Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, January 12, 1866

Nothing very particularly interesting to-day in Cabinet. Stanton said he was to introduce some persons to the President and had appointed soon after 1 P.M. for the purpose. This was a play. Mr. Cox, a Rebel of Georgetown, fled South at the beginning of the Rebellion, leaving his fine residence. This was taken and used as a school for colored children. Cox has now returned and wants his house,—demands it. The charitable occupants, who are filled with benevolence for the negro, are unwilling to relinquish the house, which is very valuable, to the owner. Some of those who have the matter in charge went to Stanton, who said it would be necessary to apply to the President. He consented to introduce them, but suggested that a formidable array of ladies whose husbands occupy prominent positions, such as the wives of Senators and members of the Cabinet, [would be effective.] Mrs. Senators Trumbull, Morgan, Wilson, Pomeroy, etc., Mrs. McCulloch, Stanton, Harlan, etc., were of the number. Mrs. Welles was appealed to, but sensibly concluded, as she had no fact to communicate, that she would discharge her duty best by remaining away, and leaving the President to form his decision without annoyance from those who could not aid him. To this assemblage of ladies, and for the purpose, — robbing a man of his dwelling, Stanton performed the part of usher.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 414

Diary of Sergeant David L. Day: February 11, 1864

The Expedition.

The morning of February 6th found us in line on the parade ground, New York and Massachusetts shoulder to shoulder. Capt. Phillips, wanting a brave and valiant veteran on the left of his company, assigned me to that post of honor. I reckon the reason for it was that two of his sergeants were on the sick list. While standing in line, waiting the order to march, a scene is transpiring which to us of the 25th is altogether new and strange. The ladies living here in camp are all out, and wetting their handkerchiefs with their tears, are watching the preparations to leave. They are struggling under a fearful burden of anxiety which will not be removed until our return. Groups of men and women are standing around, taking each other by the hand and kissing their good-byes. Our Brooklyn friends are visibly affected, while the 25th boys look on stoically. While men and women with streaming eyes are bidding perhaps their last farewells, these roughened, hardened sons of Mars look with unpitying eye on this affecting scene and laugh. I confess I should have taken a greater interest in the thing and my sympathies would have flowed more freely if I could have taken a hand in the kissing.

We marched into town where the brigade line was formed, consisting of the 139th and 118th New York, two regiments of colored troops and one U. S. battery, (the 2d I think). The mounted rifles were to follow later. This comprised the whole force under command of Brig. Gen. Wistar, whoever he is. The line of march was taken up the country on the road towards Richmond. Arriving at the woods, about a mile from town, the column was halted and a detail made to act as skirmishers. The 139th being on the advance furnished the detail. In this detail the 25th was largely represented, and was under command of Major Mulcay. The major marched his command a few rods into the woods, formed his skirmish line and ordered them forward, the column following. I now began to hear plenty of talk about bushwhackers and business for the boys ahead. Capt. Phillips fell back to the rear of his company, marching by my side. I thought this a good opportunity to scrape an acquaintance, and commenced talking to him, but he did not seem to be in a mood for conversation and said as little as possible. He commenced a low, suppressed whistle of a single strain of Rally 'Round the Flag. I tried all means I could think of to draw him out, but finding I could do nothing with him, I turned my attention to the major and his skirmishers. He was as busy with them and as particular as if they were out for skirmish drill, and kept talking to them all the time about preserving their distances and alignments.

After a time, the boys started up a rabbit, and half a dozen of them gave chase, shouting and yelling till they were out of sight in the woods, where they waited for the major to come up. The major lectured them a little about charging without orders and warning them of the great danger they were in from bushwhackers. All the thanks he got from those heartless fellows for all his care and solicitude was: “Oh! damn the bushwhackers!” and as soon as another rabbit or squirrel was started up, away they would go again. Capt. Phillips, who meanwhile had kept up his whistle, suppressed it long enough to say: “Your boys are taking great risks in running off into the woods in that way; some of them will get shot by bushwhackers.” I said I thought our boys had very little fear of bush whackers, and would sooner have the fun of chasing them than rabbits, besides I thought there was little danger from bush whackers, for when a force like this was marching through they preferred keeping at a safe distance.

A little after noon the cavalry overtook us, and we halted to let them go past us. I was surprised to see such a force; there was a whole brigade, numbering between 3000 and 4000, under command of Col. Spear, who had been sent down from the army of the Potomac, landing at Yorktown, and had now overtaken us. I could now begin to see through a glass darkly. This is the raid on Richmond, of which I had heard some hints before. The cavalry of course are the principal actors, and we are simply the supporting column.

The cavalry past us, we again started. The general hurried us up, wishing to keep as near the cavalry as possible, but the major's skirmish line rather retarded us. It was finally thought that with a large cavalry force in advance the skirmish line was not absolutely necessary, and it was withdrawn. The march was forced till past the middle of the afternoon, when it began to tell on the Brooklyn boys, some of them giving out. They were unaccustomed to such severe marching, and it took hold of them severely. We made a halt of an hour for rest and lunch, and before starting, Col. Roberts made a short address. He thought we were on the eve of a severe battle, and he hoped and believed his regiment would stand up and quit themselves like soldiers, and if successful in our undertaking we should deserve end receive the plaudits of the country. In such a battle, there must necessarily be some victims, but just who, we are of course ignorant, but each one is hoping it will not be him. I laughed, and one of the boys asked what pleased me. I said if the colonel did not look out he would have us all whipped before we sighted the enemy. We pushed along till into the evening; the boys were getting pretty well played out and would make frequent halts without any orders.

There was one of the general's aids who seemed to take a great interest in getting us along, and his interest from some cause or other (probably his canteen) seemed to increase with the evening. The boys would be groping their weary way through the darkness, when some one would give a whistle and they would all squat in the road. This aid would ride up in a great passion and order them up, telling them if they didn't get along faster he would put a regiment of colored troops on the advance. The response to that threat would be: “Bring on your niggers!” This officer had another provoking habit which he came well nigh paying dearly for. There were occasional mud holes in the road caused by the rains; some of them two or three rods across. The boys would flank these to keep their feet from getting wet and sore, but this officer attempted to drive them through, saying it took up the time tanking them. At one of these places he was going to drive them through anyway or it would be the death of some of them. I was quietly going around, and halted to see how he made it work with them. He was swearing at them, wheeling his horse right and left among them, and making himself about as disagreeable as he could. Just then I heard the ominous click of rifle locks, and heard some one ask him if he was aware those rifles were loaded. He seemed to catch on to the idea, and got himself out of that as quickly as possible, and was heard from no more during the march. Soldiers are human, with feelings and passions like other men; they can and do stand a great deal, but they cannot stand everything any more than a stone drag.

The night wore on, the boys were well nigh exhausted and made frequent halts. The colonel would sympathize with them, and encourage them by saying he hoped the day's march was nearly over, telling them to keep up courage and a few miles more the end would be reached. At one of these halts the major showed some impatience, and riding up to the colonel said:

“Colonel, I really do not understand the meaning of this?”

“What's the matter now, major?"

“Why, every few moments this entire regiment will simultaneously sit down?”

“Oh, well, major,” the colonel replied, “the boys are tired; they have come a long way and are pretty well played out; change places with some of them, major, and you will understand it better.”

That seemed to be satisfactory to the major and he rode off, but it cheered the boys up wonderfully and they made quite a distance before halting again.

It is curious how sometimes the most trifling act or expression will raise up the almost exhausted energies of men and inspire hope when almost on the verge of despair. As an instance of this, the boys while marching along had for some time preserved a dead silence; not a word had been spoken, and all seemed to be absorbed in their own reflections, when suddenly I stumbled over a stump. Gathering myself up I exclaimed: “There, I know just where that stump is!" The effect was like magic; all within the sound of my voice broke out in a loud and hearty laugh, and for a time forgot their fatigue and trudged lightly along.

We reached the end of our day's tramp at New Kent sometime after midnight, having made a march of thirty miles. Many of the boys were so exhausted that they threw themselves down on the ground and were soon fast asleep. I prepared some coffee, and while it was boiling, washed myself up, and after drinking my coffee, rolled up in my blanket and was soon asleep.

We slept about three hours when we were routed up, and a little after daylight were again on the march. The boys were pretty stiff and sore, but a mile or two took the kinks out of their legs and limbered them up so they were about as good as new. Nothing transpired worthy of note luring the forenoon's march, unless it was that Capt. Phillips kept up his suppressed whistle of that same strain of Rally 'Round the Flag. I tried to rally him and get him to talking, but it was of no use; he was entirely absorbed in his own reflections, ruminating, as I thought, over the probable chances of leaving a widow and orphan children as a legacy to his country.

Before noon we reached what is called the Baltimore cross roads, about two miles from Bottom bridge which crosses the Chickahominy river. Here we met the cavalry coming back, and Col. Spear reported to Gen. Wistar that on reaching the river he found all the bridges up and a considerable force of the enemy, with infantry and artillery guarding the river. With our small force and only one battery he thought it would be useless to attempt to force the passage of the river. On learning this I felt relieved, for if we couldn't cross the river to them, they certainly couldn't cross it to us, and in all probability they had no desire to do so.

Presently an alarm was raised that the enemy was coming up the White House road. The 139th was ordered down the road to meet them. We went about a quarter of a mile and formed a line of battle. A few cavalry went down the road a couple of miles and when they returned reported no enemy in sight or hearing, a circumstance I did not regret. We then went back and were dismissed for dinner.

This Baltimore is the junction of several roads; the one we came up from New Kent extends on to Richmond, one runs south to Charles City, one northeast to White House, and another runs north over into Northumberland, where once lived a little boy who owned a little hatchet and couldn't tell a lie. It was fortunate for him and the country that he lived at that time for if he had lived in these times the chances are more than a thousand to one that he couldn't have told the truth. There are some half a dozen farm houses scattered round in sight, and also the convenient blacksmith shop is located here.

In the little square formed by the intersection of the roads stands an interesting old building—the church in which Gen. Washington was married. It is a long, low, rather narrow building, without belfrey or ornament of any kind outside or in. It is without paint or even whitewash, and shows the rough marks of age and neglect. It is divested of its seats, having been used for an army hospital. I entered this historic old church and found it half full of the boys cutting their monograms in the ceiling; I uncovered my head in profound reverence for the place and the distinguished parties who were here joined in the holy bonds of wedlock. Here George and Martha mutually pledged themselves each to the other, to share together their joys and sorrows along the pathway of life until death should bring a separation, and well they kept their vows, for I have never learned that either of them ever applied for a divorce, although it is said Martha in prosperous gales was something of a shrew. For this little bit of history I am indebted to one of my Brooklyn friends who had made a previous visit here.

After waiting here a couple of hours the column re-formed and marched back over the road we came nearly to the woods, where we halted to let the cavalry go past us. After passing us they halted to feed their horses and themselves, and while waiting for them an alarm was raised that the enemy were coming through the woods on our flank. Down came the fences and a regiment of darkies filed into the field, and deployed as skirmish

Every few moments they would look back to see where their support was, while their teeth and the whites of their eyes resembled bunches of tallow candles hanging in a dark cellar-way. The alarm of course was a false one, but the colored troops fought nobly.

We arrived back at New Kent about night, and bivouacked on a large field near the village. New Kent is the county seat, and is not much unlike other country places they call towns in Virginia. It contains a court house, jail, church, two or three stores, tavern, a small collection of houses and the inevitable blacksmith shop. There is no such thing in Virginia as a schoolhouse; they have no use for such things. All they want is law and gospel, and I have not been able to find out that these give them a great degree of culture and refinement. More than 200 years ago the colonial Gov. Berkley said: “I thank God there are no public schools in Virginia, and I hope there will be none for the next hundred years.” His hopes have been doubly realized, which probably accounts for the present state of affairs in Virginia.

Getting into camp we built fires, made coffee and began to make ourselves comfortable. Some time in the evening the major happened along where a few of us were standing around a fire of burning rails. He began to upbraid us for burning the rails, telling us if we wanted fires we must go into the woods and get our fuel. I said to the major I thought it was all right to burn the rails; as we were sort of guests on the gentleman's place, I presumed he would be entirely willing and glad to contribute a few rails for our personal comfort during the night. He went off muttering something about destruction of property while the boys added more rails to the fire.

Next morning the march was resumed, Capt. Phillips came out looking bright and pert as a wildcat, the low whistle was no longer heard and he was as full of orders to his company as a major-general. We arrived back on the afternoon of the 9th, and as we sighted Camp West, the ladies were all out on the parade ground, waving their handkerchiefs in greeting of our return. It was like the old Roman armies returning from conquest, when fair maidens, with white waving arms, would welcome their coming. Now another scene ensued; fair women and brave men close in the fond embraces of love and thanksgiving for their miraculous deliverance. I could but feel that the 25th boys were rather slighted in not receiving a share of the kisses, for who can tell that but for them their friends might not now be dwellers in the Hotel de Libby. On the whole we have had rather an interesting excursion, having seen some forty odd miles of the county. It was very woody and I think the poorest I have ever traveled in for chickens, applejack and peach and honey. But the chickens and applejack didn't matter so much as the orders in regard to foraging were very strict. These officers in command here seem to think the proper way to conduct a war is not to hurt anyone or damage their property. The result was not much different from what I expected, and reminds me of the old couplet:

The king of France with 50,000 men marched up the hill

And then marched down again.

I reckon we must have gone very near where Pocahontas befriended Capt. Smith. The history of that little romance is that Smith was captured while ascending the Chickahominy river, and taken higher up the river to Powhatan’s lodge, and that was said to be some twelve miles below where the city of Richmond now stands. So I reckon we must have been in the vicinity where that occurred; I should like to have stayed there two or three days, or at least long enough to have selected some romantic spot as being the place where that drama was enacted, and if possible gathered a few stones and erected some sort of rude monument to the memory of the young lady.

Before dismissing his regiment, Col. Roberts thanked them for their cheerful obedience to orders, endurance and good order while on the march, and especially his new allies, who throughout the long march neither faltered, complained or straggled.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 117-23

Abstract of the Report of Mr. John Eaton, Freedmen's Superintendent for Tennesee

Prepared, for the President, by the

American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission.

__________________

Abstract of Mr. John Eaton's Report.

He was appointed by the General commanding in the Department of Tennesee to assume general supervision of the Freedmen Dec. 17. 1862.

He states forcibly the difficulties of his new and untried field; and acknowledges the considerate attention and support ever given to him by the General commanding.

The negroes were flocking in and swarming confusedly around the military post.

The first thing was to gather and tabulate the statistics of their number & condition.

Statistics.

There were, or had been, over twenty-two thousand colored refugees under the care or observation of the various Superintendents at Corinth, Grand Junction, Memphis, La Grange, Providence La. Cairo Ill. Jackson Tenn., and Columbus Ky.

Some of these had, in various ways, gone back to slavery; others had found Northern homes.

General statistics were gathered concerning 6747 persons at Corinth, Grand Junction and Memphis. Of these 1372 were men, 2224 women, and 1372 children. About half of these were Africans; the rest of mixed blood. About a hundred were mechanics; about a thousand cooks or laundresses. Nearly two hundred could read, and about forty read and write.

Clothing.

They usually came within our lines wretchedly clad, some having hardly enough to cover their nakedness, a few, however, had borrowed good clothing of their masters, for their journey.

They were generally soon made comfortable in this respect by supplies from the Government, and by gifts from the North.

Shelter.

They were sheltered in tents, in barracks or in old or deserted houses; but in many cases, men made cabins for themselves.

Rations.

In most cases soldiers rations were issued to them as soon as they came; at some places however not until later. The rations seem to have generally been sufficient and satisfactory.

Property brought with them.

They brought in with them horses, oxen, mules, wagons, yokes, chains &c, besides some cotton; of which they had “spoiled the Egyptians—”.

Much of this property however was taken from them by officers and soldiers who appropriated it to their private use; the rest was turned over to the Quarter-master. So generally were they rewarded for having spoiled their and our enemies, by being spoiled in return, that it is noted as a remarkable fact, that they were righteously allowed at La Grange, to sell two ox-teams for their own benefit.

Hospital Arrangements.

Many fell sick; and in most cases, they seem to have been, all things considered, well provided for in hospitals, and to have been kindly treated.

It is reported however that at Memphis, there was shameful neglect and mismanagement on the part of surgeons and officials.

Treatment by Officers & Others.

Where they were gathered in Camps, located near our forces, they seem to have suffered a good deal of brutal treatment at the hands of the soldiers; especially at first, when white guards alone were employed.

When removed from the vicinity of the army, and especially since colored guards have been employed, the evils have lessened.

The Superintendent generally reports that they have had assistance and encouragement in their work of beneficence from the superior officers and U. S. Officials.

Too often however, the soldiers and lower officers, have shown their contempt for the work's of mercy; and have treated the colored people most brutally. This of course encouraged vicious and disloyal citizens to follow the bent of their prejudices and passions, and to heap upon the poor refugees indignities and cruelties of the most abominable kind.

Labor and Service

It seems by the report from the various posts that most of these people were supposed to have merely exchanged masters; and were expected as a mater of course to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the United States without pay and even without clothing.

To a question upon this matter the following replies were given:

“Corinth  “All men except the infirm, and few for camp were employed. All women, saving those having large families, or small children; — generally reported industrious and faithful, when well-treated. Many have worked from 2 to 12 months, and never received a cent, or a rag, yet, as reward, alike as private servants, and Government employees.

“Cairo  “Many employed in Quarter Master Department & Post-Hospitals. Cannot give definite numbers.

“Gnd Junction  “All the men, but feeble, employed by Government, or individuals, or in camp; — have cut wood and lumber — handled goods, erected defences. One hundred and fifty went to Vicksburg, — many in Q. M. and Commissary Departments. Women & children pick cotton for Government & for private individuals.

“Holly Springs and Memphis.  “A large amount for each.

“Memphis.  “Average able-bodied men for the month eighty-five. Erecting cabins — preparing camp — many have been turned over to different Departments, sometimes most grossly abused; as for instance, some worked all day in water, drenched, nearly frozen, and then driven to tents for shelter, to sheds for sleep without covering and almost without fire and food. They have come back to die by scores. Wages seldom paid — none in Hospitals. The services of a large number have been stolen out-right.

“Bolivar. “None employed by individuals; many for Government; building fortifications; cutting wood, rolling logs, running saw mills, and in Q. M. Dp'ts. and Hospitals no general system of pay.

Providence  Digging canal — picking cotton.

Assistants.

There is no mention of any lack of assistants. Besides those regularly employed some have volunteered and done good service.

Instruction.

There seems to have been no regular provision for instructions. Some good Samaritans volunteered to teach on Sunday, and at other times; and there were, at some posts, schools kept regularly for a few weeks.

Mention is made of preparations to build school-houses.

Motives for coming into our lines.

All the testimony goes to show that the slaves had almost universally a strong desire to be free, and a vague idea that fleeing to the enemies of their masters would make them free.

The immediate cause of their running away, was, in a great many cases, a fear of being baulked of freedom by being sold “down South”. Many alledge cruel treatment as the cause. They seldom however manifest any desire of revenge upon their masters.

Some had a clear and precise idea that the war was to bring emancipation, and acted upon that idea.

They seem to have left their homes reluctantly, and only to gain freedom; for they all manifest strong local attachment; they wish to return to their homes if they can go there as free men; and never wish to go Northward, unless urged by fears of being re-enslaved.

The fact that, although free, they are obliged to work does not appear to have surprised them, or to have made them repent their flight.

Of their intelligence.

Most of the Superintendents say they were agreeably surprised at the degree of intelligence shown by the refugees. They seem to have a concealed stock of ideas and knowledge, and to draw upon it in case of need. Many who usually seemed stupid, and were held to be nearly idiotic, showed great ingenuity in shirking what they deemed overtasks; and they became bright and clever when it came to contriving means for escaping from bondage.

Their ideas of freedom,

vary of course with their degree of intelligence. There was a general idea that freedom would come as the result of the war. They wished to be free from the necessity of working for others, but not from the necessity of working for themselves.

Their ideas of property

varied likewise with their intelligence, though all had a distinct sense of ownership of certain property, as their kitchen utensils, and the like. These were “their own, not master's”. The more intelligent extended the idea of ownership to other things. Some had been accumulating money for many months in view of their flight.

Honesty.

The general testimony is that they had no sense of honesty, as towards their masters and oppressors. Towards their friends and others, they seem to be about on the same moral plane as other people of like grade of culture.

One Superintendent says:

“I verily believe that their habits in this particular have not been so thoroughly prostituted by the influence of all the centuries of their degradation in slavery as have those of our patriot soldiery, in two years of war.”

Their willingness to work .

when they have any pay or hopes of pay is almost universally vouched for. In many cases they worked patiently and faithfully even when not paid, and not fully assured that they would be paid.

The Superintendent at Corinth says:

“So far as I have tested it, better than I anticipated. They are Willing to work for money, except in waiting on the sick. One hundred and fifty hands gathered 500 acres of cotton in less than three weeks — much of which time was bad weather. The owner admitted that it was done quicker than it could have been done with slaves. When detailed for service, they generally remained till honorably discharged, even when badly treated. I am well satisfied, from careful calculations, that the freedmen of this Camp and District have netted the Government, over and above all their expenses, including rations, tents, &c., at least $3000. per month, independent of what the women do, and all the property brought through our lines from the rebels.”

Religion.

The universal testimony is that they have a strong religious disposition. They have great veneration. They have in their stock (or race), all the elements upon which can be grafted true religion, which will bring forth abundant fruit in good works. As yet however they show only emotional religion. They pray, sing, shout hallelujahs, and make a great religious display, but they have never been taught to live religious lives.

The Superintendent at Holly Springs and Memphis bears striking testimony upon to the truth of this:

“Great majority religious.— They are Baptists or Methodists. Their notions of the leading doctrines of the Bible are remarkably correct— Justification, repentance, faith, holiness, heaven, hell,. They are not troubled, like educated white men, with unbelief.

“Notions of doctrine better than to be expected. Practices not always in accordance with their notions, as is also true of other colors. Have been taught to make their religion one of feeling, not necessarily affecting their living. If one finds himself susceptible to religious excitement or sentiment, he is a religious man, though at the same time he may lie, steal, drink, and commit adultery.”

Their Marital Relations,

in the language of the Superintendent at Corinth, “were all wrong”.

Neither they nor their fathers had been allowed to marry, “as white folks do.” They understood that the main object of their masters in bringing the sexes together was to have them beget children; therefore they argued they might promote that object out of, as well as in, marriage bonds.

Three of the Superintendents report thus:

“Most of them have no idea of the sacredness of the marriage tie; declaring that marriage, as it exists among the whites, has been impossible for them. In other cases, the marriage relation exists in all its sacredness without legal sanction.

“The greater number have lived together as husband and wife, by mutual consent. In many cases, strongly attached and faithful, though having no legal marriage.

“They know what marriage is among the whites, but have yielded to the sad necessity of their case. Generally, I believe the men to be faithful to the women with whom they live, and the women to reward their faith with like truth. Free and married, they will maintain the marital relations as sacredly as any other race.

The policy of Arming the Refugees,

is urged by all the Superintendents. One says:

“I believe in giving them their freedom by their swords. Policy and humanity say, Arm the negro. History affords all the necessary precedents for liberating slaves and arming them as soldiers, to fight in defence of their county. Blacks fought in the Revolutionary struggle, and in the War of 1812. Let them fight in the war for their own liberty.”

The Superintendent at Memphis takes up the same strain and says:

“Yes, arm him! It will do him worlds of good. He will know then that he has rights, and dare maintain them — a grand step towards manhood. Arm him! for our country needs soldiers. These men will make good soldiers. Arm him! for the rebels need enemies, and heaven knows the blacks have reason to be that. Once armed and drilled, the black man will be an enemy the rebels will neither love nor despise. Arm him, and let the world see the black man on a vast scale returning good for evil, helping with blood and life the cause of the race which hated, oppressed and scorned him.”

Finally the Superintendent at La Grange says:

“Arm them at once. We can hurt the rebels more by the use of the negro than by any others means in our power. Arm him — use him; do it speedily. Why leave him to labor for our enemy, and thus keep up the strife? Arm him — he is a man — he will fight — he can save the Union. I pledge you and the world they will make good soldiers.”

Mr. Eaton assumes the facts thus reported to him by various Superintendents as premisses from which he draws his conclusions and upon which he bases his plan for the

Management of the colored refugees.

The main facts are:

First, — that nearly twenty three thousand slaves have fled to our lines in that Departments.

Second.— that, save a very few returned to slavery, the great majority have disappeared from official notice by fusing in with the general population, and earning their livelihood by labor which is profitable to themselves and to the community.

Third.— That a small proportion only of these have ever been dependent upon the Government; the greatest number of full rations ever issued being only 5500.

The whole cost of their support and supervision has been far less than what has been gained by Government; for if, by stretch of fancy, we suppose them to be paid their wages, the rate of these wages is so much less than their real value that a large margin of profit remains. In his words: “if the Freedmen could be, and were excluded from this Department, and white laborers employed, the Government would pay out forty-two thousand six hundred and sixty-one dollars per month, more than it now does for the same work, and the support of all idle and feeble Freedmen.”

Moreover their labor, while its loss cripples the rebellion, aids our cause in various ways.

Fourth.— That it is morally certain that the Exodus from Slavery will largely increase.

In his words: “Should the knowledge of the Proclamation continue to increase and general destitution prevail in the rebellious districts, what may we not expect? Already in certain quarters they receive but one meal of meat pr. day, they have not had their regular supply of clothing since the out-break of the rebellion. I have conclusive evidence that in the very centres of Alabama the slave population is already possessed of no indifferent idea of what the Proclamation declares in their behalf.”

Fifth.— That there should be some clear and well defined provision made by Government for the management of such of the refugees as do not at once fuse in with the community, and especially during the early part of their sojourn within our lines.

He then proposes plan, the main features of which are these: “A distinct class of officers could be provided similar to the various military corps, the Engineer, medical, the Chief directly responsible to the Secretary of War, a subordinate reporting so far as necessary to each Department Commander, and his subordinates located at Posts or centres of Districts, where the presence of these freed people require supervision and where their labor on the soil may be safe from guerrilla or other barbarities.”

x x x

“The supervisors of freedmen held to most rigid accountability, guarded against any corruption, also by the presence of the officer of another Department, holding themselves military rank, vested with competent authority, and supported by a military organization of blacks at their command either as militia or regular troops or both, should enroll all blacks, men, women and children, put in the hands of each the description of his person, location, employment or name of employer; requiring all not voluntarily engaging according to fixed or reasonable rates with authorized persons, to labor under the direction of Government agents who should have charge of camps in which there should be ample provision for the industry whether mechanical, horticultural or agricultural, of all coming in and not otherwise employed; also fit provision for sick, for all permanently or temporarily dependent, whether old, young, or infirm, all contracts should be made through the proper Superintendent, and recorded, and none should be changed without his consent, or broken without punishment to the offender; there should be no change of location without his permit. This supervision should permit no abuse, should guard all relations between man and man, should lay at once the foundations of society, providing schools supported by tax upon property or income from labor alike in communities and in camps, requiring the attendance of all with certain limitations of age and season; enforcing the laws of marriage, of the relations of husband and wife, child and parent, during the minority of the former, opening alike communities and camps for religious instruction to well disposed and properly authorized persons who might come to labor among them; should regulate all trade, not only so that it might not aid the rebellion, but so as to free the blacks from imposition invited by their ignorance, indeed, should meet according to order every exigency arising in the affairs of these freed people, whether physical, social or educational, so far as is possible and is accordant with the genius of our free institutions, and the spirit of American Christian civilization.

“The exercise of military authority being entirely under control of the Executive, could not only adjust itself to all grades of intelligence and enterprise among these people and to current changes, but be withdrawn in part or altogether at any moment desirable.”

Mr Eaton recommends that, whenever feasible the refugees should be put to work upon lands abandoned and forfeited by rebels.

“In all cities”, he says, “the management of these people becomes a matter especially important. In Memphis there are a large number either idle, concealed in byways, in old houses, or controlled by the money of the disloyal, or otherwise vicious or criminal. Supt Fisk states probably one third of the blacks about town are employed by persons in no wise heartily loyal, while the calls of the various branches of military service, for the labor of contrabands, are beyond any possibility of supply, and significantly asks ought not the Government interest in the entire control of all contraband labor be protected! The Plan, suggested among its other features, by giving every colored man a recorded status, a copy of which he carries with him, not only protects him against abuse, but meets this difficulty by allowing him never to change location, or him or his employer to alter their contract without the consent of the Superintendent.”

Mr. Eaton closes his Report with the following summary of his plan for the management of the colored refugees.

“I. Special military provision, as necessary alike to the full military effect of the Proclamation upon the armed rebellion; to the interests of the people declared free, equally with respect to their safe, comfortable and useful conduct through the transition from slavery to freedom, and their fit preparation for their new privileges; Also to the security against servile insurrections and the speediest restoration of Government authority over rebellious States, — of military in preference to civil form, because martial law must prevail over these regions during the war; because more simple, avoiding undesirable questions and complications; and because more easily adjusted to all necessities and changes.

“II. A district corps of officers, especially fit in ability and character — the Chief at Washington, subordinates with Commanders of Departments, and in each District, where necessary, finding their assistants — as far as practicable, among worthy soldiers, unfitted by disease or wounds for active field service.

“III. At points of sufficient security on our coasts or rivers, or near military posts, they receive, locate, record and furnish a copy of written statistics to every colored person, without which he is subject to arrest; according to orders and instructions from the President or Secretary of War, adopt a complete system of regulations, and adjust them to the individual social and educational necessities of these people, enlisting as many able-bodied men as is expedient, either as regular troops or militia, and securing the industry of all as far as possible.

“IV. These regulations should provide for the co-operation of the supervisors of freed people with the corresponding officer or officers of the Treasury Dep't, who should regulate the possession and use of lands, collect taxes, and disburse funds.

“These regulations should provide industry in camps or otherwise for all who did not seek it voluntarily of those occupying lands by authority of the Treasury Dep't; they should provide support, by tax on property or labor, of asylums in connection with camps for all dependent; and of schools in camps and communities, which all, with certain limitations of season and age, should be required to attend; they should facilitate the labors of all authorized persons seeking to promote the good of these people, physically, morally or religiously; employing from among them teachers for the Government schools, and where their labor is rendered gratuitously, furnish rations, quarters and transportation. They should regulate all trade among these freed people, all contracts with them, and punish their violation; and provide for the investment in lands or U. S. Securities of their savings; they should specially enforce the sacredness of the family, of the relation of husband and wife, parent and wif — child, that these people may be introduced the most speedily to the knowledge and practice of all the duties and amenities of Citizenship.”

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.

Diary of Caroline Cowles Richards: May 20, 1861

I recited “Scott and the Veteran” today at school, and Mary Field recited, “To Drum Beat and Heart Beat a Soldier Marches By”; Anna recited “The Virginia Mother.” Every one learns war poems now-a-days. There was a patriotic rally in Bemis Hall last night and a quartette sang, “The Sword of Bunker Hill” and “Dixie” and “John Brown's Body Lies a Mouldering in the Grave,” and many other patriotic songs. We have one West Point cadet, Albert M. Murray, who is in the thick of the fight, and Charles S. Coy represents Canandaigua in the navy.

SOURCE: Caroline Cowles Richards, Village Life in America, 1852-1872, p. 132

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 25, 1863

No war news to-day. But a letter, an impassioned one, from Gov. Vance, complains of outrages perpetrated by detached bodies of Confederate States cavalry, in certain counties, as being worse than any of the plagues of Egypt: and says that if any such scourge had been sent upon the land, the children of Israel would not have been followed to the Red Sea. In short, he informs the Secretary of War, if no other remedy be applied, he will collect his militia and levy war against the Confederate States troops! I placed that letter on the Secretary's table, for his Christmas dinner. As I came out, I met Mr. Hunter, President of the Senate, to whom I mentioned the subject. He said, phlegmatically, that many in North Carolina were "prone to act in opposition to the Confederate States Government.”

Yesterday the President sent over a newspaper, from Alabama, containing an article marked by him, in which he was very severely castigated for hesitating to appoint Gen. J. E Johnston to the command of the western array. Why he sent this I can hardly conjecture, for I believe Johnston has been assigned to that command; but I placed the paper in the hands of the Secretary.

My son Custis, yesterday, distributed proposals for a night-school (classical), and has some applications already. He is resolved to do all he can to aid in the support of the family in these cruel times.

It is a sad Christmas; cold, and threatening snow. My two youngest children, however, have decked the parlor with evergreens, crosses, stars, etc. They have a cedar Christmas-tree, but it is not burdened. Candy is held at $8 per pound. My two sons rose at 5 A.m. and repaired to the canal to meet their sister Anne, who has been teaching Latin and French in the country; but she was not among the passengers, and this has cast a shade of disappointment over the family.

A few pistols and crackers are fired by the boys in the streets— and only a few. I am alone; all the rest being at church. It would not be safe to leave the house unoccupied. Robberies and murders are daily perpetrated.

I shall have no turkey to-day, and do not covet one. It is no time for feasting.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 119-20

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 10, 1863

Left camp after dinner. Dinner generally means noon, but our dinner-time on the march is quite irregular. Advanced unmolested till within about three miles of Utica, and camped again at dark.

This forenoon my bunk-mate (Cal. Waddle) and I went to a house near camp to get some corn bread, but struck the wrong place, for we found the young mistress who had just been deserted by her negroes, all alone, crying, with but a scant allowance of provisions left her. She had never learned to cook, and in fact was a complete stranger to housework of any kind. Her time is now at hand to learn the great lesson of humanity. There has been a little too much idleness among these planters. But although I am glad the negroes are free I don't like to see them leaving a good home, for good homes some of them I know are leaving. They have caught the idea from some unknown source that freedom means fine dress, furniture, carriages and luxuries. Little do they yet know of the scripture—“In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread.” I am for the Emancipation Proclamation, but I do not believe in cheating them. This lady's husband is a confederate officer now in Vicksburg, who told her when he left she should never see a Yankee “down thar.” Well, we had to tell her we were “thar,” though, and to our question what she thought of us, after wiping her eyes her reply was we were very nice looking fellows. We were not fishing for compliments, but we like to get their opinions at sight, for they have been led, apparently, to expect to find the Lincoln soldier more of a beast than human. At least such is the belief among the lower sort. Negroes and poor whites here seem to be on an equality, so far as education is concerned and the respect of the better classes. I have not seen a single school-house since I have been in Dixie, and I do not believe such a thing exists outside of their cities. But this war will revolutionize things, and among others I hope change this state of affairs for the better.

War is a keen analyzer of a soldier's character. It reveals in camp, on the march and in battle the true principles of the man better than they are shown in the every-day walks of life. Here be has a chance to throw off the vicious habits of the past, and take such a stand as to gain a lasting reputation for good, or, if he dies upon the field, the glory of his achievements, noble 'deeds and soldierly bearing in camp will live in the memory of his comrades. Every soldier has a personal history to make, which will be agreeable, or not, as he chooses. A company of soldiers are as a family; and, if every member of it does his duty towards the promotion of good humor, much will be done toward softening the hardships of that sort of life.

This is Sunday, and few seem to realize it. I would not have known it myself but for my diary. I said, “boys this is Sunday.” Somebody asked, “how do you know it is?” I replied my diary told me. Another remarked, “you ought to tell us then when Sunday comes round so we can try to be a little better than on week days.” While in regular camps we have had preaching by the Chaplains, but now that we are on the move that service is dispensed with, and what has become of the Chaplains now I am unable to say. Probably buying and selling cotton, for some of them are regular tricksters, and think more of filling their own pockets with greenbacks than the hearts of soldiers with the word of God.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 12-13

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: December 26, 1861

Christmas went off very pleasantly and apparently to the satisfaction of all. Drills were suspended and all went in for a good time. The Irishmen had their Christmas box, the Germans their song and lager, while ball playing and other athletic sports used up the day, and music and dancing were the order of the evening. Santa Claus came with a Christmas dinner for a few, but more of us he passed by; however, I think the old gentleman has got a store for us somewhere on the way.

Our camp was visited by a number of ladies and gentlemen from the city, who were guests at headquarters, Chaplain James doing the polite, and entertaining them as best he could. No farther south than this, I was surprised to hear the chaplain tell of the ignorance of these people in regard to northern people and their institutions. One lady, noticing a box of letters in the chaplain's tent, said she thought he must have a very large correspondence-to have so many letters. He told her those were soldiers' letters going home to their friends. “Why,” she asked, “are there many of your soldiers who can write?” He informed her that there were not a half dozen men in the regiment but could read and write. He told her that free schools were an institution at the north. No man was so poor but he could educate his children, and the man who neglected their education was regarded as little better than the brutes. The lady appeared quite astonished and said she thought our free schools were only for the rich.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 15-16

Diary of Laura M. Towne: June 18, 1862

Ellen had her first adult school to-day, in the back room — nine scholars. I assisted.

The girls were much interested in seeing the people come, with their flat baskets on their heads, to the cornhouse, to "take allowance," and then sit down in the sand, and old and young fall to shelling the corn from the cob with a speed that was marvellous, the little babies toddling about or slung on the backs of their mammies, or lugged about by the older sisters, not able to stand straight under their weight. It was very picturesque.

SOURCE: Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 70

Charles Lowe to Dr. LeBaron Russell, December 7, 1863

Somerville, Dec. 7th, 1863.

My Dear Sir, — It gives me great pleasure to present, at your request, a statement of the impression made upon my mind by a visit to the field of operations of the Educational Commission for Freedmen, in the department of South Carolina. I had an opportunity to visit many of the schools and plantations on Port Royal, St. Helena and Ladies Islands, and to converse with many who were familiar with the condition of the freed population, and will state as briefly as I can the result of my observation.

First, As to the Schools.

In the immediate vicinity of Beaufort the teachers labor at great disadvantage. The town is an aggregate of Government offices, hospitals and camps. An excessive population of freed people has congregated there, and they are exposed to all the bad influences of such a community. The effect is seen in the Schools, in a want of punctuality and in a restless spirit on the part of the children. Yet even in these Schools the success of the attempt was very gratifying. The children seemed bright and eager to learn, and showed remarkable proficiency. Here, as indeed in all the Schools I visited, I was greatly struck by the excellence of the teachers employed. In one of the Schools in Beaufort, there was acting as an assistant, a young colored man — formerly a member of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment, and disabled at Wagner. He was teaching some of the classes, and as I watched him I thought he was teaching very successfully. Certainly he had the perfect respect and attention of the pupils, and it seemed to me that such men might be thus employed to advantage, more frequently than they are.

As you go away from Beaufort, the bad influences of that place gradually lessen, till, on the plantations ten miles distant, the people are quite out of their reach, and the consequence was very apparent. Here, with no better teachers (for where all are so good I could not recognize any difference), the discipline of the Schools was greatly superior, and their whole character compared favorably with that of any of our Northern Schools of the same grade.

Second, As regards the ability of the freed people to support and govern themselves, my impressions are equally favorable.

Here again, Beaufort and its immediate vicinity affords a most unfavorable condition for the experiment. And many visitors, judging from what they see there, may give unfair statements in regard to its success. The place, as I have already said, has just the effect, on the people gathered there, that a prolonged muster-field would have on a great mass of people who might crowd about it. Considering this, it was a matter of surprise to me that things are no worse. There is no disorder, and a Quarter-Master, who has occasion to employ a very large number of the men, told me that he never had so little difficulty with laborers. On Thanksgiving day they were all discharged for a holiday, and he said to me that, whereas, with white men, he should be dreading trouble from their absence or disorderly conduct the next morning after the day's carousing, he was sure that these men would all be promptly at their work.

On the plantations removed from the camps the condition of things is most gratifying. The people labor well, and are easily managed, and the superintendents say are always ready to do anything that you can persuade them is for their advantage.

I will not anticipate the statements which are being prepared by one gentleman there (Mr. E. S. Philbrick), in which it will show conclusively the satisfactoriness of their voluntary paid labor so far as the employers are concerned. My only purpose is to testify, as a casual observer, to the good order, the respectful demeanor and thrifty appearance of the colored population, and the general evidence which such a visit could give of a good state of things.

One thing particularly impressed me. I saw the people everywhere in their homes and in the fields. I have seen the working classes in many countries of the world, and I never saw a peasantry so cleanly dressed, so respectable in their outward appearance or apparently so happy. This is certain in regard to these people — that they are abundantly able to support themselves. If your organization has made any mistake, it has been that you felt at first too little confident of that, and assumed that they must be helped by donations in charity. Undoubtedly there was, for a while, much destitution, and your relief was most timely; but the generosity of the supply encouraged a feeling that they could live without labor, which has been one of the great difficulties to overcome. They certainly need help no longer. I saw them at the stores kept on the Islands, buying, with plenty of money, every variety of articles, and heard of no want.

A paymaster told me that, under the order of General Saxton, permitting them to apply for lands hereafter to be sold, the sum of $4000 has already been deposited by freedmen. One man is now owner of the plantation of his former master, which he purchased with money loaned him, and which he has now paid for by the earnings of this year's crop.

What interested me most in what I saw, was the conviction, that here is being worked out the problem of whether the black race is fitted for freedom. In many respects the circumstances in this locality are such as to make the experiment peculiarly satisfactory. 1st, The colored people on these Islands are admitted to be inferior to those in most portions of the South, partly because kept more degraded, and partly because close intermarrying has caused them to deteriorate. 2dly, After being left by their masters, they lived for a time under no kind of restraint. And 3dly, By a well meant generosity, when first visited by our sympathy they were encouraged to believe that they could live under freedom without the necessity of labor. .

Yet, under all these disadvantages, the experiment has been a triumphant success — apparent, beyond question, to any one who can observe.

To be sure, it can probably never happen that on any general scale, those who shall give to the newly freed people their first instructions in freedom, shall be men and women of such high character and ability as those who have undertaken it here. I was amazed when I saw among the teachers and superintendents so many persons of the very highest culture, and fitted for the very highest positions. I confess I felt sometimes as though it was lavishing too much on this work; but then I considered (what is now the great feeling with which I regard the whole thing) that this is a grand , experiment which is settling for the whole nation this great problem. And when I saw how completely it has settled it, I felt that it was worthy of all that had been given. I believe that the importance of the movement is yet to- be realized when the operations on this field shall become the great example for every part of the land.

I am, with great respect, very truly yours,

Charles Lowe.

Dr. LeBaron Busselly Boston.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 13-4

Lucy Chase, December 24, 1863

Norfolk, Va., Dec. 24th, 1863.

We shall continue our school through the holidays. A prospect of rest and vacation wearies us.

My sister went to Newbern for a day or two, a week or so ago. She had, for a few weeks, had the entire superintendence of a school of four hundred children. Small children, too, and raw. It was the reception school of the city. Thirty or forty new scholars came every day. A school that only one with a gift could control, and only one with a body could bear upon her shoulders. It was the school in which we had taught through the summer, giving our extra time to the refugees and to the farms.

Difficulties and delays have blocked the path-way to our own special family schoolhouse; but now we have one, the doors are open; and by New Year's, we shall have a school-house of our own. At present, we are teaching in a church.

Three hundred more refugees came in on Tuesday; seventy wagon “loads” on Saturday; and one hundred and twenty “loads" a day or two ago. The Doctor drops them upon his farms now, that the city may no longer be over burdened.

Lucy Chase.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 12

William T. Sherman to George Mason Graham, January 9, 1860

Seminary, Monday, Jan. 9, i860.

According to your request, I prepared yesterday and will mail today for Governor Wickcliffe: 1. A copy of our morning report of yesterday giving numbers of officers, cadets, and servants. 2. Distribution of rooms, showing easy accommodations for one hundred forty-three cadets, and in case of necessity fifty more. 3. Copy of our register of cadets, giving names, etc., of thirty-one cadets (now thirty-two). . . 4. Copy of the proceedings of the Academic Board, showing the basis of instruction, text books, etc. Still subject to change, before being finally referred to the Board of Supervisors for approval.

And lastly I wrote him a letter, giving him such details and suggestions as occurred to me at the time.  Of all these I retain copies, and would send them to you only they are voluminous, and are always here of record, and will be examined by you on your next visit. Our mess arrangements, drill and recitations work as smoothly as I would expect. . .

Dr. Smith¹ sent me word to send him about the close of this month at Baton Rouge full details for his use. I think I had better do so, carefully and minutely.

_______________

¹ State senator and member of the Board of Supervisors. — Ed.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 106-7

Miss S. M. Pearson, December 22, 1863

Newbern, N. C, Dec. 22d, 1863.

On the morning of Nov. 23d, I was duly installed as Teacher in a log school-house, in Camp Kimball, just across the Trent River, about one mile from the city. I will suppose you have some knowledge of this school, as Mr. Doolittle was its first Teacher. There were present this morning eighty-eight pupils. Mr. James gave me full power to make any changes I might think best, which privilege I have availed myself of. I found all the little ones on the back seats and completely hid by the larger ones. I commenced the next morning by taking the names and ages of all present, the result being 106. There has been a steady increase of numbers each day, until I now have 212 names registered, of all ages from five years to sixty-one. I have fathers and mothers with their children. Women leave their work until the latter part of the day, and boys refuse to accept situations, that they may avail themselves of these privileges. I would that every child in the North, could look on, and see the eagerness manifested by these poor colored children hi their books. It would give them some idea of their own privileges, and perhaps stimulate them to renewed diligence.

I had the benches in front made lower, and placed the smaller children on them, thereby enabling them to touch their feet to the floor. This done, I could command every eye in the room. To arrange them in classes was a work of time. I found a great variety of books, and but three of the National series. They have a great desire to read from a large book, supposing they are learning faster. I found they knew by heart the lessons in the “Picture Primer” which they had, and could tell me how much of the book they knew, while in fact they could not read one word. Another difficulty has been to keep them in a class. After arranging them, I have had to watch very sharp, and tell them time and again, until now they do very well. I have introduced six dozen National Primers, having two classes — one just commencing to read words of two letters, the other a class of thirty-five, reading words of four and five letters. I have a letter class, numbering sixty and upwards; this comprises scholars of all ages. These I teach in concert from the various cards which I have introduced, giving them oral instruction of various kinds, afterwards hearing each one read from the Picture Primer which I found in school. This exercise seems to interest the older ones, as much as the class itself. I have a class of ten in the National First Reader, a small class in the Second Reader, also several who require attention separately. They are anxious to know how to write and cipher. I give some exercises on the blackboard, besides copies on their slates, and never before have I felt so much the need of two pairs of hands as now. I was without an assistant until last week, and now have one who has been teaching in Newbern since July, and is only with me for a short time. I have formed a class in Davis's Primary Arithmetic, numbering ten. These I intend to hear recite after the others are dismissed, but they are mostly disposed to stay and listen.

I have been obliged to dismiss the younger children at the close of their exercises, in order to make room for the rest. This difficulty will be obviated by enlarging the building, which has already commenced, when I shall hope to labor to better advantage. I wish I could introduce you to this school as it appears in the morning, and let them sing to you one of their own native songs; afterwards one which they have just learned — “Rally round the Flag.” They are delighted with our songs, and catch them very readily. You may imagine how they look, but to know fully, you should see for yourself. All the books I ever read, gave me but a faint idea of their real appearance. I cannot call all their names, but can tell them wherever we meet, by the flash of their eyes. I find them strong in their attachment to us, while their thoughts are oftentimes expressed in the most touching language. I wish I could give you an exact report of one of their public speeches, as well as some of their prayers. They call down all manner of blessings on us Teachers, as well as all the people of the North, not excepting “Mr. Linkum” and his Cabinet. My own language is meagre compared with theirs. They speak but the utterances of a full heart, overflowing with gratitude and exceeding great joy, that after so many years of oppression and wrong, they are now Freedmen. Who can wonder? One expression which I heard in a prayer, I must repeat: —“Grant, O Lord, that not a feather be lacking in the ‘wing of the North.’ Indulgent Father, we thank thee thou didst ever make a Linkum. O spare his life, and bless our Union Army; may one man put a thousand to flight, and ten chase ten thousand.”

The sick in camp send for the “School Misses.” Some of their leading men have been to the school-house, and expressed their gratitude for my service in a very acceptable manner. I also visit them in their homes, and as far as possible relieve their wants by distributing clothing, but my pen fails to tell you of the destitution, rags, patches, and half nakedness. I would that I were able to arouse the people of the North more thoroughly to a sense of the needs of this suffering people; another winter may not find them so unprepared for the cold.

I think I have introduced you sufficiently for the first time to my school, which I have named for Dr. Russell, and it will hereafter be known as the Russell School. I hope to be able to give you favorable reports from time to time. There is a great work to be done, and no person who has a love for this field of labor, need stand with folded hands.

S. M. Pearson.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 10-11

Morbid Sensibilities.

We admit the truth of your first remark, that “the subject involved is delicate, and daily becomes more so from the morbid sensibilities which are excited, pro and con.” By morbid sensibilities, in both the friends and the opposers of slavery, we suppose you mean a diseased state of those qualities which render them quick of perception and sensation; or at least, an unhappy constitutional bias to such irriration and excitement as one in a sane state of mind would not in the same circumstances, either exhibit or feel. The high excitement of this morbid sensitiveness which has within a few years so extensively existed, we, no less than you, sincerely deplore. Nor can we object to the opinion you have expressed, that it has not made better men, citizens, or christians; that it has done no good in any quarter of the country, but much hurt. It has probably in some instances been overruled for good, but its own natural tendency is to discord, confusion, and every evil work. Some of its effects we have seen, and of far more we have heard. It has induced some of our countrymen to load, not only slaveholders, but all who did not come out in organized opposition to them, with harsh and opprobious epithets; to publish inflammatory articles, to the prejudice of others, without any sufficient evidence of their truth, and which in some instances have turned out to be false; to defend themselves by deadly weapons, sometimes at the expense of the assailant’s life; and to resort in various ways to the use of rash and unwise measures for the abolition of slavery; it has moved others to break up seminaries of learning, because young persons of color were allowed to be benefited by them, to disperse, with savage brutality, assemblies of respectable people consisting of ladies as well as gentlemen, who had peaceably assembled to hear the subject of slavery candidly discussed; to mar, pollute, and destroy public edifices, because they had been, or were likely to be, used for this purpose; to ransack violently the mails in quest of anti-slavery publications; to demolish printing presses, and cruelly persecute their conductors; to shoot down, in one instance, an editor of a paper, who went forth from among ourselves; to offer large rewards, and that publicly, for the murder of distinguished abolitionists; and to bring not a few of our leading men in Congress into collision with each other, so violent and reckless, that some of them have not only treated abusively, but have trodden down the constitutional rights of the people, and threatened a dissolution of the Union.

This morbid sensibility is truly a fearful element in any individual or community. It has already caused a vast amount of evil, and threatens destruction to all our most valuable institutions. The unholy and desolating fires which it has so widely enkindled “ought,” as you remark “to have been long since extinguished by the waters of patriotism and christian affection.” But the extinguishing element seems to be scarce, and the engines for throwing it are out of order; and the fire-men few, badly organized, and too jealous of each other to act in concert; and thus the devouring element is left, fearfully sweeping along. All this we deeply deplore.

But from the excitement of sensibilities, not morbid, of enlightened conscience, and generous sympathy, a christian benevolence, leading men to consider the woes and wants of their fellow creatures, of whatever complexion or condition they may be, we have seen no such evils arising. Of this kind of excitement there has been and still is altogether too little; and powerful stimulants are urgently demanded to rouse public feeling, in regard to this subject to any thing like healthy action. The dormant energies of mental soundness, must be called into exercise, or a cure of morbid sensibilities will never be effected.

_______________

Continued from: Reverend Silas McKeen to Thomas C. Stuart, August 20, 1839

SOURCE: Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Slavery vs. The Bible: A Correspondence Between the General Conference of Maine, and the Presbytery of Tombecbee, Mississippi, p. 25-9

Gerrit Smith to the voters of the Counties of Oswego and Madison, New York, November 5, 1852

To the voters of the Counties of Oswego and Madison.—You nominated me for a seat in Congress, notwithstanding I besought you not to do so. In vain was my resistance to your persevering and unrelenting purpose.

I had reached old age. I had never held office. Nothing was more foreign to my expectations, and nothing was more foreign to my wishes, than the holding of office. My multiplied and extensive affairs gave me full employment. My habits, all formed in private life, all shrank from public life. My plans of usefulness and happiness could be carried out only in the seclusion in which my years had been spent.

My nomination, as I supposed it would, has resulted in my election, — and that too, by a very large majority. And now, I wish that I could resign the office which your partiality has accorded to me. But I must not — I cannot. To resign it would be a most ungrateful and offensive requital of the rare generosity, which broke through your strong attachments of party, and bestowed your votes on one the peculiarities of whose political creed leave him without a party. Very rare, indeed, is the generosity, which was not to be repelled by a political creed, among the peculiarities of which are:

1. That it acknowledges no law and knows no law for slavery; that not only is slavery not in the federal constitution, but that, by no possibility could it be brought either into the federal or into a State constitution.

2. That the right to the soil is as natural, absolute and equal as the right to the light and air.

3. That political rights are not conventional but natural, — inhering in all persons, the black as well as the white, the female as well as the male.

4. That the doctrine of free trade is the necessary outgrowth of the doctrine of the human brotherhood; and that to impose restrictions on commerce is to build up unnatural and sinful barriers across that brotherhood.

5. That national wars are as brutal, barbarous and unnecessary as are the violence and bloodshed to which misguided and frenzied individuals are prompted; and that our country should, by her own Heaven-trusting and beautiful example, hasten the day when the nations of the earth “shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.”

6. That the province of government is but to protect — to protect persons and property; and that the building of railroads and canals and the care of schools and churches fall entirely outside of its limits, and exclusively within the range of “the voluntary principle.” Narrow however as are those limits, every duty within them is to be promptly, faithfully, fully performed: — as well, for instance, the duty on the part of the federal government to put an end to the dram-shop manufacture of paupers and madmen in the city of Washington, as the duty on the part of the State government to put an end to it in the State.

7. That as far as practicable, every officer, from the highest to the lowest, including especially the President and Postmaster, should be elected directly by the people.

I need not extend any further the enumerations of the features of my peculiar political creed; and I need not enlarge upon the reason which I gave why I must not and cannot resign the office which you have conferred upon me. I will only add that I accept it; that my whole heart is moved to gratitude by your bestowment of it; and that, God helping me, I will so discharge its duties as neither to dishonor myself nor you.

Gerrit Smith.

Peterboro, November 5, 1852.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 215-6

Amos A. Lawrence to Governor John W. Geary

To secure the adoption in all parts of the Territory of the best system of public schools seems to be desirable at this early day, and I have a plan to communicate to some one or two who have the leisure to attend to its execution. Some funds which I intended for the proposed university will be better used for the present for this purpose; and if the government should make adequate provisions for the former, no private contributions would be required. In the centre of this continent there should be a model State which shall be an example to all; a model for those which come in hereafter to copy, and a stimulant to the old States to keep up a high standard of learning, virtue, and patriotism.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 119-20