Showing posts with label Wilson's Creek. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wilson's Creek. Show all posts

Saturday, May 23, 2015

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 25, 1861

I believe the Secretary will resign; but “immediate still lies on his table.

News of a battle near Springfield, Mo. McCulloch and Price defeat the Federals, killing and wounding thousands. Gen. Lyon killed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 75

Sunday, January 11, 2015

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: August 20, 1861

We are rejoicing over a victory at Springfield, Missouri — General Lyon killed and his troops routed. Our loss represented large. I have only seen the Northern account.

No news from home, and nothing good from that quarter anticipated. We are among dear, kind friends, and have the home feeling which only such genuine and generous hospitality can give; but it sometimes overpowers me, when I allow myself to think of our uncertain future.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 50

Tuesday, November 18, 2014

Colonel George A. Stone to Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood, March 14, 1863

Young's Point, La., March 14, 1863.

My Dear Sir: — Your favor of the 25th ult., is received. I had heard of the Adjutant's death several days before your letter came to hand. The news of his death cast a gloom over the entire regiment, men as well as officers, and little groups gathered in almost every street of our camp giving and receiving the sad intelligence.

It is not flattery or idle words to say that the loss of no officer would have been more deplored than his. You say truly “he was an honorable, noble boy,” and had, by strict attention to his duties, by the energetic manner of always doing his duty, by his kindness to all and by his cool, gallant conduct at the hill of Vicksburg and Post Arkansas, endeared himself to all of us. None speak of him but to praise, and I do not think he had an enemy in the whole regiment. – I cannot express in words to you, my dear sir, how I mourn him, and have only heart to say that up to this period of my life I have had but two among all my companions whom I really loved – Frank Mann and S. Kirkwood Clark – one was shot down by my side at Wilson's Creek and the other I lost at Post Arkansas.

I envy each his death. God grant when in His good providence I am to die, I may meet a soldier's death and die, like Frank and the Adjutant, charging a Rebel battery.

I am, sir, Very truly yours,
GEO. A. STONE.
Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa City.

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 286

Tuesday, October 28, 2014

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to Brigadier-General Francis J. Herron, January 6, 1863

Executive Office, Iowa,
Iowa City, Jan. 6, 1863.

General: — I wish I could shake hands with you and express to you verbally my thanks and congratulations for the well fought battle and dearly won victory of Prairie Grove. I have transmitted to the 19th and 20th letters of thanks, which I hope will be read to them. They have proved themselves worthy to be called “Iowa boys.”

General, you are surpassing yourself. Your name is in all men's mouths, and the people delight to speak the praises of our plucky little Iowa general. Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove make a record of which any man may well be proud, and I assure you you can't feel more pride in that record than I do.

Very respectfully your obedient servant,
SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.
Brig.-Gen. J. F. Herron,
Commanding 2nd Division Army Frontier

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 234

Saturday, October 25, 2014

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to Governor Israel Washburne Jr, April 3, 1862

Executive Office, Iowa, April 3, 1862.

Hon. Israel Washburne, Jr., Governor of Maine, Augusta, Maine:

Sir: — I have just received a certified copy of the resolution of the general assembly of your state in reference to “our victories in the west.”

Please accept my thanks for the compliment paid to our western troops.

Permit me, however, to state that in my judgment strict justice has not been done to the troops from Iowa. The troops of Illinois are specially selected in the resolution for commendation for their gallant conduct at Fort Donelson. Too much honor cannot be given to the Illinois men for their gallantry there, unless, as in this case, it is done by preferring them to the troops of other states. The men of Illinois did bravely and well, and I shall never seek to pluck one leaf from the wreath of honor they there so nobly won; but it is not true, as is implied in the resolution, that they did more bravely or better than the men of Iowa. There was not any better fighting done by any of our troops at Fort Donelson than at the right of their entrenchments. There the crest of a long and steep hill was covered by well built rifle pits, defended by three of the best regiments in the rebel service. To their left, some 1,500 yards, was a rebel battery that swept the face of the hill with a cross fire. The face of the hill had been heavily timbered, but every standing tree had been cut down and thrown, with the tops down hill, in such manner as most effectually to retard the approach of an attacking force. At that point, through the fallen timber, exposed to that cross fire, and in the face of the three rebel regiments behind the rifle pits, a regiment of western men, with fixed bayonets, with guns at the trail, and without firing a shot, steadily and unswervingly charged up the hill and over the entrenchments, and planted the first union flag on that stronghold of treason. The men who did this were men of Iowa. The flag borne by them and the first planted on Fort Donelson now hangs over the chair of the speaker of the house of representatives, and will soon be deposited in our State Historical Society as one of the most sacred treasures of the state.

I cannot, therefore, by my silence, acquiesce in the implied assertion of the resolution of your general assembly that any other troops did better service at the capture of Fort Donelson than the troops of Iowa.

Three other Iowa regiments were engaged in the same fight, and although our gallant second, from the fact that they led the charge, deserved and received the greater honor, all did their duty nobly. Elsewhere than at Donelson — at Wilson's Creek, at Blue Mills, at Belmont, and at Pea Ridge — our Iowa men have been tried in the fiery ordeal of battle, and never found wanting. Their well earned fame is very dear to our people, and I trust you will recognize the propriety of my permitting no suitable occasion to pass of insisting upon justice being done them.

I have sent a copy of this letter to his excellency the governor of Illinois.

Very respectfully, your Obdt. Sevt.,
Samuel J. Kirkwood

SOURCES: State Historical Society of Iowa, Iowa Historical Record, Volumes 1-3, Volume 2, No. 3, July 1886, p. 327-8;  Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 180-1, which I believe incorrectly dates this letter as April 8, 1862, since this letter does not mention the Battle of Shiloh, which took place on April 6th & 7th, it is likely that April 3rd is the correct date for this letter.

Saturday, October 11, 2014

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood’s Second Inaugural Address, January 15, 1862

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:

As this is the first time in the history of our State that the same person has been twice elected to the office, the duties of which I have for the second time just assumed, and as the transmission to you of a message in writing, communicating the condition of the State and recommending such matters as seemed to me expedient, was among the last of the official acts of my first term of service, it was for some time a question with me whether it was proper for me, in commencing my second term, to conform to the custom heretofore acted on by incoming Governors of delivering an inaugural address. Upon reflection, I did not feel at liberty to disregard what is a well established, and what is considered a useful, custom.

When, two years ago, I first assumed the duties of my present office, I saw, and in my inaugural address alluded to, the bitter and exasperated feelings existing in certain portions of our country, which have since resulted in the present Rebellion, and pointed out what seemed to me to be some of the exciting causes of that feeling. The people of our country were then about entering upon one of those political contests by which the policy of our General Government is, for a time, determined; and I expressed the belief that this angry and excited feeling would not result in an appeal to arms, but that a people taught as ours have been to yield almost instinctively to the fairly expressed will of the majority would, when the feeling engendered by its contest had passed away, again permit the calm dictates of reason to resume their sway, and that we would again become a contented and happy nation Time has shown that my belief was erroneous, and yet it seems to me it was a reasonable and just belief.

All men know well that the government against which rebellion would be made, if raised at all, was the government which made the least exactions and conferred the most benefits upon its people of any government in the world. All men knew well, and none better than those now in rebellion, that the Administration, whose accession to power their opponents declared they would consider cause for revolt, could not during their term of office, even if so disposed, inflict upon the defeated party any wrong. And it seemed then, and seems yet, to me to be a reasonable and just belief that no portion of a people, so intelligent as ours has claimed to be, could revolt against a government which had conferred upon them only benefits, and against an Administration powerless to injure them. All men know, too, that rebellion must bring upon those engaged in it terrible calamities, if not sure destruction, and it did seem reasonable and just to believe that sane men would not bring upon themselves such results without cause.

Yet there were other things bearing upon this question which we did not know. We did not know, even although we were so told by some far-sighted men — it seemed too monstrous for our honest and loyal-hearted people to believe — that men whom they had delighted to honor, men upon whom they had conferred the high places, even the highest place of honor and profit and trust under our government, could, whilst yet holding these places and pledged in the sight of God and before men faithfully to discharge their trust, and with professions of love and attachment to our government yet warm upon their lips, deliberately conspire to overthrow and destroy that government which they were so strongly bound to protect and defend. I repeat it, our honest and loyal-hearted people could not believe these things to be true: they were to them too monstrously infamous for their belief. They had not yet learned the bitter lesson that honesty, truth, good faith and loyalty were but mere words used by these men as a cover under which to deal, as they hoped, a fatal stab to that government from which they had derived all they ever had of honor or importance. Had this not been so (and although its truth has produced such terrible results, I thank God our people could not then believe it possible), I am well convinced we would to-day have no Rebellion. Had the occupant of the Presidential chair, for the year preceding the 4th day of March, 1861, and his advisers, been true men, and had they done their duty as such and stricken rebellion one honest, downright blow when first it reared its hateful head, we would have to-day a peaceful and united nation. But this, unfortunately, was not so. Treason and imbecility sat in our high places, and surrendered one after another the outposts of the citadel of our strength into the hands of Rebels, until, emboldened by success, they believed the citadel itself to be within their grasp. In this way the Rebellion was encouraged and strengthened, and thousands of men were induced to array themselves upon its side from the conviction that the government was powerless to protect its friends or punish its enemies.

At last, but too late, came a change of administration. Our Government asserted its rights, and gave evidence of its will and power to maintain them, and then came the Civil War that is now upon us.

I need not undertake to point out to you the primary cause which has led to this disastrous issue. Although there may have been many minor causes, all tending to the same end, such as the disappointed ambition of bad men and the lust for power, the clear common sense of our people has seen and accepted the fact that the one great controlling cause of this wicked Rebellion, and of all the fearful consequences which have followed and must follow from it, is the system of Human Slavery. Sophistry cannot disguise this fact, nor argument illustrate it. It is patent, tangible, and sooner or later it must be accepted by our rulers, as well as by our people, and acted on by all. This baneful system, which has wrought such terrible results, was accepted with great reluctance by our fathers as an existing but most unfortunate fact, and its existence recognized and protected by them as such, but surrounded at the same time by influences such as they confidently hoped would soon eventuate in its total and peaceful extinction. That hope has been sadly disappointed. This system, so reluctantly admitted into our form of government, and so antagonistic to its vital principles, has, like a foreign substance in the human body, been to the body politic a source of constant irritation, and has been the real cause of all the heart-burnings and ill-will among our people. Circumstances, not foreseen at the beginning, have fostered and encouraged it. It has been defended, protected and nourished by its votaries with a devotion almost unparalleled, until it has acquired a strength and power which enabled it, at first by stealthy approaches and then by bold attack, to seize the reins of government and control the policy of our people. And when peacefully and constitutionally it was driven from its usurped seat of empire, and the determination expressed that for the future it should be kept in the subordination for which it was originally intended, it revolted and by civil war has sought to destroy the Republic it could no longer control, and from the remains to build a new one in which its empire should be absolute and undisputed.

I have said that our people have seen and accepted these facts, and that the time must come, sooner or later, when our rulers, too, must see them, and when all, rulers and ruled, must act upon them. It is not for us to determine what that action shall be. That is the right and duty of others. But it is for us — it is our right and duty — to advise with those others, and to point out to them the course which, in our best judgments, should be pursued Understand me rightly. I freely accept, and have cordially acted upon, the theory that it is for our rulers to determine the policy to be pursued, and for us to sustain them, even if that policy should not meet our approbation. But it does not follow that we must not advise a change of policy, if our judgment teaches or experience has shown such change to be necessary.

What then, if anything, have we to advise? Let us see where we stand, and what are our surroundings. More than twelve months ago this war upon our government was begun, and it has been prosecuted up to this moment on the one side with fierce vindictiveness, and terrible earnestness. Nothing, literally nothing, has been allowed to stand in the way of the advancement of the cause for which this war has been waged, by those who advocate that cause. Officers of the army and navy, to advance that cause have deserted their flag. Statesmen, to advance it have betrayed their trusts. Among all ranks, acts of fraud, words of falsehood and deeds of violence have been held good and honorable service, if thereby the cause might be advanced, and the entire energies of its advocates have been directed to that single end. The sole question they have asked has been: “What thing can we do which will most effectually and speedily break the strength of our adversaries?” And when that question has been answered, they have as one man done that thing. How have they been met? Until the 4th day of March last past, not only were no steps taken to arrest their progress, but many of those who now are not of and with them, insisted that coercion should not be used to arrest it. After that date although the new admi[ni]stration took prompt and vigorous steps to meet the crises, many people in the loyal States still protested against coercive measures to suppress rebellion, and many others sought, as if expecting to find, some neutral ground on which to stand, some middle ground between loyalty and treason, as if a citizen could be loyal to his government who did not lend his hand to defend it when rebels sought to destroy it But time passed on till Sumter fell and our nation awoke from what appeared to be the slumber of death. With fiery zeal and generous emulation, the young men of all classes and all parties in the loyal States rallied around the government, until today we have under our banner the best army the world has ever seen; ready and eager to meet in battle all enemies who seek the destruction of the Union. And yet it seems to me that we do not bring to this conflict the same directness, the same unity of purpose and action our adversaries do. It seems to me we do not ask ourselves what one thing can we do that will most effectually and speedily break the strength of our enemies? and when that question is answered, do that thing. It seems to me the idea still pervades and controls the minds of many of us that our duty requires of us not only the preservation and protection of the Union, but the preservation and protection of slavery; that we have sometimes feared to strike an earnest blow against rebellion, lest that blow should fall on the head of slavery; that we regard slavery as an essential part of the Union itself, and that the Union would not be worth preserving, unless slavery could be preserved with and remain part of it.

If these things be so, we are yet far from the path that will lead to success. Slavery, the leading cause of this rebellion, is an element of strength or of weakness to the rebels, just as we will it shall be. If we say to the slaves of rebels, we are your enemies, they will remain with their masters and be to them a strength and support. If we say to them, we are your friends, come to us and you shall be free, they will seek to come by thousands, and the armies now standing in battle array against our soldiers, will be needed at home to restrain them. Take the case of South Carolina. Our soldiers are to-day upon her soil. She has a population of about 700,000 souls, more than one-half of whom are slaves. Experience, the best of teachers, has shown that these slaves want freedom, that they look upon our soldiers as friends, and would, if encouraged so to do, flock to our camps by thousands. As the slaves of rebel masters, their labor in the field and in the camp, furnishes the rebel troops with food, and does for them much of that severe camp labor which exhausts the energies of the soldiers and brings sickness upon them. Thus rebellion is strengthened by slavery. Shall we continue to leave it this strength? shall we do more than this? Shall we continue to drive back to their rebel masters these unfortunates, and compel them to be our enemies although they wish to be our friends? Shall we continue to require of our brave soldiers who have gone forth to fight our battles, those exhausting labors that have brought sickness and death to so many of them, when these people stand ready and willing to relieve them if allowed?

It may be said that if we proclaim freedom to slaves of rebel masters, slavery must suffer and may be extinguished. I reply: So be it. The friends of slavery have in its supposed interest thrust this war with all its evils upon the country, and upon them and upon it be the consequences. It may be said the slaves of loyal masters will escape and thus loyal men will suffer loss. This may be, probably will be so. But if we shall be successful in preserving our government, and putting down this rebellion, we can and will make good all losses caused to them by the acts of the government for its preservation. Besides, it is their misfortune and not our fault that they live in sections of our country in which the war is carried on and in which either a majority of the people are rebels, or the loyal men in the majority have suffered themselves to be prostrated and trampled on by the rebel minority. We regret their condition, we pity their misfortunes, we will make good their losses caused by our acts for the preservation of the Union, but we cannot allow the Union to be stricken down because efforts for its preservation may work them present injury. War necessarily brings suffering and loss to the people among whom it is waged. This war brings suffering and loss to the loyal people of all our States, and we all must bear as well and as patiently as we may, until the end, when it will be our duty to repair so far as we may, the losses sustained by loyal men because of their devotion to their country.

I will not be misunderstood. This war is waged by our government for the preservation of the Union, and not for the extinction of slavery, unless the preservation of the one shall require the extinction of the other. If the war were so prosecuted that on to-morrow the preservation of the Union were effected and secured, I would not now wage the war another day. I would not now spend further treasure or further life to effect the extinction of slavery, although I might regret that the war of its own producing had left in it enough of life to leave it to be our bane and pest in the future as it has been in the past. But while this is true, it is also true that if I had the power on to-morrow to end this terrible strife and preserve our Union by the extinction of slavery, while to preserve both would require a month's or a week's or a day's or an hour's further war; the spending of a single additional dollar to the loss of a single additional life; so surely as the Lord lives, this war would close to-morrow. No wife should mourn her husband, no mother her son, no maiden her lover, slain in a war protracted by me a single hour to preserve to rebels that which caused them to commence and which enables them to maintain rebellion. I would not believe that I had, nor do I believe that others have the right, although they may have the power to protract this war in order to preserve that which has caused the war. My deliberate convictions are that to prosecute this war successfully, we must strike directly at slavery, and that the time must soon come when every man must determine for himself which he loves most, the Union or slavery, and must act accordingly.

In the mean time, and at all times, it is our duty to rally around and support the government. We are not of those whose loyalty is doubtful or conditional. We do not say we will support the government if it adopts our views or carries out our plans, and if not, we will become neutral or join the enemy. We support it with hearts and hands and means, although we may doubt its policy, trusting time will demonstrate the correctness of our views, and bring about their adoption if found correct. The giving of honest counsel and the rendering of faithful service make up the duty of all true men.

The war has brought on us severe trials, and others are yet to come. Many of our best and bravest have died upon the battle-field or in the hospital, and many more must die. Our business operations have been interrupted, our markets have been closed, the prices of the products of our industry have been lessened, we have been compelled to wholly forego or materially to curtail the use of some luxuries which, by use, had become to us comforts of life, and these things must continue to be. They are the inevitable attendants of war, and must be borne as they have been borne, bravely, unflinchingly and cheerfully. Life is valuable, but it is intended to be useful; and how can anyone make his life more useful than by giving it for his country? Could our own brave men who died at Wilson's Creek, Blue Mills and Belmont have used their lives in any other way to better purpose than by losing them on those bloody but glorious battle-fields? Their names will live after them, embalmed in the hearts of our children and our children's children, as the names of men who died for their country, and their example will fire the hearts of generations yet to come to deeds of equal and as noble daring.

We are eminently a peaceful and peace loving people, and the interruption of our peaceful avocations of war and its incidents bears hardly upon us; but we must remember, that the only way to bring back and make permanently secure to us that peace we love so well, is to convince those who have thrust this war upon us and to convince all others that although we love peace much, we love our country's honor and the perpetuity of our Union more. But do we exaggerate the evils of our condition? I am well convinced that there is not in the world a people of equal numbers, all of whom enjoy to-day so many of the necessaries and of the comforts of life as are enjoyed by our people. In our own State our cause of complaint is not that we have not enough of the necessaries of life, but that we cannot get high enough prices for what we can spare of our superabundance; not, that we have not food but that we cannot sell to advantage food, we do not need!

But we will have to pay heavy taxes. True, we will and it is equally true we can. We have to do but one thing, and that thing we must do. We must give up the idea of money making to a great extent until this war is over. We must be content to devote to the preservation of the country a portion of all of the surplus we have been accustomed to lay up in years gone by. We may be required to return to customs and expedients for many years abandoned. We may be compelled to do as our fathers and mothers did, clothe ourselves as they did with the products of their farms and their own hands. What then? Our men will be none the less brave, loyal and loving; our women none the less true hearted, lovely and beloved. We may be required to do and may do all these things and yet suffering and want still be far from us. We may be required to do and may do all these things, and yet will not have done nearly so much as our fathers did to hand down to us the rich inheritance we are now striving to transmit unimpaired to our children. And if required, will we not do it promptly and cheerfully?

There may be amongst us a few men who know no impulse of patriotism, have no love of country, and can see nothing but sordid gain! There may be amongst us a few others who, blinded by prejudice, engendered by former political strife, cannot forget that the Government is guided in this struggle for its life by the hands of political opponents, and who would rather see it perish than have it saved by their hands, who will cry peace when there is no peace, and who will endeavor to turn us from the prosecution of this war by continually dwelling upon and exaggerating the misfortunes it has brought and will bring upon us. But these men are few in number and weak in influence. The great mass of our people see clearly and know well that no peace can be permanent which is made by compromising with armed rebels, and which will leave our present territory divided between jealous and hostile nations by such boundaries as it must be if not preserved in its integrity.

I cannot close this address without paying a well deserved tribute to the brave men who represent our State in the great army collected to do battle for our country. We may well be proud of them. We here as officers, and all our people as citizens, should feel that there is much for us to do to maintain that high reputation they have won for our State.

Trace the Iowa First on their weary way to Springfield; see them ragged and hungry but cheerful and ready; listen to their marching song as it rolls along the column, lending new vigor to themselves and their tired comrades; hear their fierce shouts and witness their daring deeds on the field where Lyon fought and fell; witness the heroic spirit of devotion and self-sacrifice with which the Iowa Third at Blue Mills attacked, and the bravery with which they fought the enemy in overpowering numbers to delay that enemy's retreat until expected reinforcements could arrive. See the Iowa Seventh on the bloody field of Belmont, heading the attack and covering the retreat; witness the cheerful endurance, the untiring energy, the indomitable valor of all our troops whenever and wherever tried, and who does not feel proud that he too is an Iowan? We owe these gallant men much. The rank and file of our regiments have never been surpassed. I doubt very much if they have ever been equaled. There is not a company in any of our regiments which does not contain in its ranks men who, in intelligence and moral worth, are the peers of any man who hears me. They have left behind them the comforts and endearments of home, their business, their friends, their all, and have taken their places as privates in the ranks with nominal pay and almost without a hope for honor and distinction. This is patriotism, and I repeat it “to these men we owe much.” It is due to them at least, that all shall be done that our circumstances will allow to promote their health and comfort and I doubt not you will see to it that the debt is paid.

When the war commenced many of us hoped that by this time it would have been completed, or that at least we would be able to see the beginning of that desirable end. But we have been disappointed. The rebellion had greater strength than we supposed. Obstacles have arisen that we had not anticipated, and the end is not yet. But these things should not discourage, and I am glad to say they have not discouraged us. As the greater strength of the rebellion has been developed, we have promptly furnished the greater needed strength to put it down, and if need be Iowa can yet send forth many regiments as brave, as loyal, and as true as those that have already gone. As obstacles have arisen they have been met as brave men meet them. They have been trampled upon and we have passed on. And now when as it seems to us here that all things are ready, we are waiting patiently, but with beating hearts, for the day when the great battle shall be fought — listening intently, and oh! how anxiously, for the battle shout, “God for the right,” which will on that day roll over that battlefield from the brave men who will be privileged there to rally around our dear old flag and strike in its defense, and trusting humbly and confidently that because they will strike for the right, the God of battles will give us the victory!

SOURCES: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 193-201; Iowa House of Representatives, Journal of the House of the Ninth General Assembly of the State of Iowa, p. 37-45; Benjamin F. Shambaugh, The Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Volume 2, p. 296-310

Diary of Josephine Shaw Lowell: August 15, 1861

Spent the whole day cutting out shirts at home. This evening we hear (through the Rebels) that Lyon has been killed and our forces defeated in consequence of our attempting to stand the attack of 21,000 men with 5,000. Bull Run over again. As the news comes from the Secessionists, it is, of course, exaggerated and we may hope that it is only a check, if it be a reverse at all. The public mind appears to be in a very desponding state; all the news from everywhere is uncomforting, our army is said to be in a dreadful condition and every responsible person at Washington, from Lincoln down, is either “a knave or a fool,” as a letter from the Capital to Mr. Gay said today. George wrote a very fine letter to Mrs. Gaskell (24 pages) and read it to us this evening; also some splendid resolutions he has formed for the committee of Richmond County. England and France are to have a consultation as to the course they shall pursue in regard to us, and Father and George say that if they say we must absolutely make some settlement, we shall of course do so, because we cannot possibly fight all the world. Ah, well! We shall see. These are extraordinary times and splendid to live in. This war will purify the country of some of its extravagance and selfishness, even if we are stopped midway. It can't help doing us good; it has begun to do us good already. It will make us young ones much more thoughtful and earnest, and so improve the country. I suppose we need something every few years to teach us that riches, luxury and comfort are not the great end of life, and this will surely teach us that at least. Mother had a nice letter from Rob today. He still enjoys himself, although he does have to sleep on the bare ground in a little tent of boughs and has hard work to do. He says a Connecticut Regiment came there a few days ago, and on their arrival the men dispersed and got drunk, whereupon one of the officers was not ashamed to ask Rob to send a guard of Gordon's men to make them behave, which he did, and since that time they have had chief charge of the Connecticutians, who don't mind their officers in the least.

SOURCE: William Rhinelander Stewart, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell, p. 15-6

Wednesday, March 26, 2014

The Jones Family

One would naturally suppose that Geo. W. Jones, after his arrest for treasonable correspondence with the arch traitor Jeff. Davis and incarceration at Fort Lafayette and release only on taking the oath of allegiance to support the Government and the capture of his son in arms against the Government at Fort Donelson, would not have the temerity to show his face to the people of Iowa, let alone traveling among them and trying to reorganize the Democratic Party.  But the brazen impudence of the man is only exceeded by the fact that loyal Iowa should contain enough disloyalists to give a show of success to his efforts.  Another item has leaked out to show the treason of the Jones family.  A Shiloh correspondent of the N. Y Times, who was in the battle at Wilson’s Creek, picked up a letter from another son of the notorious George W., introducing to a Captain in the rebel army a citizen of Dubuque, who wished to fight against his Government.  But the letter and extract will explain the matter, and show the traitor propensities of the family:

In roaming about the woods I found a well worn letter, whose contents may prove of interest.  It is dated:

DUBUQUE, Iowa, July 1, 1861.

DEAR HUNTER: By this I introduce to you my friend, Daniel O. C. Quigly, of this town, and bespeak your kindness and attention toward him.  I believe he will prove himself worthy of your friendship.  With every wish for your prosperity and happiness, your friend.

CHARLES D. JONES.
To Captain S. E. Hunter, Hunter’s Rifles,
Clinton, Louisiana.


The particularities of this document consist in the fact that the writer is a son of Gen. Geo. W. Jones, of Dubuque, (late Minister to Bogota, Fort Lafayette, &c.,) and a brother of the Lieut. Jones who was bagged at Fort Henry.  The Quigly spoken of, is a son of a prominent citizen of Dubuque, and one who, soon after the war commenced, bolted to the South and offered his services to the scoundrels who are trying to break up this government.  I offer the letter for publication from the fact that the writer now lives in Dubuque, and pretends, as he ever has pretended since the war began, to be loyal.  How far such loyalty will be tolerated by a Government whose burdens are already heavy enough, should be tested.  The letter was given, and for a treasonable purpose, at a time when the gallant Lyon was struggling against the traitorous uprisings in Missouri – at a time when hundreds of Jones’ townsmen in the First Iowa, were toiling and suffering beneath the burning sun of Missouri, inspired only by motives of patriotism, by a wish to preserve intact their beloved Constitution – it was at such a time that Jones chose to perpetrate his treason and assist in the work of breaking up the Government.

Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, May 21, 1862, p. 2

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Sunday, June 30, 2013

The Gallant Iowans

Iowa is a young State, but it is the home of heroes.  With the present war she has begun a war history that yields in splendor and honor to that of no State in the Union, and no country on the globe.  Her soil is the birthplace of a new chivalry, and he has become the mother of a new race of heroes.  Her soldiers are as modest as they are brave.  They are not fierce braggarts.  They are as gentle and tractable as children.

But when the storm of blood begins they are the guiding and governing heroes of the tempest.  Where the harvest of death is to be reaped, they are the foremost of the reapers.  Where a perilous assault is to be made, somehow or other there is always an Iowa regiment, or the wasted shadow of and Iowa regiment, to lead it.  It was so at Wilson’s creek; it was so at Belmont; it was show at Fort Donelson; it was so at Shiloh; it will ever be so throughout the war.

All our Western troops have been heroes, but the Iowa troops have been heroes among heroes.  The “Iowa First,” “Iowa Second,” “Iowa Fourth,” and “Iowa Seventh,” are bodies of men who would have given an additional luster even to Thermopylae, Marathon, Austerlitz, or Wagram, and all Americans may be proud of Iowa. – St. Louis News.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 2, 1862, p. 2

Friday, May 31, 2013

Col. Asbury B. Porter

PORTER, ASBURY B., COL., retired; born in Bourbon Co., Ky., June 20, 1808; when 21 years of age, his father died, leaving a wife and nine children; Asbury being the oldest, upon him devolved the care of the family; they removed to Illinois and located in Vermilion Co.; while living here, he became acquainted with Miss Martha A. Brazleton, a native of North Carolina; she came to Illinois at an early age, and they were married Jan. 18, 1835; the same year Col. Porter came to Iowa and bought land in Henry Co., raised a crop and went back to Illinois for his family, they arrived here in October, 1836, and were among the earliest settlers; there being only a few now living in the county who were here at that time. He was elected Clerk of the Courts in 1847; reelected to the same office in 1849; was elected and represented this county in the Territorial Legislature; was re-elected and served for three terms; was engaged in the mercantile business for twenty years; was Captain of a military company — “The Mt. Pleasant Grays” — and when the war broke out, at the first call for 75,000 men, this company enlisted in the three-months service, and Capt. Porter went with them to Keokuk; while there, was elected Major of 1st Regt., Iowa V. I., the only Iowa regiment that answered the first call for 75,000 men; when the term of service for which they enlisted had expired, there was a prospect of a battle, and Gen. Lyon requested the regiment to remain; a vote of the regiment was taken and they unanimously decided to stay, and did remain until after the battle of Wilson Creek was fought; about one week before the battle, Gen. Lyon wrote the Secretary of War, recommending Maj. Porter for promotion to the rank of Major in the regular army, and requesting that he be assigned to duty under him; but he preferred to remain in the volunteer service; upon the expiration of the three-months service, he received authority from the Secretary of War to raise the 4th Regt. Iowa Cav.; was commissioned Colonel; he was also authorized by the Secretary of War to select, inspect and buy the horses for the regiment without restrictions; the only instance known where this privilege was given the Colonel of any regiment during the war; Col. Porter selected and inspected every horse; the regiment was composed of battalions of horses of matched colors, and left for the field twelve hundred strong, and was with Gen. Curtis in Missouri and Arkansas; Col. Porter was obliged to resign his commission in 1863, on account of his eyesight. After the war, he held the office of Revenue Inspector in this Congressional District. They have seven children — Watson B., with the C, B. & Q. R. R.; Emily D., now Mrs. Dr. McClure; Louzenia W., now Mrs. Capt. Beckwith; Sadie E., at home; Frank P., contractor on the C, B. & Q. R. R.; Jennie C., now Mrs. Bean, of Albia; Asbury B., civil engineer on the C, B. & Q. R. R.; lost one son — Samuel A.

SOURCE: Western Historical Company, Chicago, Illinois, The History of Henry County, Iowa, 1879, p. 578


EDITOR’S NOTE:  Col. Porter’s grandson, Warren Wallace Beckwith, married Jessie Harlan Lincoln, granddaughter of President Abraham Lincoln.

Tuesday, May 28, 2013

Asbury B. Porter

ASBURY B. PORTER was born in the State of Kentucky, in the year 1808. He removed to Iowa, making his home at Mount Pleasant where he was engaged in the mercantile business when the Civil War began. He first entered the service as major of the First Iowa Infantry, serving with distinguished ability at the Battle of Wilson’s Creek. In October, 1861, he was appointed colonel of the Fourth Iowa Cavalry and served until the 8th of March when he was dismissed from the service by order of the President. The cause of his dismissal is not given in the published reports of the Adjutant General’s Office.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Gue, History of Iowa, Volume 4: Iowa Biography, p. 214

Friday, March 8, 2013

Bullet Extracted

Dr. Asa Horr performed an important surgical operation upon Mr. John Bell, Thursday evening, extracting a Minie ball which he received the 10th day of last August at the bloody battle of Wilson’s Creek.  The surgeon at that time did not succeed in finding the ball when he probed the wound, consequently imagined it was not in there.  The wounded, however, refused to heal, and at last a hard lump was discovered deep in his groin.  This proved to be the bullet, which the surgeon has just so successfully removed.

John was left in the hospital at Springfield after the battle, but he followed our retreating forces two miles, under the impression he would have to take an oath not to bear arms against the Confederates, if he fell into their hands.  He preferred to die rather than to take such an oath. – {Dubuque Times.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

Friday, January 4, 2013

The Expected Blow

Very much of the new we reprint from the rebel journals we interpret by the rule of contraries, so that their averment that Beauregard has gone to New Orleans, of instance, persuades us that he will soon turn up a good way from that city.  Still, we are inclined to believe their late story that Jeff. Davis has set out for the South West, because, many reasons concur in designating that as his most desirable locality.  We believe the Rebels will not meet our great Potomac Army in open battle, but will [wait] for opportunities to attack portions of it in superior force, as lately as Winchester; but should no such be afforded them, they will gradually retire as our main body advances, hoping only to detain it in Virginia until the season is too far advanced and the heat too fervid for offensive operations in the Cotton States.  Such seems to be the general purpose of the present Rebel strategy in Virginia.

On the other hand, we see much that indicates a determination on the part of Secession chiefs to strike a sudden and heavy blow in the South-West.  They are evidently concentrating their forces at Corinth or some other point near the south line of Tennessee, with intent to hurl the great mass of them suddenly on an exposed detachment of ours, thus repeating the lesson of Bull Run, Wilson’s Creek, and Lexington.  We Trust they are to be baffled in this game by the cautious energy of Gen. Halleck; and, if they should not be able to fight at the advantage they meditate, we believe they will make a virtue of necessity, and fight a desperate battle any how, hoping by success to recover Tennessee, or at any rate protect “the South proper” form invasion and restoration to the Union.  The vigor and skill of our generals are quite likely to interfere with these calculations; but we are satisfied that, if left to their own devices, the Rebel chiefs will not soon fight a great battle in Virginia, but will fight one in the South-West.

The “Anaconda” plan of surrounding and crushing a rebellion exposes those who adopt it to great and obvious hazards.  Since Napoleon’s early campaign, every tyro in the art of war understands that the first canon is, “Be strongest at the point of actual and decisive conflict, no matter how weak everywhere else.”  The rebels profited by their fidelity to this rule at Bull Run, and in most of their triumphs, as we have since done at Fort Donelson, Roanoke Island, &c.  To comprehend the value and importance of this rule is easy enough; to obey and profit by it requires a mastery of the military art.  But the rebels, holding the inferior position and operating upon much the shorter lines of communication, can conform to it more easily than the Unionists who confront them.  And only a most resolute offensive on all points can prevent an army engaged in active operations, as has been recently witnessed.  And their advantage of position is so fairly counterbalanced by our command of the seas and our superiority in both gunboats and transports on the Western rivers, that it should not, and probably will not, be allowed to prove of much avail.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

Friday, December 28, 2012

From The Southwest

(Correspondence of the Missouri Republican.)

SPRINGFIELD, MO., March 29, 1862.

In all portions of the country, throughout Southwest Missouri, there is a great change taking place in the sentiments of the people. – The friends of the Federal Union are strengthened in their hopes of its full restoration to power and authority, and are enabled to avow their convictions openly and boldly.  Secession has become a by-word and a reproach among the inhabitants, and a general confidence is felt that the rebel army will never find a way into Missouri again.  Many thoughtless persons who have been in Price’s army are returning home, some of them quietly, hoping that no notice will be taken of their [treason],others coming, and giving themselves up to the military authorities, asking to be permitted to take the oath of allegiance and return to the peaceful avocations to which they were formerly accustomed.  All these returning rebels express their disgust with the rebellion as a future, and are now convinced that the Government of their fathers is a wise and beneficent one, and too powerful to be easily overthrown.

The night before we reached Springfield we stayed with an intelligent farmer, about eight miles from town, by the name of Piper.  He came from Virginia, and settled in this country twenty years ago.  Two of his sons are in the Union army, and one of them was wounded in the battle of Pea Ridge.  The latter is now home, recovering from his wounds, and gave me a few interesting particulars of the battle.  He was in Colonel Phelps’ regiment , Twenty-fifth Missouri Infantry.  During the first two days this regiment was constantly in the fight, and many of them were wounded, or met a soldier’s death.  Every Captain in the regiment was either killed or wounded.  Young Piper spoke in terms of great admiration of Capt. John W. Lisenby, of Company D, his own Captain, with whom he stood side by side during the fight.  The first man that fell, Captain L. put his sword in its sheath, and picked up the man’s musket, using it till the cartridges were all gone.  Then waving his cap over his head, he cheered on his men until a ball struck him in the breast, and he fell to the earth.  His wound, however, was not fatal, and he will recover.  He is now in this city, being nursed and cared for by female friends.

Young Piper received a flesh wound in the thigh.  He fought on for some time after he was shot, feeling only a sting in his leg when he was struck, and only desisting when it became painful.  He says he exchanged several shots with his antagonist, both of them having discovered the other’s aim, and that, on his third shot, he saw him fall.

The parents of this young man are proud that their sons are serving the cause of the Union.  The old gentleman is a prosperous farmer, and although he has been repeatedly robbed by the secesh, his home is ever open to the weary soldier, who is never denied refreshment and rest.

At another house where we passed the night we found the mother of one of our wounded soldiers, a Mrs. Benton, rejoicing that her son had been found worthy to suffer for his country, and saying that his scars would be [an honorable] testimony to his loyalty hereafter.

Speaking of the regiment of Col. Phelps.  I forgot to mention the noble conduct of his wife before and during the late battle.  It is related of her that she went down to the headquarters of the army just before the fight, taking with her various articles of comfort, and among other things a lot of bandages, pieces of cotton, cloth, lint, &c., for dressing wounds.  She had not been there more than a few hours when the battle commenced, and very soon her benevolent exertions were called into requisition.

The soldier who related this states that for three days she was untiring in her personal efforts in aid of the surgeons, in dressing wounds and caring for the wounded.  Such noble and heroic conduct shows that we are not without our Florence Nightengales,

“The noblest types of good
Heroic womanhood.”

that can be found in any land.

It was Mrs. Phelps who had the body of Gen. Lyon decently buried on her husband’s farm, after the battle of Wilson’s Creek, when the rebels took possession of Springfield and in the hasty retreat of our little army, the body of the deceased Gen. Lyon was, by a mistake left behind.

Meeting Mr. Plattenburg, the agent of the Western Sanitary Commission, on his return from Cassville, I learned from him that he got safely and promptly through with the forty boxes of hospital stores for the wounded, and that the sheets, pillows, blankets, bandages, lint, jellies, wines, brandies, and other hospital stores were the very things needed, and came like the manna in the wilderness to our wounded men, no provision having been made for such an emergency.  Forty boxes more are now on the way at this point, to be shipped immediately to Cassville, and will all be needed.  It is purposed also to send some washing machines to the hospitals to facilitate the washing of the soiled clothing, for which it is very difficult to procure the requisite labor.  The labors of the Sanitary Commission have proven of immense value in securing better care and in providing necessary comforts for the wounded of our army, in which the rebel wounded have also shared.  Many lives have no doubt been saved through their instrumentality, and their disinterest and humane exertions will not be forgotten by a grateful people.

LEON.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 2

Thursday, December 13, 2012

Rev. Marcus Arrington

It is sad to record the following details of suffering inflicted upon one of the oldest, most useful and honored members of the St. Louis Conference, M. E. Church, South; a man who for many years has been an humble, exemplary and influential member of the Conference, who occupied a high position in the confidence of the Church, and has been intrusted with high and responsible positions in her courts and councils. No man, perhaps, of any Church has stood higher in the esteem of all men of all Churches in Southwest Missouri, where he has so long lived and labored, than Marcus Arrington. Let him tell in his own-way the story of his sufferings:

“When the troubles commenced, in the spring of 1861, I was traveling the Springfield Circuit, St. Louis Conference. I was very particular not to say anything, either publicly or privately, that would indicate that I was a partisan in the strife. I tried to attend to my legitimate work as a traveling preacher.

“But after the war commenced, because I did not advocate the policy of the party in power, I was reported as a secessionist, and in the midst of the public excitement it was vain to attempt to counteract the report.

“At the earnest solicitation of divers persons, I took the oath of loyalty to the Government. This, it was thought, would be sufficient. But we were mistaken.

“Soon after this, my life was threatened by those who were in the employ of the Federal Government. But they were, as I verily believe, providentially prevented from executing their threat.

“After the battle of Oak Hills, or Wilson's Creek, July 10, 1861, it became my duty to do all I could for the relief of the sick and wounded, and because I did this I was assured that I had violated my oath of allegiance. I was advised by Union men, so-called, that it would be unsafe for me to fall into the hands of Federal soldiers. Believing this to be true, when General Fremont came to Springfield, I went to Arkansas, as I think almost any man would have done under the circumstances.

“While in Arkansas, I met Bro. W. G. Caples, who was acting Chaplain to General Price. He requested me to take a chaplaincy in the army, informing me at the time that, by an agreement between Generals Fremont and Price, all men who had taken the oath of loyalty as I did were released from its obligations.

“In December, 1861, I was appointed by Gen. McBride Chaplain of the 7th Brigade, Missouri State Guard. In this capacity I remained with the army until the battle of Pea Ridge, March 7 and 8, 1862. On the second day of this battle, while in the discharge of my duty as Chaplain, I was taken prisoner. Several Chaplains, taken at the same time were released on the field, but I was retained. , I was made to walk to Springfield, a distance of 80 miles. We remained in Springfield one-day and two nights, and whilst many prisoners who had previously taken the oath as I had were paroled to visit their families, I was denied the privilege.

“We were then started off to Rolla, and although I had been assured that I would be furnished transportation, it was a sad mistake, and I had to walk until I literally gave out. What I suffered on that trip I can not describe. When we reached Rolla I was publicly insulted by the Commander of the Post.

“From Rolla we were sent to St. Louis on the cars, lodged one night in the old McDowell College, and the next day sent to Alton, Ill.

“Whilst I was in Alton prison a correspondent of the Republican, writing over the name of ‘Leon,’ represented me as a ‘thief and a perjured villain!’

“I was kept in Alton prison until Aug. 2, 1862, when I was released by a General Order for the release of all Chaplains.

“I then went to St. Louis, and thence South, by way of Memphis, Tenn., into exile. I would have returned to Missouri after the war closed but for the restrictions put upon ministers of the gospel by the new Constitution.

“Eternity alone will reveal what I have suffered in exile. The St. Louis Conference is properly my home, and her preachers have a warm place in my affections. They are very near my heart. May they ever be successful.”

Rev. Mr. Arrington pines for his old home and friends, and few men have a deeper hold upon the hearts of the people in Missouri. Thousands would welcome him to warm hearts and homes after these calamities are overpast.

SOURCE: William M. Leftwich, Martyrdom in Missouri, Volume 2, p. 287-90


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Saturday, May 5, 2012

The Retreat And Pursuit Of Price


INTERESTING DETAILS.

(Special Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat.)

“CROSS HOLLOWS,” ARK.
Feb. 25th, 1862

I left Springfield at 1 o’clock, p.m., Friday last and reached here Sunday at 5 p.m. having traveled 90 miles in that time.  Everywhere on our route was seen the devastation caused by the march of armies.  From the battle field of Wilson’s Creek to Cassville, I should judge that one half of the dwellings and barns were burned by Price and McCullough when Fremont was supposed to be in pursuit.  The remaining half of the tenements were deserted by Union men last season, who have since been fugitives in Rolla, St. Louis, and throughout Illinois.  These Dwellings were frequently occupied by straggling soldiers, who were very hospitable in offering the traveler the best bed in the house, to-wit: the floor.  This side of Cassville, among the Sugar Creek defiles, we saw where McCullough, in his flight last fall, had a detail of 500 men to fell trees for a distance of several miles across the road to prevent pursuit.  This barricade was eventually removed by the rebels themselves for their own convenience.  The few country people met with on the way gave full particulars of the picket fighting between Curtis’ advance and the rebel rear, as over

“The rugged road the rascals ran.”

Many gallant exploits occurred, and I found our troops, officers and men, exulting over the achievements of the famous retreat and pursuit.  I have obtained from our officers the following brief account of the events up to the Sugar Creek affair:


THE RETREAT AND PURSUIT.

In leaving Springfield, General Price undoubtedly supposed he could make good his retreat without molestation, thinking, most likely, that General Curtis would be so much pleased with the recapture of the town, and that he would remain several days and glorify.  In fact, many of our own officers and men expected as a matter of course the army would halt some time.  But Price had “reckoned without his host,” and our officers did not yet understand their leader.  The same night of our arrival came orders to march at daybreak the following morning, the divisions of Generals Sigel and Asboth taking the Mt. Vernon road, while those of Generals Jeff. C. Davis and Carr took the direct route to Cassville.  Pushing rapidly forward, twelve o’clock of that day found the latter divisions passing the famous battlefield of “Wilson’s Creek, where the enemy had bivouacked the night previous, leaving only that morning.  Here their camp fires were still burning, much of the meat that had been killed for the troops lying about uncooked with every evidence of having left “in something of a hurry.”

The enthusiasm of our troops as they passed this famous place, cannot be described.  All around us were the graves of our own friends, who had sacrificed themselves for the cause; in advance the same identical enemy that murdered Lyon.  All felt that it would have been a pleasure to fight the rebels on the same spot. – Marching on, six o’clock brought us to Dug Springs, where we were preparing to bivouac when a messenger announced that our cavalry had overtaken the enemy, and urging the infantry forward.  Hunger, fatigue and all was forgotten.  Onward we pushed, never halting until twelve o’clock that night.  The division of Gen. Davis was in the advance with the cavalry of Col. Ellis and Major McConnell.  The enemy it seems, had halted on Cane Creek, and here were captured quite a number of prisoners. – First was the rebel. Col. Freeman, who so well known as the marauderer [sic] at Salem, below Rolla.  Our pickets were close upon the enemy’s camp, and Freeman’s horse, escaping from him, ran up the road followed by the colonel.  In a very few moments he was on his way to headquarters. – Soon after came a dapper little Major, walking right up to our pickets and asking if they could show him Gen. Price’s headquarters.  “Certainly” was the reply, and in a trice he was before Gen. Curtis.  Afterwards our men captured an engineer and several other commissioned officers.

Had not the night been so terribly dark, it is more than likely Gen. Curtis would have attacked the enemy, but he determined not to be drawn into an ambuscade.  The troops lay on their arms awaiting the break of day.  At an early hour, February 15th, the column moved forward but during the night Price had again fled, leaving a large proportion of his camp equipage, and a number of wagons.  During that day the chase was very exciting, there being constant skirmishing between our advance and his rear guard. – The road was strewn with broken wagons, dead and dying mules and horses, and every conceivable kind of goods.  At four o’clock in the afternoon, the booming of cannon notified us that Price had made a stand.  The Dubuque battery was pushed forward, and for an hour we had a fine artillery fight.  By the time our infantry got up, the enemy had precipitately fled.  On the 16th inst. we pushed on, finding many evidences of the hasty flight in that day’s march.  During the afternoon our cavalry again overtook the rebels at Cross Timbers, and here was made a gallant charge by Col. Harry Pease and forty men.  Coming on the enemy’s picket they drove it in, dashing at once into the very midst of his camp.  One of our men, a lieutenant of Cavalry, was wounded and five or six horses killed.  The enemy’s loss was much greater. – This charge was really one of the most brilliant things that occurred on the route.  On the 17th inst. we had several skirmishes and at last discovered the enemy in position on the south side of Sugar Creek.  Taking it altogether, the flight of Price, and our pursuit, will form one of the most interesting passages in the history of the war.  Missouri has been freed from the rebels, and the war transferred to Dixie.


THE CAVALRY CHARGE AT SURGAR CREEK.

At Sugar Creek we visited the gallant sufferers wounded near that point in the affair of the 17th, when the cavalry charge was made, which in some respects was as brilliant as any made during the war.  The accounts of the skirmish received at Springfield were in some particulars erroneous.  The valley through which Sugar Creek pursues its meandering course is nearly half a mile in width at Trott’s Store.  From the brow of the opposite ridges the distance is somewhat more, and the road winds.  Skirmishing between the pickets of the two armies occurred during the morning when Price moved out of sight beyond the brown of the southwestern hills.  His army, as was since ascertained, then formed in two lines on both sides of the road, and two Louisiana regiments under command of Col. Louis Herbert, which had arrived from Cross Hollows to reinforce Price, marched with their batteries, determined to give us a warm reception.  Two of the enemy’s cannon were planted on the brow of the hill overlooking sugar creek, and their pieces were also ranged along the road, about two hundred yards apart, for half a mile or more.  These pieces had prolongs attached, indicating that a running fight was intended in case of pursuit.

In the meantime our cavalry formed on the opposite side of the valley and marched across the creek to a point near Trott’s store and halted.  The enemy then opened fire from their batteries.  One shot fell short, and a shell exploded over the heads of our men stationed on the opposite hill doing no damage.  Capt. Haydin, of the 9th Iowa battery, answered the enemy’s fire from the opposite bluff, throwing three shells from a howitzer with such good effect that the enemy were forced to fall back with their battery.  Gen. Curtis then ordered the cavalry to move up the hill and charge on the retreating foe.  The order was gallantly obeyed by Col. Ellis, in command of the First Missouri Cavalry, followed by Major Wright, leading his battalion and Major McConnell, with the third battalion of the Third Illinois Cavalry.  The whole force of our cavalry making the attack numbered some 800.  Gaining the brow of the hill it was ascertained that they had fallen back over a mile to an open field, where their battery was again stationed, and the enemy in force formed in line.

Our cavalry, regardless of danger, plunged forward to the charge on the enemy’s position, mostly screened by the intervening woods. – Nothing could have withstood the impetuosity of such a charge, and not our advance, led by Col. Ellis, when debouching from the woods into the open field, been met by a murderous fire poured in upon their ranks from behind the trees.  Our loss was severe in killed and wounded at this point.  Inevitable destruction, without a chance to resist so galling a fire, caused our brave me to recoil, when Col. Ellis, with great coolness and presence of mind ordered his men to right and left and scour the woods.  The order was obeyed with telling effect on the enemy, many of whom were cut down behind their places of concealment and the rest fled. – Meantime, Major McConnell, with his battalion left the road, and deploying to the left advanced on the enemy’s line, while majors Wright and Boliver performed the same manoeuvre on the right.

Two regiments of infantry arrived to support the cavalry, and formed in line.  Col. Phelps’s regiment deployed on the left of the road, and Lieut. Col. Herron, with the Ninth Iowa deployed on the right.  Capt. Hayden, of the Dubuque battery, answered the enemy’s batteries, which had opened upon our advancing columns, with a brisk fire.  The cannonading was kept up for a few minutes, when the enemy precipitately fled, taking away most of his killed.  Other regiments were coming into the field to take part in the ball.  Among the latter was the Fourth Iowa; the men anxious for the fray had pulled off their coats and threw them aside.  There is little doubt that if the rebels had been followed up closely, the rout would have been complete and no time would have been given to them to burn their barracks at Cross Hollows.  As I have given a list so far as ascertained of our killed and wounded, it is unnecessary to repeat it.

The Col. Herbert who commanded the rebel brigade was the gentleman of California notoriety, who slew the waiter at Willard’s Hotel, a few years since.  The other Confederate Colonels under him in the fight were McRae and McNair.  Several Instances of daring are mentioned, which I have not time to relate.  Among the badly wounded is J. A. Edwards, of Company H, Eighth Indiana.  He belonged to the infantry, but getting possession of a horse was the foremost in the fight, running the gauntlet of the leaden hail which poured in upon him from the timber, without quailing.  He got ahead of the cavalry, and was cut off by the enemy.  He is wounded in the elbow, and his thigh badly shattered.

The hospital steward of the 3rd Illinois Cavalry (Baker) had is horse shot down.  He fell with the horse, dismounted and leaped upon another horse in the melee, and rushed forward on the enemy with renewed vigor.  Like Edwards, he had no business in the fight, but nothing could keep him from pushing to the front and have a “hand” in.

A man belonging to the Dubuque battery had his horse’s head taken off by a cannon ball. – He was leaning forward at the moment, and the ball passed just above him, doing no injury.

In passing where the battle raged the hottest, we noticed the carcasses of some twenty dead horses strewn along the road.


A SCENE OF DESOLATION.

The inhabitants along the route from Cassville to this point were told by Price’s army that the Northern troops were marching down and were burning all the Houses, ravishing the women and killing the children.  These ignorant people, it seems, believed the silly tale, and the result is that a general stampede took place.  Men procured teams, gathered up what little valuables could be carried along, and taking their families abroad, deserted their homes. – Only three men were found in Cassville when our army arrived.

Lieut.-Col. Holland, of the 24th Missouri, left in command of the post, sent word to these people that they should not be molested, nor even required to take the oath.  Several of the terror-stricken inhabitants returned and satisfied themselves that we were not the kind of barbarians as represented to be by our remorseless enemies.

At Keetsville nearly all the inhabitants fled. – From that point to Cross Hollows about two thirds of the inhabitants on the road have deserted their dwellings.  In several houses the tables were spread for breakfast, and in the hurry of flight were thus left.  The wash tub was seen filled with water on the back of the chair, indicating that the hegira occurred, as it actually did, on “washing day.”  I took a survey of a very respectable looking frame dwelling thus deserted.  The doors were ajar, the clock on the mantle-piece had ceased ticking, feather beds were piled in the center of the floor, all sorts of furniture were scattered about and not a sound was heard but the mewing of a cat.  An air of lonesome, heart-sick desolation prevailed.  One large dwelling was recently burned down, and the ruins were still smoking.  Surely the leaders in this cursed civil war will have much to answer for.


STAMPEDE FROM CROSS HOLLOWS.

The stampede of these deluded people was exceeded by the hurry of the rebel army, to get away.

Camp Benjamin, located in a beautiful place three miles west of Cross Hollows, in the principal valley, had 108 commodious huts erected with chimneys in the center.  The rebels burned all but five, and in the hurry of their flight left thirty game cocks; some of those brandished silver spurs.  Their best fighting material was thus evidently left behind.  A book containing the general orders, and a quantity of brass knuckles were also left behind by the chivalry. It is a wonder to our troops why the two grist mills at this point were not fired.


AN OLD HECTOR MAKES HIS APPEARANCE.

Ben. McCulloch arrived from Ft. Smith the day before the fight, at Sugar Creek, but did not participate in any part of the action, except the retreat.  He insisted on making a stand at Cross Hollows, but Price objected.  His habit of running is so inveterate as to become in all respects a “second nature.”


OUR LOCATION.

Our line extends ten miles.  The right, under Sigel, resting on the Osage Springs, and the left under Col. Carr, extending to Camp Benjamin, Col. Carr’s headquarters ate at Cross Hollows.  The region east, eighteen miles, to War Eagle Creek, is broken, intersected by but few paths, rendering it impracticable for an enemy to turn our left, so that our position at present, with one half the force, would be considered perfectly secure.


THE UNION FEELING.

Benton county was nearly unanimously opposed to the calling of the Convention, which carried, by a juggle, the State over to the Confederates, and it has been stated that a suppressed Union feeling generally prevails.  From the fact that the Union sentiment has received no encouragement from the Government for so long a period, it came very nearly being squelched out but constant rebel pressure.  But as this pressure is being lifted like a dark fog from a meadow, the friends of the glorious old Union once more are seen flourishing in the sunbeams. – Confidence in our cause is being restored, and people are coming in daily to report themselves.  Four citizens from Fayetteville visited our camp yesterday, and reported to head quarters.  I have no doubt that the refugees who lately fled on our approach will return to their homes, to gain back under the protection of the Stars and Stripes, and the reign of law and order.


A COURT MARTIAL.

In order to restore confidence in our honor and justice, everything savoring of pillage and the wanton destruction of property by an unlicensed soldiery should be severely punished by the strong arm of military power.

In this connection, I may mention that great satisfaction is generally expressed in the promptness in which General Curtis has convened a court martial for the trial of the misguided persons who wickedly set fire to Bentonville.  Unless this was done, the act of some few reckless individuals would cause a stigma to rest on our army, difficult to eradicate from the minds of the very sensitive people of this State.


A RECONNOITERING EXPEDITION.

General Asboth was sent last Saturday on a reconnoitering expedition to Fayetteville with the cavalry.  The grist mills and half a dozen other buildings were destroyed by Price when passing through.  The inhabitants expressed a wish that our troops would occupy the place. – From a Fayetteville paper of the 15th there is no indication of the advance of the Union army.  Gen. Asboth has hoisted the stars and stripes, and calls for reinforcements.


ANOTHER RECONNOITERING PARTY.

Col. Dodge made a visit with a small squad of cavalry to the War Eagle Creek, eighteen miles east.  Several fine mills were found.  The owner of Von Winkle’s mill, an Eastern man, was killed by the secesh, and his wife had been detained a prisoner.  The shaft of this mill was broken by the rebels, but Blackburn’s and Winsel’s mills were in running order.  Five thousand bushels of corn were found in the latter.


EXTENSION HERE OF TELEGRAPH LINE.

The telegraph poles between Springfield and Fayetteville are standing.  When the line is finished to the former place, it will be evident that it ought to be continued to this point, thereby putting us in this out of the way point at present, in direct communication with St. Louis.


A TRANSFER.

I am informed that Col. Boyd and the Twenty-Fourth Missouri will return to Rolla to garrison that post, and that General Wyman will come forward with the gallant Thirteenth Illinois regiment.


A SIGN.

Several Regiments have sent back for their tents and camp equipage.  This an indication that we have taken hold of the rebel plow and do not design to turn our back to the great work before us.


A REIGN OF TERROR.

Two intelligent women arrived at Colonel Carr’s headquarters last evening.  They left home south of Fayetteville, five days since, and represent that their husbands were Union men who fled to avoid being pressed into rebel service.  The threat was made that the wives of such who favor the union cause would be hung, and many of these poor women were trying to make their escape from the threatened doom.  The day before these women left home there were five Union men handed at Hewett’s Mill.

The women were piloted through to our lines by an intelligent contraband, the trusty slave of their father.  This negro says that the retreat of Price was preceded by dispatches sent ahead calling every citizen to arms.  A perfect reign of terror prevails.  Committees were appointed to hang every man refusing to join the rebel army.  People were removing their provisions to the woods and burying them and fleeing in large numbers to the mountains.  By a recent act no negro must be found beyond his master’s premises under pain of thirty-nine lashes administered on his bare back.  A few weeks since, five negroes caught fishing together in a stream twelve miles from Fayetteville, were hung, and their bird pecked carcasses can be seen swinging in the air to this day as a warning to others.

The negroes are told that the Northern abolitionists are trying to get them in their power for the purpose of transporting them to Cuba.  This negro says that the war has made the Southern men “mighty temperate,” none but the vilest of corn whisky can be procured. – The “quality” are suffering headache from being deprived of their accustomed beverage, coffee.  Sassafras tea, used as a substitute sweetened with sorghum, was not generally relished.  Coffee in Fayetteville held at 50 cents a pound, and none could be had even at that price.  Sheeting and shirting was worth one dollar a yard.  The Negro made a statement to General Curtis, and gave the latter a plan showing the roads through the Boston Mountains.  Full confidence is placed in his statement.  The two women and negro were sent forward to Springfield.

FAYEL.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 8, 1862, p. 3