Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: May 11, 1864

We surely “dwell in the midst of alarms.” We were roused from our beds this morning at five o'clock by an order for the impressment of our horses to haul the Institute cannon: then came Frank, Preston Cocke, and William Lewis for a hurried breakfast, and provision for their haversacks; ordered towards Winchester, where is Seigle with a large Yankee force. They left at seven o'clock; all the Home Guard is ordered out too; so Lexington is left without men. Last night firing was heard by a great many persons, more distinctly they say than ever before. They suppose it to be at Richmond. I'm thankful my husband is away, on the errand of God's Church, and so escapes going to Winchester. He will regret it no little!

I was very much struck, a few weeks ago, in listening to my children at play. They dramatized that familiar passage in Childe Harold as closely as if it had been explained to them, —

“There was a sound of revelry by night,” &c.

Of course they had never even heard it read; but they got their “Mammy” to cut paper soldiers and ladies; then they had a “party,” and made the soldiers and ladies dance together. While they were busy dancing, came a shout from George: “The enemy — the Yankees — they are coming! Your guns! Your guns!” So the soldiers tore themselves away. “There was mounting in hot haste,” and they made them rush to battle, leaving the poor paper ladies scattered disconsolately about the floor. The thought of war is never out of our minds. If it could be, our children would bring it back by their plays! For they are almost wholly of a military character. Oh! when will the end come! No mail last night; but news by stage that Pickett has been successful above Petersburg.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 179-80

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Monday, August 1, 1864

Quite warm and sultry. There isn't any news from the front. There is a force of about two thousand here under command of General Vandever, with an equal number of convalescents. The courthouse, located on the highest point of ground in Rome, is our citadel, strongly fortified with guns facing in all directions. The place is soon to be garrisoned with two regiments of negro troops, and the few remaining citizens are greatly agitated over the thought of being stopped on the streets by negro guards and required to show their passes.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 208

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, July 31, 1864

Quite warm. It rained very hard this afternoon. There is no news of any importance. Everything appears so dull and the time passes so slowly. I am considered a convalescent now by the doctor and he has put me to work dealing out the medicine to the sick. Our chaplains here in the hospital hold preaching services in the churches of the town on Sundays. The convalescent soldiers make up the audience, as most of the citizens are gone, having given up their houses for hospital purposes.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 208

William H. Seward, April 25, 1860

Washington, April 25, 1860.

Our telegraphic advices from Charleston favor Douglas to-day. One can hardly realize that the once great Democratic party could be so alarmed as it is now. .

SOURCE: Frederick W. Seward, Seward at Washington: 1846-1861, p. 447

Abraham Lincoln’s Address to the People of Sangamon County, March 9, 1832*

FELLOW-CITIZENS: Having become a candidate for the honorable office of one of your Representatives in the next General Assembly of this State, in accordance with an established custom and the principles of true Republicanism, it becomes my duty to make known to you, the people whom I propose to represent, my sentiments with regard to local affairs. Time and experience have verified to a demonstration the public utility of internal improvements. That the poorest and most thinly populated countries would be greatly benefited by the opening of good roads, and in the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person will deny. Yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other kind without first knowing that we are able to finish them,—as half-finished work generally proves to be labor lost. There cannot justly be any objection to having railroads and canals, any more than to other good things, provided they cost nothing. The only objection is to paying for them; and the objection arises from the want of ability to pay.

With respect to the County of Sangamon, some more easy means of communication than it now possesses, for the purpose of facilitating the task of exporting the surplus products of its fertile soil, and importing necessary articles from abroad, are indispensably necessary. A meeting has been held by the citizens of Jacksonville and the adjacent country, for the purpose of deliberating and inquiring into the expediency of constructing a railroad from some eligible point on the Illinois River, through the town of Jacksonville, in Morgan County, to the town of Springfield, in Sangamon County. This is, indeed, a very desirable object. No other improvement that reason will justify us in hoping for can equal in utility the railroad. It is a never-failing source of communication between places of business remotely situated from each other. Upon the railroad the regular progress of commercial intercourse is not interrupted by either high or low water, or freezing weather, which are the principal difficulties that render our future hopes of water communication precarious and uncertain.

Yet, however desirable an object the construction of a railroad through our country may be; however high our imaginations may be heated at thoughts of it, — there is always a heart-appalling shock accompanying the amount of its cost, which forces us to shrink from our pleasing anticipations. The probable cost of this contemplated railroad is estimated at $290,000; the bare statement of which, in my opinion, is sufficient to justify the belief that the improvement of the Sangamon River is an object much better suited to our infant resources.

Respecting this view, I think I may say, without the fear of being contradicted, that its navigation may be rendered completely practicable as high as the mouth of the South Fork, or probably higher, to vessels of from twenty-five to thirty tons burden, for at least one half of all common years, and to vessels of much greater burden a part of the time. From my peculiar circumstances, it is probable that for the last twelve months I have given as particular attention to the stage of the water in this river as any other person in the country. In the month of March, 1831, in company with others, I commenced the building of a flatboat on the Sangamon, and finished and took her out in the course of the spring. Since that time I have been concerned in the mill at New Salem. These circumstances are sufficient evidence that I have not been very inattentive to the stages of the water. The time at which we crossed the mill-dam being in the last days of April, the water was lower than it had been since the breaking of winter in February, or than it was for several weeks after. The principal difficulties we encountered in descending the river were from the drifted timber, which obstructions all know are not difficult to be removed. Knowing almost precisely the height of water at that time, I believe I am safe in saying that it has as often been higher as lower since.

From this view of the subject it appears that my calculations with regard to the navigation of the Sangamon cannot but be founded in reason; but, whatever may be its natural advantages, certain it is that it never can be practically useful to any great extent without being greatly improved by art. The drifted timber, as I have before mentioned, is the most formidable barrier to this object. Of all parts of this river, none will require so much labor in proportion to make it navigable as the last thirty or thirty-five miles; and going with the meanderings of the channel, when we are this distance above its mouth we are only between twelve and eighteen miles above Beardstown in something near a straight direction; and this route is upon such low ground as to retain water in many places during the season, and in all parts such as to draw two thirds or three fourths of the river water at all high stages.

This route is on prairie-land the whole distance, so that it appears to me, by removing the turf a sufficient width, and damming up the old channel, the whole river in a short time would wash its way through, thereby curtailing the distance and increasing the velocity of the current very considerably, while there would be no timber on the banks to obstruct its navigation in future; and being nearly straight, the timber which might float in at the head would be apt to go clear through. There are also many places above this where the river, in its zigzag course, forms such complete peninsulas as to be easier to cut at the necks than to remove the obstructions from the bends, which, if done, would also lessen the distance.

What the cost of this work would be, I am unable to say. It is probable, however, that it would not be greater than is common to streams of the same length. Finally, I believe the improvement of the Sangamon River to be vastly important and highly desirable to the people of the county; and, if elected, any measure in the legislature having this for its object, which may appear judicious, will meet my approbation and receive my support.

It appears that the practice of loaning money at exorbitant rates of interest has already been opened as a field for discussion; so I suppose I may enter upon it without claiming the honor, or risking the danger which-may await its first explorer. It seems as though we are never to have an end to this baneful and corroding system, acting almost as prejudicially to the general interests of the community as a direct tax of several thousand dollars annually laid on each county for the benefit of a few individuals only, unless there be a law made fixing the limits of usury. A law for this purpose, I am of opinion, may be made without materially injuring any class of people. In cases of extreme necessity, there could always be means found to cheat the law; while in all other cases it would have its intended effect. I would favor the passage of a law on this subject which might not be very easily evaded. Let it be such that the labor and difficulty of evading it could only be justified in cases of greatest necessity.

Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the Scriptures, and other works both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves.

For my part, I desire to see the time when education — and by its means, morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry — shall become much more general than at present, and should be gratified to have it in my power to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which might have a tendency to accelerate that happy period.

With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws, the law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some others, are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. But, considering the great probability that the framers of those laws were wiser than myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless they were first attacked by others; in which case I should feel it both a privilege and a duty to take that stand which, in my view, might tend most to the advancement of justice.

But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which I have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in regard to any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is better only sometimes to be right than at all times to be wrong, so soon as I discover my opinions to be erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them.

Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow-men, by rendering myself worthy of their esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be developed. I am young, and unknown to many of you. I was born, and have ever remained, in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case is thrown exclusively upon the independent voters of the country; and, if elected, they will have conferred a favor upon me for which I shall be unremitting in my labors to compensate. But, if the good people in their wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined.

Your friend and fellow-citizen,

A. Lincoln.

New Salem, March 9, 1832.

_______________

* Lincoln was just past his twenty-third year when he indited this address to the people of Sangamon County. Though defeated in the effort to become a member of the General Assembly of the State of Illinois, his address, distributed in the form of a hand-bill, aroused great interest and enthusiasm among his fellow-citizens. It is worth passing mention to note that this defeat for the Illinois Legislature was the only one Lincoln ever suffered by direct vote of the people.

SOURCE: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Biographical Edition, Volume 1, p. 1-9

Edwin M. Stanton to W. B. Copeland, December 26, 1860

I am deeply penetrated by the kindness manifested by your note, received this morning.

After much hesitation and serious reflection, I resolved to accept the post to which in my absence I was called, in the hope of doing something to save this Government. I AM WILLING TO PERISH IF THEREBY THIS UNION MAY BE SAVED.

We are in God's hands and His almighty arm alone can save us from greater misery than has ever fallen upon a nation. I devoutly pray for His help; all men should pray for succor in this hour. No effort of mine shall be spared.

SOURCE: Frank Abial Flower, Edwin McMasters Stanton: The Autocrat of Rebellion, Emancipation, and Reconstruction, p. 85

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 19, 1861

Near Centreville, July 19th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

I am happy to write you of my continued health and good spirits. We had an adventurous time since I wrote you so hurriedly a few days ago. Leaving our encampment we marched on, halting often to remove trees and such other impediments as a retreating foe could place in our way. The first night we passed in Vienna. The next day we advanced on toward Fairfax Court House. We were drawn up about two miles off in line of battle upon rolling ground, and the batteries placed where they could play upon the enemy. Five shots from our guns sufficed to start our friends the foe again, so we advanced further, passing a deserted battery on the way. At noon we were in Germantown, which place we found deserted, and soon the soldiers were ransacking the houses for food, destroying and burning what they could not use themselves. I am happy to say the boys in my company had little hand in these doings, as such paltry work finds little countenance from its officers. Germantown is but a poor place though and $200 would probably cover any damage done to it. At night we bivouacked upon fields where the enemy's fires were still burning, not far from Centreville. Here we were but a mile or two from the Secessionists, and the firing of pickets caused frequent alarms, calling us to our posts once in the middle of the night. We were all awakened by the long roll of the drum, which is the signal of an advance. We heard then what seemed to us all in our half sleepy state, the tramp of cavalry upon us. Our toilettes were hastily made you can imagine, and soon we stood in silence not knowing whence the attack would come, but after an hour's anticipation all became still, so the “chivalry” must have changed their minds and returned back to their posts. I cannot enumerate all the alarms we have had, for there is only paper enough to tell of our part in yesterday's fight. About noon, I should think, for I have no means of calculating the time, we heard cannon firing not far off. There was no alarm sounded, so we lay around, sleeping, talking, and laughing with the utmost indifference. About 3 o'clock we were called to arms and, in the highest spirits, were marched off at a “Double Quick,” hoping that the 79th might have some share in the conflict now at hand. We found a Massachusetts Captain, an acquaintance of one of our sergeants. “We are going to give them fits” says the Captain. It was not half an hour afterwards we saw his body borne back in one of our ambulances. When near the field of action we were divided off in line, concealed in the edge of the wood. The cannon balls whipped about us on all sides. The enemy, either by accident, or knowing of our presence, had us directly in their range. One man in my platoon was struck in the leg. Thank God our loss was not greater. We were totally unaware of our destination. It was found afterwards we had been stationed out to cover the retreat of the Brigade already in action. After a while the cannon ceased firing and we were marched off to our present bivouack.

You must know the particulars of yesterday's skirmish by the papers a thousand times better than I can tell you.

Excuse the style of this letter, for it is written with the paper on the side of an axe. An order has just been issued imposing the severest penalties upon all those who shall in any wise trespass on private property. I am now ready to march forward with a lighter heart, for it was not pleasant to be connected with thieves — call thieving confiscation or what you will.

My best love, dearest Mother, for all. Keep up a light heart and trust in the Power of Him who ruleth all.

Very affec'y.,

W. T. Lusk,

Lieut. 10th Co. 79tb Regt.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 51-3

Captain William F. Bartlett to Lieutenant-Colonel Francis W. Palfrey, Sunday Morning, May 11, 1862

Baltimore, Sunday Morning, May 11.

I fear daily lest your kind disposition shall cause you to take too much trouble in my behalf. I know that it cannot be convenient for you to write me every day so faithfully; and much as I delight in your letters, I am distressed by the thought that you are putting yourself to too much trouble sometimes. I beg you won't feel obliged to write every day, only when it is perfectly convenient. . . .

At this point enter Dr. at “L. C.” Exeunt writing materials, etc., R. U. E., “with life.” (Patient looking very innocent.)

Dr. “Pulse a little fast this morning, probably from sitting up.”

Patient. “Yes sir, I suppose so.” (At this point enter second Dr., son of first, and the language becomes technical.). . . .

The scenes have been shifted (i. e., the bandages).

The Drs. have retired, everything is going on well. I am now at liberty to resume my writing, and make those pulse move a little faster again.

I wish I were with you this pleasant Sunday morning, or at least knew exactly where you were.

We hear of Franklin's and Sedgwick's Divisions being engaged, and are anxious for particulars, but can get none. The general report is, you were entirely victorious, with the odds against you. We shall hear soon.

I find my sword-arm is getting a little tired, and I shall have to let mother vibrate her smoothly swinging goose plume. (N. B. she writes with a quill.)

The weather is delightful and most favorable to me. I see much people, now, daily.

I wish you would ask one Hayward, in your regiment, if he intends to answer a letter that I wrote him some months since, when I was first brought here.

Give a great deal of love to the Colonel and all the fellows, and believe me as ever,

Yours most devotedly,

Frank.

News this morning that Norfolk, navy-yard and all, is taken. It may be true. All anxious to hear of your movements.    F.

P. S. Quite a long letter for the first attempt isn't it?

[Written by Harriett Plummer Bartlett, Captain Bartlett’s mother:]

P. S. Frank has left me little to say; to be truthful, his picture should be shaded a little; but he looks only on the bright side.

He is, I have no doubt, doing remarkably well; so the surgeon assures me every day. Still, he suffers intensely, at times, and this has been a very hard day for him. He has scarcely been free from pain a moment, and the worst is in the poor shattered foot and leg which is gone. He says, “Ask the Colonel if they gave my leg Christian burial, for my foot torments me as if it were ill at rest.”

I had nearly forgotten to say, that all your letters have been received, but not in the order in which they were written. The last bears date May 4, 8 P. M., and we are now anxiously looking for news from West Point, which is the last place where your Division is spoken of as being engaged.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 46-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 13, 1862

The country is very desponding and much disheartened. There is a perceptibly growing distrust of the Administration and of its ability and power to conduct the war. Military doubts were whispered on the Peninsula by McClellan's favorites before his recall, and when he was reinstated public confidence in the Administration throughout the country was impaired. Citizens and military, though from different causes, were distrustful. It is evident, however, that the reinstatement of McC. has inspired strength, vigor, and hope in the army. Officers and soldiers appear to be united in his favor and willing to follow his lead. It has now been almost a week since he left Washington, yet he has not overtaken the enemy, who are not distant. There is doubt whether he is thirty miles from Washington. Perhaps he ought not to be, until he has gathered up and massed the dispersed elements of his command. I shall not criticize in ignorance, but insist it is the duty of all to sustain him. I am not without hopes that his late experience and the strong pressure of public opinion will overcome his hesitancy and rouse him to thorough work. He is never rash. I fear he is not a fighting general. Stanton is cross and grouty. A victory for McClellan will bring no joy to him, though it would gladden the whole country.

Rev. Dr. Patton of Chicago, chairman of a committee appointed in northern Illinois, desired an introduction with his associates to the President, to advise with him on the subject of slavery and emancipation. The President assented cheerfully.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 129-30

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Monday, September 8, 1862

Jay Cooke came to breakfast, after which we talked financial matters. He thought gold could be easily obtained on deposit at 4%; and that, by and by, on a more favorable turn of affairs, 5-20s could be negotiated. Clay came in and Cooke left. Clay and I rode towards Department in wagon. Clay said he had made up his mind to take Department and that the President and Stanton were willing he should take that beyond the Mississippi. “Would I go with him to see Halleck?” “Certainly.” Halleck received us kindly but was unwell. Showed no favor to the new Department project.

Returned to Department and attended to general business. Nothing of special financial moment. Barney came in, and said that Stanton and Wadsworth had advised him to leave for New York this evening, as communication with Baltimore might be cut off before to-morrow. He would be governed by my advice. Told him I did not think the event probable, but he had best govern himself by the advice received.

After he had gone, Genl. Mansfield came in, and talked very earnestly about the necessity of ordering up, from Suffolk, 1st. Delaware and 3 and 4 New York, trained and disciplined now 14 months, each 800 strong, say 2,400 men; and from Norfolk 19th Wisconsin and 48th. Pennsylvania, say 1,600 men; leaving at Suffolk, Forey's Brigade of four diminished Regiments, say 1,800 men in all, late of Shield's division, — 11th. Pennsylvania Cavalry (a full and good Regiment) say 900 men;—and Dodge's Regiment of mounted Rifles except one Company; and at Norfolk, 99th NewYork, and one Company of Dodge's, sufficient for military police. He favored leaving Keyes and Peck at Yorktown. — He said the defences of the city were weak on the Eastern side; and that there ought to be at least 65,000 good men to hold it if McClellan is defeated — to improve victory if he is successful — He referred to old times. Was in Texas the Winter before the Rebellion broke out. Saw Twiggs who hated him because he was on Court-Martial. Was then told by officer in Council of War of K. G. C.¹ that Floyd and Cobb in Cabinet and Jeff. Davis and Breckinridge, were members. In this Council of War, Orders were given to seize Navy Yards, Forts, etc. while its members were yet Cabinet officers and Senators. The Order of the K. G. C. ramified throughout the South. First offered services to Juarez, who refused them because too dangerous. They then plotted the invasion of Cuba, which failed. Then declared themselves Protectors of Southern Rights and levied a contribution upon all planters and slaveholders — some giving $5 and some $10, and some more or less. In this way they got large sums and commenced operations. They designed to seize Washington and inaugurate Breckinridge; and in reference to this Mason wrote Faulkner advising him not to resign — this letter being now in Seward's possession. This plot only failed through the bringing of troops to Washington, and the unwillingness of leaders to make a bloody issue so early. — He spoke of Genl. Scott. Said he had not treated him well — had placed McDowell in command over the river last year, superseding himself, and when he had asked for explanation he simply replied that his orders had been given. He felt himself wronged, but did his duty to the best of his ability. He was afterwards treated badly by Genl. Wool who did not like him, though he treated him civilly. Had lately been in command at Suffolk (an insignificant post) until summoned here to Court of Inquiry. Wanted active employment but was unable to get any. Had sent for his horses, and proposed to visit all the fortifications around the city on his own account. — I was a good deal affected by the manifest patriotism and desire to do something for his country manifested by the old General; and could not help wishing that he was younger and thinking that, perhaps, after all, it would have been better to trust him.

After the General left, went to War Department, where found the President, Stanton and Wadsworth. The President said he had felt badly all day. Wadsworth said there was no danger of an attack on Washington, and that the men ought to be severely punished who intimated the possibility of its surrender. The President spoke of the great number of stragglers he had seen coming into town this morning; and of the immense losses by desertion.

Returned home. Maj. Andrews and others called.

_______________

¹ Knights of the Golden Circle.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 69-71

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, March 4, 1860

New York, March 4,1860.

Friend Pike: I don't happen to have that $10 to spare to-day; but I'll do the next best thing — I'll double the bet. Do you “take it”? You ought to be rejoiced to see your favorite phrase used grammatically for once.

Why don't you go in for having the printing done by the lowest bidder? There is no other way.

When you see the Charleston convention in blast, you'll see stars. Then you'll see that the people are stronger than Washington City.

Yours,

Horace Greeley.

J. S. Pike, Esq.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 500

Proclamation of Governor Francis W. Pickens, January 1, 1861

Headquarters, 1st January, 1861.

Be it known, to all concerned, that a state of things exists which makes it my duty to warn all public vessels of the United States or any vessel bearing aid and supplies to the garrison at Fort Sumter, or in any way directed to exercise any authority whatever in the waters of South Carolina, that they are hereby forbid to do so, and to abstain from entering especially the harbor of Charleston.

Given under my hand and the seal of the State, the day and year aforesaid:

(Signed)

F. W. Pickens,

Gov. amd Comm’r in Ch'f in and over

the State of South Carolina."

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 138

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 9, 1861

A storm of rain, thunder, and lightning. The streets are converted into watercourses. From the country we hear of bridges washed away by inundations, and roads rendered impassable. Accounts from the South are gloomy, but the turba Remi in Willard's are as happy as ever, at least as noisy and as greedy of place. By-the-by, I observe that my prize-fighting friend of the battered nose has been rewarded for his exertions at last. He has been standing drinks all round till he is not able to stand himself, and he has expressed his determination never to forget all the people in the passage. I dined at the Legation in the evening, where there was a small party, and returned to the hotel in torrents of rain.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 71

John Lothrop Motley to Mary Lothrop Motley, October 25, 1861

Paris, October 25, 1861.

My Dearest Little Mary: Your letter of 5th of October arrived a few days ago, and we are glad to find that you are growing fat and hearty, although we hardly expected that result from the hot sun of your native land at this epoch. I am very grateful to all the kind friends who are so good to you. I hope your dear grandmama will continue to improve in health and strength, although I fear that Boston will hardly be so strengthening to her as Nahant. Give us as many details as you can of what you see and hear, in all affairs of public interest, military and political. You have no idea how we hunger and thirst for such details, and how entirely we depend upon you. I wish that you would keep a journal of what you see and hear that you think will interest us, and so when you write to your mother and me, you will merely have to refer to and copy from your diary. This will be a more satisfactory as well as an easier way of corresponding than it is to sit down at the last minute and write a hurried note.

Nothing makes letters more interesting than personal and private details of important events. You are living at this moment in a country on which the eyes of the whole world are fixed, and in the midst of one of the most momentous epochs of the world's history. Try to describe to us simply but fully whatever you see or hear that you think may be interesting to us. It will be a good mental occupation to yourself, and the results will be very welcome to us. Do not be appalled at what I propose to you. I do not expect my dear little Mary to write me great political letters, and I shall not print them in the “Allgemeine Zeitung,” but if you take pains you may make them a great comfort to us. So soon as I get to Vienna, I mean to write to a few of my friends who promised me letters, and shall hope at least for a reply. The object has been from the beginning, and is still, not to secede permanently from the Union, but to conquer the whole United States and make it all one slave State. Here are foes against whom it is legitimate to feel some resentment. But one would think it impossible for those engaged in a common resistance to this mutiny not to sink, for the period of the war at least, every petty feeling of dislike to each other. I am sure that I have none but the kindest feelings now to every man of whatever party in the free States — hunker, Democrat, Belleverettian, Republican, or abolitionist — provided they are willing to stand shoulder to shoulder to save the country from extinction.

Your affectionate

Papa.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 208-9

John M. Forbes to George Riplet*, January 27, 1862

Boston, February 17, 1862.

My Dear Sir, — I address you not for publication, but in the hope of influencing the “Tribune” for the good which I know you and it aim at.

I regret your continued onslaughts upon Gideon Welles. If they succeed, you will be sure to have some wretched political hunker in his place, and to drive out Fox, the best executive secretary of the navy we ever had; better where he is than if head secretary, with politics too to manage!

As to the M. matter I can speak from knowledge and experience. I was employed in Boston, as he was in New York, minus the commissions. I corresponded and conferred with him; I know the difficulties he had to encounter, by experience. I say, after full reflection, that his work was, without being perfect, the best done of any that the government have yet done, always excepting Stanton's slaying of the Satanic! As compared with buying through a naval officer, I have no sort of question that M. saved five or ten times his commission. There is no sort of question, either, that the commission was too high, and that Gideon blundered! and that M. deserves some scorching for not disgorging the surplus or the whole; but still, as a whole, the thing which might have been better done was well done: to blame it too severely is a premium upon routine.

Had Welles spent twenty-five per cent., or about a million, more, through the regular channels, he would have been all right. Take care, or you will drive him out on this issue, and have harpies and do-nothings in the place of an honest old man and of efficient Fox.

Fox was too good for the old navy, and was successfully transferred to the head of a large manufacturing company. He projected the reinforcement of Sumter when it could have been done, in the winter, undertook it when desperate, in April, and thus precipitated the glorious rising. He put younger men at the head of our expeditions, which have saved the country, and will save it if salvation be possible. He has the old-fogyism of the navy to fight, and yet has done much where more remains to do. Let him not have to fight the fire in the rear, of the head of the liberal party, the “Tribune.”

Pray note: I don't say M.'s work was perfect, nor he blameless of greed, but that you may lead to a worse evil by pushing Welles further!

Truly yours,

J. M. Forbes.

I pray you not to embalm my name in print.

_______________

* Of the New York Tribune.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 289-90

Charles Eliot Norton to Frederick Law Olmstead, January 24, 1864

Cambridge, Mass., 24 January, 1864.

My Dear Olmsted, — . . . Mr. Lincoln continues to gain the confidence of the people, and it looks now as if there would be little opposition to his reelection. You will find an able article by Lowell on the President's Policy in the “North American” for January, a copy of which I have sent to you. Lowell and I have undertaken the editing of this old Review.  . . . I trust that you will help us by writing for us, — and in asking you to do so I do not feel that I am asking as for a contribution for the amusement of the readers of a magazine, —but rather for a patriotic work. We must use the advantages which the times give us. There is an opportunity now to make the “North American” one of the means of developing the nation, of stimulating its better sense, of setting before it and holding up to it its own ideal, — at least of securing expression for its clearest thought and most accurate scholarship. I hope you will feel that it is an opportunity not to be thrown away. Whatever you may like to write we shall be glad to print. If you have anything to tell or say concerning life in California or the relations of the Pacific to the Atlantic States, or of the state of society in Bear Valley, or of the habits and characters of the miners, — pray put it into the form of an article, and send it to me. I wish you would send something of this kind to me before the summer. . . .

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 267-8

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, March 2, 1862

Headquarters Co. B, 2d Mass. Reg't,

Charlestown, Va., March 2, 1862.

I wrote in my last that we had received marching orders and were liable to be off at any moment. We remained in a state of uncertainty till Wednesday afternoon, when we had the following order: “Reveille at four Thursday morning; march at five; take cars from Frederick at seven.”

These orders were complied with on a dark, cloudy, muddy morning, except that we had to wait till half-past seven on the railroad track before we started for Sandy Hook. Our whole brigade went on this train. After a hard ride of about four hours, we arrived at Sandy Hook. We disembarked as soon as possible, and formed line along the canal. Everything looked as natural as if we had only left the day before, except the lower part of Harper's Ferry, which, you know, Colonel Geary destroyed by burning. We marched down to the ferry, across which there had been a pontoon bridge constructed. We had to cross this in single file to avoid much jarring. It is a beautiful bridge, built in this manner: at intervals of every twenty feet are the pontoons, which look like common flat-bottomed scows, and are connected together by planking about eight feet wide. The whole arrangement is connected to the shore by a system of ropes. The bridge must be at least eight hundred and sixty feet long.

After crossing, we marched through Harper's Ferry, which seemed perfectly full of troops; we went down the Shenandoah road about a mile and quartered the regiment in some empty houses we found. The weather had changed since morning, and the night was very cold, with a perfect gale of wind. Captain Williams, Lieutenant Oakey and myself, found a very good room which we occupied together. At four o'clock next morning, we were awakened by the “officer of the day” ordering us to have our men get their breakfasts. As the regiment was going to move in light marching order at daylight, I got up and hunted for some coffee. I was lucky enough to find one house pretty well supplied, and engaged them to make me ten gallons for our company. We were very fortunate in getting this, as it enabled the men to start off feeling warm and comfortable, which is a great thing.

At seven, our line was formed, and then we learned that we were to form part of a reconnoitering force, to consist of four squadrons of cavalry, four pieces of artillery and two regiments of infantry, the whole under command of Colonel Gordon. As this was a very good specimen of a reconnoissance in force, perhaps you would like to know how it was conducted.

First, a few cavalry skirmishers to scour the roads and fields; then the main body of cavalry; then two pieces of artillery supported by a company of infantry, followed by two more supported similarly; then on each side of the road, a platoon of skirmishers covering near a third of a mile each way; these protect the advance of the main body of infantry; the flanks are protected by skirmishers deployed as flankers. I had the second platoon of our company deployed on the left of the road to drive in any pickets that might be out, or obtain other information; every house we came to, I had a man search from top to bottom, for arms or anything else that might be hidden in them.

Our cavalry skirmishers met those of the enemy just this side of Charlestown, and drove them into their main body; our cavalry then came up at the gallop and sent the enemy flying out of town and a couple of miles into the countiy, many of them throwing away their arms in their hurry. We followed along and took quiet possession of the town, probably as thoroughly secesh a place as any in Virginia. People scowled at us from their windows, but did not venture much into the streets; those who did seemed almost frightened to death, every one thinking we were going to burn the town. The guns were put in position at once, commanding the Winchester roads. The cry was suddenly set up, “The General is coming!” Ranks were formed and dressed. Presently, Generals McClellan, Banks, and Hamilton, with their staffs and guards, rode by; we saluted, and the General took off his cap to us; he is a splendid looking man, though not much like his pictures. They rode out about two miles and returned. He was so well satisfied with the movement that he decided to have our force remain and occupy the town. Most of our regiment are quartered at the Court House; our company occupies the toll-house of the Charlestown, Berryville and Winchester turnpike, a short distance from the town, supporting a section of Hampton's battery; very comfortable quarters.

We were reinforced, Friday night, by two regiments and a regular battery. That night, our cavalry was several times driven in by the enemy's cavalry; we lost four horses and three men by these attacks, and captured one of the enemy. One of the sentinels of our company shot a cavalry horse through the neck while on picket last night, about a half a mile from our house; the picket fired three times and drove them back.

The only currency here in town is the Southern shinplaster, dreadful mean looking stuff; I will send you a five cent bank bill in a day or two. Coffee costs four dollars a pound here and hard to be had at that. We shall be off from here in a day or two for Winchester, but I do not believe we shall have to fire a gun to take it; then for Richmond via Manassas. This is a little better than sticking in the mud at Frederick. Direct to General Banks' Division, War Department, Washington.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 36-9

Major Wilder Dwight: Friday, August 23, 1861

Buckeyestown, August 23, 1861, Friday, in Camp.

I began a letter before breakfast this morning, but my pen dragged so that I tore it up. Now I have a short time, and perhaps not a long story, but certainly a good breakfast to tell it on. And this same matter of a good breakfast is not a small one. The foraging on a march is not easy. Chickens and eggs and bread and butter and milk, &c, all have to be extemporized by our darkies, as we go along. Sometimes we do well; sometimes, badly. This morning, being bent on eggs, I sent my little English groom off on horseback. He went to a farm-house, into a hen-yard, and waited for cackling. Presently he returned, and said : “I've an egg for ye, sir. I waited till the hen laid it, and then brought the hen and the egg.” That is close work, I think.

I sent you a letter Wednesday morning. Immediately after came marching orders. I hurried off on horseback to call in our scattered forces. First, I went to Harper's Ferry, and found Colonel Andrews destroying our friend Herr's mill. Herr was very sombre. His little boy, with whom I have a friendship, rushed up to me, and said chokingly: “It is too bad to destroy the mill; but it's the secessionists that's the cause of it, isn't it, Major?” I told him, Yes. Andrews was breaking the buckets of the turbine wheel, and smashing the gearing of the mill. He had Company A, from Lowell, who are the mechanics of our regiment. He was sorry to be interrupted, but there was no remedy, and so off he came.

Then I went back and off on to Battery Hill to get the artillery off; then again to recall an outlying picket on top of the mountain; then galloped back to camp to see about rations; then, at last, the regiment got in marching array. The day was bright and cool, — the regiment moved off at twelve o'clock. Hard bread in haversacks, and hoping for something better. Money in pocket, and, 1 am sorry to say, an occasional excess of whiskey in a guilty canteen. Pay-day has its evils, as I thought when directing two drunken men to be tied and put in a wagon.

We made a brisk march of twelve miles to Jefferson. There we spent the night. The next morning, after a tedious delay in a depressing rain to get our wagons mended, we again moved on up, up, up a long hill in a close, muggy dog-day. The men's knapsacks pulled on them, and when we came on to our present camping-ground, at four o'clock, there was a long trail of lame ducks behind. They soon came in, and now are looking forward to another tramp.

The panic-stricken women and children pursued us, as we came away from Harper's Ferry, not daring to remain without our protection. The Rebels are foraging all through the country there; but nothing more than that appears to be done anywhere, though rumor is trumpet-tongued with reports of armies large enough to conquer the hemisphere. Mark my prophecy. Beauregard lacks transportation. He cannot move one hundred thousand men across the Potomac. This has prevented and will prevent his active operations. But it is not improbable that there will be skirmishes along the river.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 81-2

Resolutions of the National Kansas Committee, January 24, 1857

1. Resolved, That the treasurer be directed to reserve in the treasury, out of any unappropriated moneys in his custody, or which may be hereafter sent to the National committee, the sum of five thousand dollars, to be used by the committee in aid of Captain John Brown in any defensive measures that may become necessary; and that Captain Brown be, and he is hereby, authorized to draw upon the treasurer for the sum of five hundred dollars, as a portion of said sum, at such time as he may deem it expedient, for the said purposes.

2. Resolved, That such arms and supplies as the committee may have, and which may be needed by Captain Brown, are appropriated to his use, provided, that the arms and supplies be not more than enough for one hundred men; and that a letter of approbation be given him by this committee.

H. B. Hurd,

Sec. National Kansas Com.

Any person having property covered by the above Resolution is requested to deliver the same to Mr. John Brown or his agent.

H. B. Hurd.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 359

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, October 13, 1863

Oct. 13, 1863.

I am sorry to disturb George, — but Mosby is an honourable foe, and should be treated as such. S. and I had various tilts on that subject two years ago. I have not changed my opinion in spite of the falsehoods of Beauregard and the perfidy of Davis or his War Department. We have acknowledged them as belligerents, and we must treat them accordingly; we gain more by it in our State questions than we lose by it in military respects.¹

_______________

¹ Mr. George William Curtis, Colonel Shaw's brother-in-law, had evidently had his patience overtaxed by the recent outcrop of barbarity at Fort Wagner, and had little left for guerrillas and their methods. Colonel Lowell had something of the trait which his uncle, in the poem about Blondel, gave to Richard Cœur de Lion : —

“To foes benign, in friendship stern.”

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 313, 444-5