Showing posts with label Reconstruction. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Reconstruction. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 28, 2024

Diary of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, July 9, 1868

Horatio Seymour nominated because: —

1. He was more distinctly and decidedly committed against the Greenback theory of Mr. Pendleton and the Western Democracy than any other man before that convention.

2. He was by his record more completely identified with the peace party than any man except Mr. Pendleton.

3. He is for a reconstruction of the South which will be agreeable to the Rebels, and opposes the reconstruction which gives safety and power to the loyal.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 53-4

Monday, February 26, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 29, 1865

Clear, and moderating.

To-day at 10 A. M. three commissioners start for Washington on a mission of peace, which may be possibly attained. They are Vice-President Stephens, Senator R. M. T. Hunter, and James [sic] A. Campbell, Assistant Secretary of War, and formerly a judge on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, all of them heartily sick of war, and languishing for peace. If they cannot devise a mode of putting an end to the war, none can. Of course they have the instructions of the President, with his ultimata, etc., but they will strive earnestly for peace.

What terms may be expected? Not independence, unless the United States may be on the eve of embarking in a foreign war, and in that event that government will require all the resources it can command, and they would not be ample if the war should continue to be prosecuted against us. Hence it would be policy to hasten a peace with us, stipulating for valuable commercial advantages, being the first to recognize us over all other powers, hoping to restore the old trade, and ultimately to reconstruct the Union. Or it may proceed from intimations of a purpose on the part of France and England to recognize us, which, of itself, would lead inevitably to war. The refusal of the United States to recognize the Empire of Mexico is an offense to France, and the augmentation of the armament of the lakes, etc. is an offense to England. Besides, if it were possible to subjugate us, it would be only killing the goose that lays the golden egg, for the Southern trade would be destroyed, and the Northern people are a race of manufacturers and merchants. If the war goes on, 300,000 men must be immediately detailed in the United States, and their heavy losses heretofore are now sorely felt. We have no alternative but to fight on, they have the option of ceasing hostilities. And we have sufferred so much that almost any treaty, granting us independence, will be accepted by the people. All the commissioners must guard against is any appearance of a PROTECTORATE on the part of the United States. If the honor of the Southern people be saved, they will not haggle about material losses. If negotiations fail, our people will receive a new impulse for the war, and great will be the slaughter. Every one will feel and know that these commissioners sincerely desired an end of hostilities. Two, perhaps all of them, even look upon eventual reconstruction without much repugnance, so that slavery be preserved.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 402-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 30, 1865

Bright and beautiful, but quite cold; skating in the basin, etc.

The departure of the commissioners has produced much speculation.

The enemy's fleet has gone, it is supposed to Sherman at Charleston.

No doubt the Government of the United States imagines the "rebellion" in articulo mortis, and supposes the reconstruction of the Union a very practicable thing, and the men selected as our commissioners may confirm the belief. They can do nothing, of course, if independence is the ultimatum given them.

Among the rumors now current, it is stated that the French Minister at Washington has demanded his passports. Mr. Lincoln's message, in December, certainly gave Napoleon grounds for a quarrel by ignoring his empire erected in Mexico.

Mr. Seddon still awaits his successor. He has removed Col. and Lieut -Col. Ruffin from office.

Mr. Bruce, M. C. from Kentucky, and brother-in-law to Mr. Seddon, is named as Commissary-General.

The President has vetoed another bill, granting the privilege to soldiers to receive papers free of postage, and the Senate has passed it again by a two-thirds vote. Thus the breach widens.

Some of our sensible men have strong hopes of peace immediately, on terms of alliance against European powers, and commercial advantages to the United States. I hope for even this for the sake of repose and independence, if we come off with honor. We owe nothing to any of the European governments. What has Blair been running backward and forward so often for between the two Presidents? Has it not been clearly stated that independence alone will content us? Blair must have understood this, and made it known to his President. Then what else but independence, on some terms, could be the basis for further conference? I believe our people would, for the sake of independence, agree to an alliance offensive and defensive with the United States, and agree to furnish an army of volunteers in the event of a war with France or England. The President has stigmatized the affected neutrality of those powers in one of his annual messages. Still, such a treaty would be unpopular after a term of peace with the United States. If the United States be upon the eve of war with France and England, or either of them, our commissioners abroad will soon have proposals from those governments, which would be accepted, if the United States did not act speedily.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 403-4

Tuesday, February 13, 2024

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, January 7, 1875

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,        
ST. LOUIS, Mo., Jan. 7, 1875.

Dear Brother: I see my name was used in the debate yesterday on Louisiana matters.1

Neither the President or Secretary of War ever consulted me about Louisiana matters. Sheridan received his orders direct from the Secretary of War and Adjutant-General Townsend, and started on telegraphic notice, writing me a short note stating the fact, and that the Secretary of War would explain to me.

The latter sent me a copy of the orders and instructions by mail, which I received after General Sheridan had gone, and I simply acknowledged their receipt.

I have all along tried to save our officers and soldiers from the dirty work imposed on them by the city authorities of the South; and may, thereby, have incurred the suspicion of the President that I did not cordially sustain his force. My hands and conscience are free of any of the breaches of fundamental principles in that quarter. And I have always thought it wrong to bolster up weak State governments by our troops. We should keep the peace always; but not act as bailiff constables and catch thieves. That should be beneath a soldier's vocation. If you want information of the conditions up the Red River, call for a report recently made by Lieutenant-Colonel Morrow, personally known to you. . . .

As ever, your brother,
W. T. SHERMAN.
_______________

1 The "Louisiana matters" were the reconstruction difficulties which so many of the Southern States were experiencing. General Sherman objected to the detailing of army officers to assist the State authorities in keeping the peace.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 342

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, February 3, 1875

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,        
ST. LOUIS, Mo., Feb. 3, 1875.

Dear Brother: I read carefully your speech,1 and your reasoning is very close; much more so than Thurman's and others, and I was glad you could make so good a defence. I know that our soldiers hate that kind of duty terribly, and not one of those officers but would prefer to go to the plains against the Indians, rather than encounter a street mob, or serve a civil process.

But in our government it is too hard for our troops to stand up in the face of what is apparent: that the present government of Louisiana is not the choice of the people, though in strict technical law it is the State government. I recognize the great necessity of standing by the lawful

State government, but the soldiers do not. The quicker you allow the people to select their own governors the better, and if necessary pile on the effort to secure a fair election, and prevent intimidation of voters.

I was always embarrassed by the plain, palpable fact, that the Union whites are cowardly, and allow the rebel element that loves to fight, to cow them. Until the Union whites, and negroes too, fight for their own rights they will be trodden down. Outside help sooner or later must cease, for our army is ridiculously small, in case of actual collision. It is only the memory of our war power, that operates on the rebel element now. They have the votes, the will, and will in the end prevail. Delay only gives them sympathy elsewhere. . . .

Affectionately,
W. T. SHERMAN.
_______________

1 On the Louisiana matters. The "Louisiana matters" were the reconstruction difficulties which so many of the Southern States were experiencing. General Sherman objected to the detailing of army officers to assist the State authorities in keeping the peace.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 343-4

Sunday, October 8, 2023

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, January 6, 1869

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI,        
ST. LOUIS, MO., Jan. 6, 1869.
Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I doubt if you can do much this session in the way of financial legislation, and I hope Congress, on reorganizing after March 4, will follow the old custom of not doing anything till winter. I doubt if as much good will result from debates, as from observing the working of the present system of finance and reconstruction. Next winter you will have the advantage of the experience meanwhile, and Grant will be there, fairly installed, and better prepared to execute what is found to be best. If ever a country was too much governed, ours is. Congress ought to set the example of short sessions.

Yours affectionately,
W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 326-7

Thursday, August 17, 2023

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, January 30 , 1867

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 30, 1867.

DEAR UNCLE:—The Randall Bill stands no chance at all. Hooper's Bill not much.

No change, is the present feeling in finance. Nothing will be done on impeachment, or Reconstruction at this session.

Sincerely,
R. B. HAYES.
S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 39

Wednesday, June 28, 2023

Senator John Sherman to Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman, March 1, 1868

UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER,        
WASHINGTON, March 1, 1868.

Dear Brother: Your letter of the 25th is received. I need not say to you that the new events transpiring here are narrowly watched by me. So far as I am concerned, I mean to give Johnson a fair and impartial trial, and to decide nothing until required to do so, and after full argument. I regard him as a foolish and stubborn man, doing even right things in a wrong way, and in a position where the evil that he does is immensely increased by his manner of doing it. He clearly designed to have first Grant, and then you, involved in Lorenzo Thomas' position, and in this he is actuated by his recent revolt against Stanton. How easy it would have been, if he

had followed your advice, to have made Stanton anxious to resign, or what is worse, to have made his position ridiculous. By his infernal folly we are drifting into turbulent waters. The only way is to keep cool and act conscientiously. I congratulate you on your lucky extrication. I do not anticipate civil war, for our proceeding is unquestionably lawful, and if the judgment is against the President, his term is just as clearly out as if the 4th of March, 1869, was come. The result, if he is convicted, would cast the undivided responsibility of reconstruction upon the Republican party, and would unquestionably secure the full admission of all the States by July next, and avoid the dangerous questions that may otherwise arise out of the Southern vote in the Presidential election. It is now clear that Grant will be a candidate, and his election seems quite as clear. The action of North Carolina removed the last doubt of his nomination.

Affectionately yours,
JOHN SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 313-4

Tuesday, June 27, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, January 13, 1866

I had this P.M. quite an animated talk with Senator Sumner. He called on me in relation to Semmes. Wished him to be tried on various important points which would bring out the legal status, not only of the Rebels, but their cause. He thinks that many of the important points which we have from time to time discussed, and on which we have generally agreed, might be passed upon by a commission. I am not, however, inclined to make the trial so broad.

Passing from this, we got on to the question of Reconstruction. I was anxious to get an inside view of the movements and purposes of the Radicals, and in order to do this, it would not do to put questions direct to Sumner, for then he would put himself on his guard, and be close-mouthed. I therefore entered into a discussion, and soon got him much interested, not to call it excited. We went over the ground of the status of the States, — their political condition. He, condemning unqualifiedly the policy of the President, said, while he would not denounce it as the greatest crime ever committed by a responsible ruler, he did proclaim and declare it the greatest mistake which history has ever recorded. The President, he said, was the greatest enemy of the South that she had ever had, worse than Jeff Davis; and the evil which he had inflicted upon the country was incalculable. All was to be done over again, and done right. Congress, he says, is becoming more firm and united every day. Only three of the Republican Senators —Doolittle, Dixon, and Cowan — had given way, and he understood about a like proportion in the House. Asked if I had read Howe's1 speech, which Foot and Fessenden indorsed. Understood Fessenden was as decided as Foot, but, not being on speaking terms, had not himself heard Fessenden. All Congress was becoming of one mind, and while they would commence no war upon the President, he must change his course, abandon his policy. The President had violated the Constitution in appointing provisional governors, in putting Rebels in office who could not take the test oath, in reëstablishing rebellion, odious, flagrant rebellion. Said he had three pages from one general in Arkansas, thanking him for his speech, denouncing the President's "whitewashing" message.

I told him the Executive had rights and duties as well as Congress, and that they must not be overlooked or omitted. That the Rebel States had an existence and would be recognized and sustained although their functions were for a time suspended by violence. That under military necessity, martial law existing and the President being commander-in-chief, provisional governors had been temporarily appointed, but the necessity which impelled their appointment was passing away, the States were resuming their position in the Union, and I did not see how, without abandoning our system of constitutional government, they were to be disorganized, or unorganized, and deprived of their local civil government and the voice of the people suppressed. That he spoke of them as a "conquered people," subject to terms which it was our duty to impose. Were his assumption true, and they a foreign conquered people, instead of our own countrymen, still they had their rights, were amenable to our laws and entitled to their protection; modern civilization would not permit of their enslavement. That were we to conquer Canada and bring it within our jurisdiction, the people would retain their laws and usages when they were not inconsistent with our own, until at least we should make a change. That I thought our countrymen were entitled to as much consideration as the laws of nations and the practice of our own government had and did recognize as belonging to a conquered people who were aliens. That this was the policy of the President. He had enjoined upon them, it was true, the necessity of making their constitutions and laws conform to the existing condition of affairs and the changes which war had brought about. They had done so, and were each exercising all the functions of a State. Had their governors, legislatures, judges, local municipal authorities, etc. We were collecting taxes of them, appointing collectors, assessors, marshals, postmasters, etc.

I saw I had touched on some views that impressed him, and our interview and discussion became exceedingly animated.

"The President, in his atrocious wrong," said Sumner, "is sustained by three of his Cabinet. Seward is as thick-and-thin a supporter of the whole monstrous error as you or McCulloch."

I asked him if he supposed the Cabinet was not a unit on the President's policy. He said he knew it was not. Three of the members concurred with him (Sumner) fully, entirely.

I expressed doubts. "Why," said he, "one of them has advised and urged me to prepare and bring in a bill which should control the action of the President and wipe out his policy. It has got to be done. Half of the Cabinet, as well as an overwhelming majority of the two houses of Congress, are for it, and the President must change his whole course." If he did not do it, Congress would.

_______________

1 Timothy Otis Howe, Senator from Wisconsin.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 414-7

Saturday, May 13, 2023

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, after October 11, 1867

I have always talked kindly to the President, and advised Grant to do so. I do think that it is best for all hands that his administration be allowed to run out its course without threatened or attempted violence. Whoever begins violent proceedings will lose in the long run. Johnson is not a man of action, but of theory, and so long as your party is in doubt as to the true mode of procedure, it would be at great risk that an attempt be made to displease the President by a simple Law of Congress. This is as much as I have ever said to anybody. I have never by word or inference given anybody the right to class me in opposition to or in support of Congress. On the contrary, I told Mr. Johnson that from the nature of things he could not dispense with a Congress to make laws and appropriate money, and suggested to him to receive and make overtures to such men as Fessenden, Trumbull, Sherman, Morgan, and Morton, who, though differing with him in abstract views of Constitutional Law and Practice, were not destructive. That if the Congressional plan of reconstruction succeeded, he could do nothing, and if it failed or led to confusion, the future developed results in his favor, etc.; and that is pretty much all I have ever said or done. At the meeting of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee on the 13th inst., I will be forced to speak, if here, and though I can confine myself purely to the military events of the past, I can make the opportunity of stating that in no event will I be drawn into the complications of the civil politics of this country.

If Congress could meet and confine itself to current and committee business, I feel certain that everything will work along quietly till the nominations are made, and a new Presidential election will likely settle the principle if negroes are to be voters in the States without the consent of the whites. This is more a question of prejudice than principle, but a voter has as much right to his prejudices as to his vote.

Yours affectionately,
W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 297-8

Friday, May 12, 2023

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 29, 1865

Dennison and Speed were not at the Cabinet council to-day. Not much was done. Stanton has got back, and in some allusions to Sumner appeared to think him as absurd and heretical as any of us. Of course, some one is cheated. Seward is preparing to take a cruise, and will leave to-morrow for the West Indies in the steamer De Soto. There has been much mystery in this premeditated excursion. I am amused and yet half-disgusted with Seward's nonsense. He applied to me some weeks since for a public naval vessel to proceed to Havana, and perhaps beyond. Without inquiries, I take it for granted he goes on public business, or he would not ask for a public vessel, for I told him that we had not one ready, but would have one if necessary. When it was settled he should have a vessel, he talked of a family excursion. Wanted relaxation, wanted Fred should go, said he wanted to get away from the receptions, etc., of the New Year. There is not a man in Washington who is more fond of these parades. Another time he whispers to me that Congress will try to raise the devil, and their fiercest guns will be directed to us. He prefers to be out of the way and let them spend their wrath. Once or twice he has said to me that his intention is to visit Mexico. To-day he took me aside and made some inquiries about St. Thomas, which during the war I had said might be a desirable acquisition as a coaling station and central point in the West Indies. His action and talk indicate anticipated trouble and perhaps complications, the development or dénouement of which he cares not to be here to witness. From his conversation to-day, it would seem he expects no embarrassment from France. Without any distinct and explicit committal on the "Reconstruction" question, he means, in Cabinet, to be understood as with the President, and Sumner so understands. His man Raymond went off at first with Stevens and the Radicals, but after having been harnessed in that team, he has jumped out of the traces. Interest, patronage, Seward's influence have caused this facing about and may compel him to act with the Administration; but he is unreliable. I have so told the President, yet I am glad to have him move in the right direction.

I submitted Semmes's case again in Cabinet. Told the President he was here, and had some conversation, general in its character, as to what should be done with him, without any other indication than approval, but no suggestion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 405-7

Thursday, May 11, 2023

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Guy F. Bryan, October 1, 1866

CINCINNATI, October 1, 1866.

MY DEAR GUY:— Your letter of the 18th came duly to hand. It finds me in the midst of an unusually exciting political struggle. The election is next week. I am a candidate for re-election and expect to succeed by a large majority. I will bore you with only a few words on politics.

I think the election will show that the people are resolved to adopt the Congressional plan of Reconstruction. It does not "disfranchise" anybody in the So uth. It disqualifies for holding office those who have been leaders the old office-holders. All young men are qualified although implicated in the Rebellion. The disqualification probably applies to no man in your State who is now under twenty-seven or eight years of age. Recollect too that the disqualification can be removed in any case by a two-thirds vote of the Senate and House. That vote will be obtained in all cases in a few years, if peace and loyalty are restored in the South. You have, of course, seen our plan. I send you one of my electioneering speeches which contains the different sections, and let me frankly say that if we carry these elections, this plan contains the best terms you will ever get — and they should be promptly accepted. The young men are with us almost universally. The life and energy of the North is with us. If the elections are against us, we shall submit. If they are for us, the Democracy will submit. We shall be united in any event. Do not be again deceived with the hope of Democratic help in a further struggle. I hope you will give the Congressional plan a fair hearing. If we succeed you must adopt it, if you regard your own welfare.

I am very much obliged by the photographs album of particular friends and near relatives. My wife is in love with the fine faces of your children. I can readily believe all you say of your boy.

I have three boys living- my three eldest. We lost two boys—both under two years. Birchie, aged thirteen is in all respects a noble and promising boy. Webb aged ten and Rud aged eight are good boys also. They are all absent from home now. The two big boys with their uncle at Fremont and Ruddy at Chillicothe. My mother now aged seventy-five is at Columbus in good health. Uncle often talks of you and would give a good deal to see you. If you come North, do try to visit him as well as myself. My brother-in-law (whom you know), Dr. Webb, is travelling in Europe. My wife's mother died a few weeks ago. With no small children and no old person about the house, my family seems small. I hope I shall see you soon.

I am sure you did all that friendship required to meet General Fullerton. I count upon the constancy and sincerity of your feelings by what I know of my own towards you. The only things he could have said to you was to give you my views of the future duty of the South. If we succeed in the elections now pending, don't be deceived by Andy Johnson. The North will be far better united during the next struggle, if unhappily there is one, than during the last. Johnson and his office-holders will be "a mere snap-a flash in the pan." Ten thousand majority in Ohio is as good for practical purposes as a unanimous vote. We shall be united in action. We shall submit, if the majority is clearly against us. Our adversaries will submit, if it is otherwise. My last word is, don't let Andy Johnson deceive you. He don't know the Northern people.

As ever,
R.
GUY M. BRYAN,
        Texas.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 32-3

Sunday, April 30, 2023

Senator John Sherman to Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman, March 7, 1867

WASHINGTON, March 7, 1867.

Dear Brother: ... You will have noticed that my name is connected with the Reconstruction Law. I did nothing but reduce and group the ideas of others, carefully leaving open to the South the whole machinery of reconstruction. The bill was much injured by the additions in the House, but, after all, there is nothing obnoxious to the South in it but general suffrage. This they must take, and the only question is whether they will take it in their own way by their own popular movements, or whether we shall be compelled at the next session to organize provisional governments. I hope and trust they will learn wisdom from the past. Can't you in some way give them that advice? Three years ago they hated you and Johnson most of all men; now, your advice goes farther than any two men of the nation. We will adjourn soon until November next. The impeachment movement has, so far, been a complete failure. Butler and Logan are reinforcements, but will effect nothing.

The President has only to forward and inforce the law as they stand, and he is safe. He ought not to, and must not stand in the way of the determined movement to recognize the rebel States. He has had his way and it failed; he ought now fairly to try the Congressional way. I think some of going to Paris in April. I am tendered an honorary membership of the commission, and a free passage. The occasion is tempting; if I go, it will be about the middle of April.

Affectionately,
JOHN SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 289-90

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, July 16, 1867

[July 16, 1867.]

I have good Department Commanders, but the country is so large, and the Indians so scattered, that we cannot foresee where they will turn up. Not only real depredations are committed, but every fear, or apprehension, on whatever it may be founded, is published, and protection claimed and demanded. . .

You have doubtless heard much of the war. The fact is, this contact of the two races has caused universal hostility, and the Indians operate in small, scattered bands, avoiding the posts and well-guarded trains, and hitting little parties who are off their guard. I have a much heavier force on the plains, but they are so large that it is impossible to guard at all points, and the clamor for protection everywhere has prevented our being able to collect a large force to go into the country where we believe the Indians have hid their families; viz., up on the Yellowstone, and down on the Red River. I see it stated the Indian War is costing a million a week. This cannot be; for I have not employed anything but the regular troops or the regular appropriations, except from companies of Kansas volunteers, who know they can't get any pay at all till Congress appropriates.

I have sent full reports to Washington, and hope Congress now will act in one way or the other. A commission going out can meet only little squads of Indians. They are scattered from Minnesota to Texas, and if they make treaties they won't last twenty-four hours.

We must fight the Indians, and force them to collect in agreed-on limits far away from the continental roads. I do think this subject as important as Reconstruction.

Affectionately yours,
W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 290-1

Senator John Sherman to Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman, August 9, 1867

MANSFIELD, OHIO, Aug. 9, 1867.

Dear Brother: . . . It is now becoming extremely important to know precisely what Grant wants in connection with the Presidency. If he has really made up his mind that he would like to hold that office, he can have it. Popular opinion is all in his favor. His position is the rare one of having that office within his easy reach, and yet it is clear that his interest is against his acceptance. The moment he is nominated, he at once becomes the victim of abuse; and even his great services will not shield him. Our politics for years will be a maelstrom, destroying and building up reputations with rapidity. My conviction is clear that Grant ought not to change his present position to that of President; and if he declines, then by all odds Chase is the safest man for the country. He is wise, politic, and safe. Our finances, the public credit, and the general interests of all parts of the country will be safe with him. His opinions are advanced on the suffrage question, but this waived, he would be a most conservative President. He is not a partisan, scarcely enough so for his own interests; still, if Grant wishes to be President, all other candidates will have to stand aside. I see nothing in his way unless he is foolish enough to connect his future with the Democratic party. This party cannot dictate the next President. They would deaden any man they praise. Even Grant could not overcome any fellowship with them. If they should take a wise course on future political questions, their course during the war will bar their way. You may not think so, but I know it. The strength is with the Republicans. Not of the Butler stripe, but with just that kind of men who would be satisfied with the position of Grant. The suffrage and reconstruction questions will be settled before the election, and in such a way as to secure the Republican party an even chance in every Southern State except Kentucky. . . .

I agree with you that Indian wars will not cease until all the Indian tribes are absorbed in our population, and can be controlled by constables instead of soldiers.

I mean to remain as quiet as possible this fall. I am not now in high favor with the Radicals, and can afford to wait awhile. The election in Ohio will go as usual. The suffrage amendment will be adopted by a close vote, and that will settle forever the negro question in Ohio. A reaction and struggle may occur in the South, but no change will occur in the loyal States until they decide on financial questions. This is inevitable after the next election..

Affectionately yours,
JOHN SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 292-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, December 12, 1865

Not a very long session of the Cabinet. Some conversation in regard to the Rebel leaders led me to inquire whether it might not be best to parole Mallory, who has written me personally. He offers to make disclosures and assist in reëstablishing Union feeling. Stanton objected; says Judge Holt advises his trial, etc.

Senator Nye called and had a long talk with me, chiefly in regard to the Rebels. Is pretty strongly touched with the Sumner notions, but seems disposed to recant and consider suggestions. To him and others I have stated my objections to the Stevens resolution. Most of the Members have said their principal object was to have the two houses in perfect accord and of one mind. I have declared this an indirect attempt to defeat or evade the Constitution, which intended separate action. Hence the two branches. This proposed committee, I maintain, is revolutionary and calculated to promote, if not designed to create, alienation and sectional parties. Nye says the resolution will be disemboweled and of little moment, but Nye himself is unreliable.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 395-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 15, 1865

A sudden change of weather. Intensely cold. General Grant was in the council-room at the Executive Mansion to-day, and stated the result of his observations and conclusions during his journey South. He says the people are more loyal and better-disposed than he expected to find them, and that every consideration calls for the early reëstablishment of the Union. His views are sensible, patriotic, and wise. I expressed a wish that he would make a written report, and that he communicate also freely with the Members of Congress.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 396-7

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, June 14, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., June 14, 1866.

MY SWEET WIFE: I read with genuine sympathy for you the beautiful talk you send me about the dear one who is gone. I wish you were here to talk with me and let me fondle you, as you talk about him. But I suppose you are right. Well, I hope it will not be long.

We passed the plan of Reconstruction as it came from the Senate. No man elected, or claiming to be, Union, voted against it. Raymond, Green Clay Smith, and all were right. Rousseau was absent, perhaps purposely.

General Crook and wife are still here. I shall not room here next session, as I mean to have you with me as much [as] possible. I consult you as to the rooms I shall engage before I go home. I am inclined to go to the Avenue House. Other Ohio men talk of it. What say you?

Yours ever,
H.
MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 27

Sunday, April 2, 2023

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, May 13, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 13, 1866.

MY DARLING:— Looking around at dinner today, the changes are chiefly in the ladies. The Members of Congress all now wifeless are the same you knew and a few added. We (the Schenck Military Committee), Crook, etc., visited Arlington. It is all right. Lee-his is the severest punishment of any Rebel. Expelled from such a paradise, and it made a graveyard for twelve thousand Rebel and loyal dead!

Last week's work on Reconstruction was very interesting and things are looking well. Some doubts as to the Senate. But if, as I think they will, they merely amend a little by striking out a part, all will come out right. Love to all.

Affectionately,
R.
MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 24-5

Sunday, January 29, 2023

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Guy M. Bryan, February 15, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 15, 1866.

DEAR GUY:— Enclosed you will find Stephen's papers. The reason I didn't write again [was that] I discovered on another visit after writing you that you had previously been pardoned.

There is really no reason to feel any uneasiness because of the delays in acting upon the cases of the different Southern States. Those which send Union men will be represented in Congress, and fully restored without any severe or degrading conditions. There is a great deal of nonsense on all sides, but no substantial interests are likely to be sacrificed. I am told that the Committee on Reconstruction will report favorably on Tennessee at an early day.

I really can't tell about land sales. We hear some hard stories about the treatment Northern people get in many parts of the South. This for a time will naturally discourage the purchase of lands.

I am in much haste. Love to yours.
As ever, your friend,
R. B. HAYES.
GUY M. BRYAN,
        Texas.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 17-8