  Its injustice can only be sustained by sophistries founded in the worst political prejudices, so that the sooner the Constitution and laws are made plain and rendered explicit on this subject, and posted where every man can read and understand them, just so soon do we secure the strength and majesty of the Government in the confidence and respect of the governed – just so soon do we make our good old State worthy of the past valor of her sons, and glorious in the future.  American citizenship has its virtues and these their merits.  Each virtue can only be exalted by serving the Government under which they flourish; but if that service is made a badge of degradation, will it not be more natural for men of honor and spirit and true courage to resist its rendition than voluntarily to accept its duties?  The citizen-soldier feels when he takes up arms it is to defend, not destroy, his political rights.  The man who sacrifices his business interests, and for a stipulated time surrenders his personal liberty, cannot understand why he should be deprived of his political rights.  The service of arms does not blunt the judgment or blur the ability of a citizen to exercise the elective franchise.  It rather gives him a new title to the enjoyment of such a right, and fits him for the highest privileges of a free Government.  Unlike the masses of Europe, the great body of the American people are intelligent, possessed of educations affording the heights knowledge.  While war for a time may change the habits of such people, it cannot affect their sense of justice, their appreciation of power, and their love of Government.  It cannot lessen their ability for self-government.  If it could, the war in which we are now engaged for the defence of the Government and the safety of the public weal had better be stopped immediately.

The Democratic leaders now oppose the enfranchisement of the soldier.  In the olden time of the Democratic leaders, such as Jefferson, Jackson, Snyder and Shultze insisted that the elective franchise followed the flag under which a soldier fought.  If that flag was potent, on the sea and the land, to protect a man in war, why should it not possess the other virtues of continuing his political franchises?  If it made the deck of a vessel above which it waved the soil of the country represented by it, regardless of the sea or clime in which it floated, so also does it carry with it for the soldier who fights beneath its folds any political rights which these heroes enjoyed before they were mustered into the service; and on this soundly democratic argument the soldiers who fought in Mexico were able to exercise a freeman’s right in the wilds of the chapparel, the heats of the seashore, the din of conflict, and in the shadow of battlemented castles, the same as if they had been at home in their respective wards and precincts.  If men fighting thousands of miles from home – cut off from all communication – scarcely informed at the time on the issues of the political campaign, were able and entitled to exercise the right of the franchise, is it not fair to suppose that citizens of a like intelligence, engaged in the same service of the Government within the limits of its authority, distant only a few miles from home, conversant with all the issues involved in the political contest, in daily communication with their friends, and in perusal also of journals discussing the questions at stake – is it not fair to suppose that such men are entitled to the exercise of all their political rights?  Only those who act from perverted policy on this subject, will seek to evade the responsibility of such a question.  This is proven by the judicial history already attached to this question.  When it was deemed expedient, as it was undoubtedly considered by the democratic leaders then, the elective franchise was extended to the absent soldiers in Mexico; but in the midst of a war waged by the upholders of an institution from which the Democratic leaders thrive all their strength, George W. Woodward, a Justice of the Supreme Court, and lately the candidate of the Democratic party for Governor, judicially denied the soldiers the exercise of the elective franchise; denied our brave defenders the right almost in the same breath in which he declared the right of the States of the South to rebel and secede from the Union!  Fair men can see no difference in an American soldier voting in Mexico, while fighting beneath the flag of his country, and the same soldier citizen under the same circumstances voting in a rebellious State.  Time nor place, within the limits of a free government, or in the service thereof, cannot influence, should not be permitted to affect the rights of a freeman.  The government which is not able to insure him these inherent rights is unworthy his support.  The authority of a free government, which seeks to degrade a freeman while periling his life in its defence, is a despotism more fearful than that which denies all right to the governed.  It is not possible that such a government can last.  At some period in its history, if the rights of its defenders be disregarded as the Democratic leaders now deny the right of the franchise to the soldiers, it will need arms to protect it both from foreign and domestic foes, and perish eventually, an object to mean for defence.

In advocating the soldier’s right to vote, the loyal men of Pennsylvania are sustained by a faith in the fact that his service is such as to secure him not merely all the rights he enjoyed before he entered the army, but increased dignity and power at the hands of the Republic.  The enemies of this great principle oppose it only for reasons of expediency.  There was a time when the Democratic leaders claimed that the army was largely and even almost wholly composed of their partisan followers.  When they were most clamorous in insisting upon the recognition of such a claim, the supporters of the principle, opposed politically to these leaders were most earnest and even persistent in its advocacy.  To them it was a principle of justice too sacred to be disregarded – too noble to be rejected – too important in its relations to the very genius and vitality of the Republic to be denied to all the people thereof, alike shoes who risk the perils of battle in its defence and those who run no danger of life, limb or property in the service of Government, and who still claim its highest immunities and most sacred privileges.  On the second day of August ensuing this question will come practically before the People of Pennsylvania.  We do not doubt the result of the election as to the acceptance of rejection of the soldier’s right to vote.  But we would be false to the party which we represent, and recreant to the creed which we adore, if we failed to avow in advance our approval of granting this great right to our brave defenders.  Pennsylvania has many thousands of her citizens now in the army. – They have all gone forth inspired by a sublime faith in the strength of a free Government to crush a wicked conspiracy, and does it become us, while enjoying the halcyon blessings of peace at home, while the limbs of our soldiers are wet with their own blood, and their weapons are dripping with the gore of traitors, to say to them, “You have forfeited your citizenship; you are no longer worthy of participating in the control of a free Government; your positions must be with the slaves of the South among the disgraced and degraded of God’s children?  We cannot believe that the people of Pennsylvania are prepared to send such a message to their fellow-citizens in the armies of the republic.  We cannot believe that so foul a disgrace awaits our war-warn but still intrepid heroes.  The hearts of the great majority of the people at home are too full of gratitude for a return of great service by galling neglect.  Our faith in the justice of the people renders us confident in the establishment and vindication of the political rights of the soldier.  But that fault must be accompanied by works.  Hence it becomes the duty of the State Central Committee to urge on the friends of the soldier actively to labor for the triumph of this effort in his behalf.  Let it be said of our fellow-citizens now absent as soldiers, that as our victorious armies planted their banners in the capital of treason, it was beneath their folds in Richmond each hero of the Keystone State exercised the freeman’s right of the elective franchise for a president to administer the Government to a reunited Union, to States once more loyal, to a people again at peach and blessed with prosperity.

SIMON CAMERON, Chairman.

A. W. BENEDICT,
WIEN FORNEY,
Secretaries.

— Published in The Jeffersonian, Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania,Thursday, July 14, 1864, p. 2

Monday, November 6, 2017

Edwin M. Stanton to Simon Cameron, June 10, 1863

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 10, 1863.
Hon. SIMON CAMERON, Harrisburg:

Major-General Couch has been assigned to the command of the Department of the Susquehanna, including all of Pennsylvania east of Johnstown. He will go to Harrisburg to-morrow. I wish you would see him, and give him what aid you can. I have given him a letter of introduction to you.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 54.

Sunday, November 5, 2017

Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, June 30, 1863 – Received at 11:05 a.m.

PHILADELPHIA, June 30, 1863.    
(Received 11.05 a.m.)
His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
President of the United States:

SIR: Have been twenty-four hours hoping to hasten the organization of troops. It seems impossible to do so to an extent at all commensurate with the emergency. Our people are paralyzed for want of confidence and leadership, and, unless they can be inspired with hope, we shall fail to do anything worthy of our State or Government. I am fully persuaded that to call McClellan to a command here would be the best thing that could be done. He could rally troops from Pennsylvania, and I am well assured that New York and New Jersey would also respond to his call with great alacrity. With his efficiency in organizing men, and the confidence he would inspire, early and effective relief might be afforded us, and great service rendered to the Army of the Potomac.

Unless we are in some way rescued from the hopelessness now prevailing, we shall have practically an inefficient conscription, and be powerless to help either ourselves or the National Government.

After free consultation with trusted friends of the Administration, I hesitate not to urge that McClellan be called here. He can render us and you the best service, and in the present crisis no other consideration should prevail. Without military success we can have no political success, no matter who commands. In this request I reflect what seems to be an imperative necessity rather than any preference of my own.

 A. K. McCLURE.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 436; The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington D. C.

Saturday, October 21, 2017

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor David Tod, June 15, 1863 – 2 a.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
June 15, 1863 2 a.m.
Governor TOD,
Columbus, Ohio:

Reports received yesterday and last night have rendered it certain that Lee is advancing with his whole army to invade the States of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and probably Ohio. The President, to meet the exigency, has called for 100,000 militia, to serve for six months, unless sooner discharged. Of these, 50,000 are called from Pennsylvania, 30,000 from Ohio. I hope you will speedily have Ohio's proportion ready for Pittsburgh and Wheeling, or wherever required. Order has been made for the issue of arms and ammunition immediately.

EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 144

Edwin M. Stanton to Simon Cameron, June 15, 1863 – 7:30 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 15, 1863 7.30 p.m.
Hon. SIMON CAMERON, Harrisburg:

The President has referred your telegram to me for answer. No one can tell how long the present emergency for troops in Pennsylvania may continue. The present movement is but the execution of Jeff. Davis' original plan to make Pennsylvania and the loyal States the theater of war. The rebels are encouraged by the hope of assistance and encouragement held out to them by opposition to the war and resistance to the enrollment in Pennsylvania. The law has fixed the period for which troops shall be called. If the emergency is over before that time, they can be discharged; but as human foresight cannot say how long it may take to drive out the rebels, especially if they should find aid and comfort in Pennsylvania, the President thinks he must obey the law.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 141-2

Friday, October 20, 2017

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General Darius Couch, June 24, 1863 – 8:55 a.m.

WASHINGTON, June 24, 1863 8.55 a.m.
Major-General COUCH,
Harrisburg, Pa.:

Have you any reports of the enemy moving into Pennsylvania? And, if any, what?

A. LINCOLN.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 295