Judge Greene C. Bronson to Senator Daniel S. Dickinson, March 1, 1850

ALBANY, March 4, 1850.

DEAR SIR—I thank you for a pamphlet copy of your speech upon the resolutions of Mr. Clemens. I had read it with great satisfaction in the newspaper, and am glad to have it in a form which will permit of its preservation among my bound pamphlets.

Although my place and pursuits have separated me in a great degree from the political conflicts of the day, I had occasion long ago to say, that the Wilmot Proviso could do no good, and might do harm. That opinion remains unchanged; and notwithstanding all the noise made by politicians, newspapers and legislative Resolves, it will soon be, if it is not now, the sentiment of the mass of the people. They will stand by the Union, and by the Constitution.

I am, yours truly,

GREENE C. BRONSON.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 425

Senator Daniel S. Dickinson to Henry S. Randall, March 27, 1850

WASHINGTON, March 27, 1850

MY DEAR SIR— 

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I have always supposed myself, and believe I have been, a Democrat in the most general and catholic acceptation of the term. As a sentiment, I have no doubt I agree with you and all other reasonable Northern men on the subject of slavery. When it was made a sectional question and organizations were founded upon it, I saw that it must lead to fearful results, and conceived it to be my duty to do my best to arrest the progress of sectionalism, and so I have done. I would in some respects have pursued a different course had circumstances permitted; but not belonging to the class who try to take both sides of the same question, I had to take that which generally I most approved, and go along with it. I have never condemned those who differed from me, toto cœlo, upon this question. But those who agitated, for the sake of agitation, or for political advantage, I have condemned without stint or reserve. It has been a trying period, and no one could suit all of even his friends, and scarcely himself. I have had to stand up against the feeling which you honestly entertain in common with many intelligent men of the North; against the prejudices of the weak, the machinations of the wicked, and the efforts of some Southern mad-caps, who wanted dissolution per se, and therefore wanted to break with every Northern man. It has been the worst period our government ever has seen, or I trust ever will see in this century. I have on the whole done what I regarded as best, and it must stand or fall with me in the judgment of the people. I will only add that it has been done frankly and openly, and those who will condemn, or those who will approve, will not have to seek for my course in indirection.

I did not favor the mode of the party union of last fall; but although some names upon the ticket were not acceptable to me, I supported it cordially, and did all I could to forward it. I am, with you, for carrying out that union in letter and spirit. I have no more idea of refusing to associate with you as a Democrat, because you disagree with me in some particulars regarding the slavery question, than because we may not agree upon temperance or religion. If we will all be thus catholic, there will be no difficulty. As you say, there are a few men who desire and intend to rule or ruin, and but for these there would have been no breach,—but for these there would be a speedy and healthy reunion. It remains to be seen whether Democratic impulses and Democratic progress can be checked and delayed for individual aggrandizement. Look at the present degraded state of our national administration—the spawn of trickery and fraud; succeeding only by reason of Democratic divisions. Too impotent for good; too imbecile for opposition; abolition beyond the constitution; ultra slavery to dissolution; the scorn of its opponents; the laughing-stock of its sensible friends. Oh, that all true Democrats would look at it and determine to lay aside all but their principles, and reclaim that holy land from the infidel!

Sincerely yours,

D. S DICKINSON.

Hon. HENRY S. RANDALL.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 425-6

Senator Daniel S. Dickinson to Lydia Knapp Dickinson, Sunday Evening, April 2, 1850

WASHINGTON, April 2, 1850.        

Sunday Evening.

MY DEAREST LYDIA—I am now expecting to start with the Committee* to-morrow morning. We go via Richmond, Petersburg, Wilmington, and so on to Charleston. I do not intend to go further than Charleston, but return from there and try to reach home the forepart of next week—I hope as early as Tuesday or Wednesday, but will write you on the way South. At present, I am very much pressed for time. Give my love to all the dear ones, and ask them to be patient till I come.

Very affectionately,

D. S. DICKINSON.

_______________

* The Committee appointed to accompany the remains of Mr. Calhoun to South Carolina.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 428-9

Senator Daniel S. Dickinson to Lydia Knapp Dickinson, April 23, 1850

RICHMOND, VA., April 23, 1850.

MY DEAREST LYDIA—We reached here last evening at half past four. The reception was one of the most imposing ceremonies I ever saw, and a vast concourse of people were assembled. We leave here at nine o'clock. This country looks about as I supposed—much that is very beautiful, and much worn and sterile. I was especially struck with the great number of beautiful residences here. I never saw so many fine ones together in my life. The military companies, too, were rather the finest I ever saw. Here are the "first families of Virginia," and there are many old men who preserve all the peculiar manners of the days of Washington. Love to all.

Very affectionately,

D. S. DICKINSON.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 429

Senator Daniel S. Dickinson to Lydia L. Dickinson, April 23, 1850

 PETERSBURG, VA., April 23, 1850.

MY DEAR L. L.—We left Richmond this morning, and reached here about noon. At Richmond, I saw "O'Connor's child," whom you saw last summer at Norwich, and who sent his respects to you. I have had so far the "uppermost rooms at feasts, and greetings in the markets." I cannot get a moment to write. There have been hundreds calling to be introduced, and I have been so busy shaking hands that I could do nothing else. Last evening, a fine moonlight evening, as I was returning from Senator Mason's (don't laugh now), some of the most touching and beautiful music greeted me that I ever heard. It was a negro singing "Lucy Neal," and accompanying it with his banjo. I stopped some time to listen to him, and was charmed with the plaintive melody. We leave for Wilmington this evening.

Affectionately your father,

D. S. DICKINSON.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 429-30

William C. Bouck to Senator Daniel S. Dickinson, April 24, 1850

FULTENHAM, April 24, 1850.

SENATOR DICKINSON—Dear Sir—Yours of the 17th inst. came to hand by due course of mail.

I sincerely hope you will succeed in adjusting the slavery question. The position of yourself, Cass, Clay, Webster, and the majority in the Senate on this question, is, no doubt, in accordance with the wishes of a vast majority of the American people. If you succeed, which God grant, it will, for all future time, set at rest the vexed question of slavery. It will do more: fanaticism and abolitionism will be rebuked, and demagogues who have been riding these hobbies will stand disgraced in the estimation of all honest men. It will virtually carry out and sustain the position taken by yourself and General Cass at the beginning of the excitement. Clay and Webster are putting themselves on high ground.

Yours,

W. C. BOUCK,

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 430

John H. McHenry* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 21, 1850

HARTFORD, KY., 21st February, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR: Perhaps you may almost have forgotten the individual who now addresses you, and who retains a vivid recollection of the many meetings and pleasant greetings he had with you when he had the honor of being an humble member of the committee of which you were chairman in the 29th Con[gress].

At the risk however of being entirely forgotten I have concluded to drop you a line if it be only to ascertain the fact.

Since we separated you have been busily engaged in the Senate of the U[nited] S[tates] aiding in the councils of our Nation, while I have been mostly engaged in the practice of the law riding over hills and vallies, swamps and waters as duty or necessity might require. Last year I was elected a delegate and took a part, an humble part, in forming a new constitution for my own native state. Except this I have been wholly disengaged from politics. I have been looking with deep solicitude at the course of events since I left Congress and have seen nothing to change the opinion which I expressed to you in a conversation during the pending of the three million bill or just before I do not now recollect which, "that the Mexican War was gotten up by the abolition raving of the then Cabinet to get a large scope of territory to make free States out of and to surround the slave States entirely to get back what they were pleased to term the balance of power which they said they had lost by giving up half of Oregon,” and advised you if possible to put a stop to the war before the rank and file got into the secret for if you did not the devil himself could not do it, that even Giddings and Culver would come in if they found out what it was for. You told me that you and your immediate friends were doing your best but were powerless, but if I would only keep Garrett Davis from throwing in his d----d resolutions of warning, which were calculated though not intended to bind the party together, that you thought you could possibly do something. I have often thought of this conversation and wondered if you had any recollection of it. Things that have occurred since have indelibly impressed it upon my memory.

In looking about for the causes of the Mexican war, I believed those assigned by the particular friends of the president were some of them insufficient and some of them unfounded and therefore I looked round for some reason to satisfy my own mind, and could find none but that. I named it to several of my friends and colleagues but could find none to agree with me. I formed the opinion first from reading Morey's instructions for raising Stephensons regiment. I thought the intention was to settle that regiment on the southern border of whatever land we might acquire and thus form the nucleus for a settlement from the free states immediately on our southern border and thus prevent a settlement from the slave states, by slave holders at least, within the bounds of the newly acquired territory. Upon due consideration of all that has happened since that time do you not now think that I at least guessed well if I did not form a correct opinion? In my canvass for delegate last summer I had to encounter emancipation in all its forms and triumphed over it. The leading men in this country are with the south but they are also for the Union and do not look to disunion as a remedy for any evil. They will "fight for slavery but die by the Union." As to the boys up the hollows and in the brush who form a considerable portion of our country they are not to [be] relied on in any contest against the Union. In a contest about the Union they would be willing to have the motto of the first soldiers of the revolution "Liberty or death"—but in a contest about slavery they would be a good deal like one Barney Decker who was about to have a soldiers badge and motto made and when the lady who made the badge asked him if he would have the same motto hesitated and then replied "You may put ‘liberty or be crippled.’” I am afraid the boys will say "slavery or be crippled." For God's sake try and settle all these questions of slavery if possible and let us not dissolve the Union.

But if we have to write like Francis the 1st to his mother, "Madam all's lost but honor" let us do it with this and we will have the approval of our own conscience without which a man is nothing.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from Kentucky, 1845-1847.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 104-6

Richard Rush to Senator James M. Mason, March 12, 1850

SYDENHAM, [PA.], March 12, 1850.

Accept my thanks, my dear Sir, for the copy of Mr. Calhoun's speech you were so good as to send me. I have read it with deep interest. Pages 7, 8 and 9, deserve to be considered by the whole country more, I fear, than they will be. To the three first paragraphs on page 10, the allusions to Washington are beautiful, logical too, as it strikes me. But I will stop specifying, my marks being on almost every page. It is a very powerful speech, and I think very patriotic.

I beg you to offer my friendly respects to him. I rejoice at the improvement of his health. I regretted my inability to see him when in Washington lately, except once. I should have been truly glad to hear him converse on European affairs; the more, as I found myself agreeing with him on the little there was at one time for him to say when I visited him.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 106

Richard K. Crallé to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, March 23, 1850

March 23, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR: Since we parted I have run the subject of our conversation through my mind, with some anxiety to reach a just conclusion. I said, perhaps the word should be, prophesied when you first took your seat in the Legislature, and before I knew you personally, that you were destined to become the most influential man in the State. This, I have repeated a thousand times since in public; and no man likes to be proved a false Prophet. So that, as the matter concerns me particularly, you will excuse my freedom of speech.

As to the general line of your proposed argument I feel no difficulty. The constitution, the just rights, and the honor of Virginia mark this deeply and broadly. We cannot surrender an inch South of 36 degrees. It would amount to absolute submission.

The rank and file of neither of the two great Parties in the State are prepared for this; and if they were, no high-minded man can concur with them. Next to this, we must hold the States responsible for the delivery of our fugitive slaves. The compact was made with them, Congress is only their joint agent. For this we must hold them bound in the first place, and for two reasons. Such is the compact, and substitute of Congress must be unavailing, without their concurrence. No act, whatever be its provisions, can be carried into execution against the popular consent; and the effort will but "film the ulcerous sore." This contest must be between the States themselves; and it ought to be waged with zeal and determination. I care not to rule in the aid of Congress, it must be ineffectual, and can only serve to postpone the issues which must finally come to be tried between the States themselves. What power has Congress to enforce the execution of its acts in this respect? None whatever.

Next, we have a right to demand that this agitation shall cease in the Common Halls of Legislation. This is the cancer that is eating into our vitals. We are daily paying for abolition appeals out of the common treasury. Take strong grounds against this. The right of petition, has nothing to do with the subject; and they who urge it know it well.

These are the main points. I have urged them years ago, and time only confirms me in the belief that we cannot safely yield an inch on them. I have spoken to no man on the subject. They are the oft printed conclusions of my own judgment.

As to the general tone of your argument, it cannot well be too high, so that it be announced in moderate but firm language. The present is a peculiar juncture; and its certain results will be to make or mar many fortunes. A truly great mind cannot fail to make itself to be felt. The issue is clearly submission or a stern maintenance of right, and in this instance right involves security. All temporary expedients must fail, and their failure will involve the ruin of many. My well considered opinion is, that, on the points mentioned we cannot yield any ground, no, not an inch. As to Mr. C[alhoun]'s view in respect to an amendment of the Constitution, that might be passed over. It goes rather to the philosophy of our system, than to its present practical operation which has thrown up the present issues. These last are the urgent issues; and we must deal with them as they are, and by themselves.

As to the matters, which may be regarded as extraneous, yet bearing strongly on the issues themselves, it is, in my view of the highest importance to sustain the Southern Convention, as a means of preserving the Union. In this view it has not been sufficiently pressed. Such only can be its legitimate purpose, and in that view no Southern man ought to object to it. As a deliberative, a consultation body, its expediency is called for by the highest consideration.

In respect to the matter we discussed in the Committee room on yesterday, would it not be advisable for you or Mr. D. casually to speak to the gentleman we referred to? Something useful might come out of it, while no evil can so far as I see. Keep the name of the gentleman South entirely to yourself.

It is after midnight, and I will tire your patience no further. I write in great haste, and conclude with this admonition, "Stand up for old Virginia at all hazards, whose cause is just, and leave the consequences to God."

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 106-8

William O. Goode* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, March 29, 1850

BOYDTON, [VA.], March 29, 1850.

DEAR HUNTER: I write to impose a little labour upon you, or rather I should say, trouble, but not more, than under a change of circumstances, I would cheerfully encounter for you. You know, I file and preserve in the form of a Book, Speeches, which well discuss, great political topics before Congress. I have procured a pamphlet copy of your very fine speech on the Austrian question. I thank you for delivering that speech. I wish you would send me, pamphlet copies of the speeches of Mr. Berrien and Mr. Webster, on the Slavery Question. And I should like to have a copy of Sewards Speech, if you think you can send it, without violating the Law against the circulation of incendiary publications; and even if you dread to encounter such a penalty, I promise not to inform against you, as I really want the speech, to enable me to contemplate the whole extent of this fearful subject.

If I were in Washington at this time, I would do what I never have done. I would call on Daniel Webster to pay him my respects. I know very well, he would regard it as a matter of the utmost insignificance even if he thought of it at all, but I would do so for my own gratification. I feel for him now, a higher respect than I ever did before, and more than I thought I could cherish for the greatest, the ablest, the most dangerous advocate, of the broadest construction of our Federative Compact—the Con[stitution] of U[nited] S[tates]—a Compact, which he calls Government, Government, invested with the highest attributes of Sovereignty, and for which, he challenges my highest allegiance. But it appears to me that this Slavery Speech, has established a claim to my gratitude. It could only have originated in a patriotic heart. It could only have been expressed by a generous mind. If we except, every thing which refers to California, and the allusion to the appropriation of Federal Money, to the deportation of Free Blacks (which he designed as a liberal concession) I should be happy to have carried out, the eloquent suggestions, of his eloquent discourse.

I sincerely hope, there may be speedily evinced at the North, a determined purpose of adopting and acting out these suggestions. Such a manifestation would be hailed with general joy at the South. So far as I have been able to observe and to form a conjecture of public sentiment, there is an obvious reluctance to take the initiative, but yet a firm, determined fixed purpose, to defend and maintain our social rights, and our political equality. It would be a fatal error on the part of the North, to mistake prudence and caution, for doubt and timidity. They may rely upon it, the subject has been painfully considered, and the decision unalterably made. If the North shall fail to exhibit a spirit of Moderation and pacification, before the Nashville Convention shall be holden, no human sagacity can foresee the consequences. That body will consist of men, for the most part anxious to preserve the Union, but firmly resolved to save the South. The safety of the South is the leading, the prevailing object, and the predominant idea. In the examination of their perils, and the consideration of their wrongs, the most temperate debate will glow with animation, and moderation itself, will kindle into rage. Who shall control their conclusions, or give law to their acts? Whatever their action may be, unless marked by tameness, it will be sustained by the Southern mind. In the beginning, there may be some diversity, but it will soon come to pass, that, contending Parties will vie with each other, and contest the supremacy of acrimony against the North. We will turn from the contemplation of this melancholy condition of things. With a heart all Southern, and a mind, painfully impressed, by the cruel wrong already suffered, and the flagilous outrage held in reserve; with a resolution immutably fixed, I yet pray the Genius of Webster may prevail, to save the Union, and give peace and harmony to the Land.

I must rely on your generosity to protect me against the charge of presumption, in venturing to allude to such a topic.

Present me affectionately to Mason. I thank him for the many public documents which he has sent me. Tell him, I claim as a matter of right, a copy of every speech, made by you or himself, in the Senate, and which shall reach the pamphlet edition.

I pray you to offer to Mr. Calhoun, assurances of my highest respect and kindest regard. I devoured his late Speech and thank him for the copy he sent me. I called a few days since on an old friend, a cankered Hunker, who, in dispite of the kindest relations between us, has perversely persecuted me through life, as a Nullifier Disunionist and Worshiper of John C. Calhoun. He met me with the exclamation "I acknowledge Mr. Calhoun is the greatest man now living. He has made it all as plain as day, why did we not see it before?"

This cankered Hunker is prepared to rush to any extreme. What is the madness of the North. I beg your pardon, Hunter. I know you rarely read more than one paragraph in a letter. You note that a bore if it contain three lines. You will read the last of this as it mentions our illustrious friend.

[P. S.] Can you spare time to write me, what you all wish us all to do. Snow 5 Inches on 28 March.

_______________

* A State rights Democrat and a Representative from Virginia in Congress, 1841-1843, 1853-1859.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 108-10

John R. Thompson to Robert M. T. Hunter, 9 April, 1850

RICHMOND [VA.], 9 April, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR: Feeling deeply impressed with an unaffected and painful sense of the great public loss occasioned to America and to mankind by the death of Mr. Calhoun, I am anxious that some fitting eulogy on his character and public services should appear in the Southern Literary Messenger. While the grief of his personal friends is yet fresh, and the general sorrow pervading the country unabated, such a tribute might be most worthily performed without discussing his political opinions or offending persons of opposite views with any reflections on his party attachments. I need scarcely say, sir, that I know no one so well qualified, by long and intimate acquaintance with the illustrious dead, by congeniality of sentiment and study, and by facility of elegant and finished composition, to undertake this labour of love as yourself. I am sure that you would willingly do me a service and I am equally certain that you would yet more gladly render to the memory of your noble and lamented friend that tribute of affectionate remembrance and admiration which is so proper over his closing grave. May I not ask then that you will furnish for the Messenger an eulogy on Mr. Calhoun? If you accede, be good enough to inform me at what time I may expect to receive the Ms, if, you decline, pray make my best regards to your friend, the Hon. Mr. Seddon or to your nephew, Mr. Garnett, and ask, in my behalf, such an article from one of them.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 110

William O. Goode to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, April 20, 1850

[BOYDTON, VA.], April 20, 1850.

MY DEAR HUNTER: I live five miles from our Post Office. The other day I despatched a letter to Mason and the servant returning brought me your letter. I reply promptly, because I have an interest or an object in doing so. Before I heard from you, in my letter to Mason, I expressed my apprehensions as to the effect of Webster's Speech, and I also gave it as my opinion, that if Eastern Virginia be not fully represented in the Nashville Convention, Foote will have contributed efficiently to such a result. At the opening of the Session I was greatly pleased with his bearing. There was something in his notice of Mr. Calhoun's speech, for which I found myself at a loss to account. I hope it susceptible of explanation consistent with his own honor and the highest interest of the South.

From Webster's speech we gain at least the weight of his authority against the Abolitionists, Free soilers and Agitators at the North. And we have his acknowledgment that the South has suffered great wrong at the hands of the North. We have his authority and influence also on [the] Fugitive Slave question, and on the future admission of Texas States. These appear to me, to be objects, not unworthy of consideration. But they are no equivalent for present, positive legislation. They afford not present nor permanent relief for which we must rely on our own virtue and which can only be secured by unanimity and concert in the South. The Nashville Convention is the present available agency through which to secure concert and unanimity, and my chief object in writing now; as it was in writing to Mason, is to induce you to urge the Virginia Delegation at Washington to stimulate their friends in their several Districts. The time is short, and I fear it is almost too late, but much can be done. So far as I am informed Amelia, Nottoway and Dinwiddie in Mr. Meade's district have taken no action. He might procure it in time, or the District Convention might be postponed long enough to afford time. The same remark may be made in nearly all the Districts. I myself should have taken an active part long ago, but for considerations which I would not hesitate to explain to you in a personal interview. The chief injury to the South, resulting from Webster's speech, is the hesitation it has occasioned. This has given courage to all who wavered in their resolution or who were secretly opposed to the measure. And it is possible that an opposition may rally in the South on the California issue supported by the plausible popular arguments connected with that subject.

I have another motive for this letter. I expect to attend a District Convention 8 May, suppose a thin meeting, and suppose Virginia meagerly represented at Nashville. What will be best? Consult with our most reliable and judicious friends and write me fully and frankly.

I say nothing of the death of our lamented friend. I know not what to say. It were impossible to express what I feel.

(P. S.) I offered a suggestion to Mason which I will repeat to you though I presume it had occurred to both of you. I said to him that in my own opinion, even the compromise 36° 30' was almost disgraceful to us, but public opinion must be consulted and something given up, for peace and tranquility. Suppose 36° 30′ can not be had. Would it do to take or offer Sierra Nevada from 42 as Eastern boundary of California down to near the Southern termination of the range as indicated on Fremont's Map, thence right line to St. Barbara about 34° on Pacific? This would give us a line to the Pacific and may be useful in the future. "The State" of Deseret has asserted this boundary for herself according to a writer for the Enquirer. And that fact may possibly aid to support an argument for such a proposition. The suggested line would give to California, perhaps the most beautiful geographical conformation in the Union. It's present delineation is a hideous deformity. But all is a mere suggestion without opinion.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 110-2

William O. Goode to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, May 11, 1850

[BOYDTON, VA.], May 11, 1850.

DEAR HUNTER: I have to thank you for the copies of the speeches which you have sent me. Seward's "Execrable" is at hand! Your own speech had been eagerly read before I received the Pamphlet, and read I assure you with pride and satisfaction. In this part of the State, it is esteemed, the best effort which you have made. My individual opinion might accord equal merit to previous labours but I was proud of the last speech. The position which it assumes and to which you particularly directed my attention, I regard as indisputable, and resting at the foundation of the Social Compact. The Property of the Citizen is subject to taxation, and as an equivalent for this right surrendered to Society and by the Citizen. Society guarantees protection to property. They are just as much recognized equivalents, as Military service and protection of persons. We feel that the Federal Government exercises the power of Taxation, and we know of no political arrangement or process of just reasoning by which it can claim exemption from the obligation to protect. Property subjects itself to taxation and claims protection as an equivalent. The right to tax and obligation to protect are reciprocal terms and will only be controverted by those who would dispute the first principles of the social system. When I had written thus far I was interrupted and did not resume until my return from the District Convention. I wrote you a short and hasty note from Lawrenceville. I was called out in Convention before the Election of Delegates. I expressed the opinion that the Compromise projected by the Senate Com[mittee] as shadowed forth in the Newspapers, would be distructive of the South, that the South surrendered all and secured nothing. I supported this opinion by examination of the Subjects of Compromise, but expressed my readiness to take a compromise approved and recommended by Southern Members of Congress, because I trusted them as honorable men who would not sacrifice the honor of the South and property of the South.

I said in substance, California would be admitted with her present boundaries, not designed to be permanent, but contemplating a division and future erection of two free States, whose character was to be determined by the Casual Agency and usurped sovereignty of the present Adventurers, designedly fixing boundaries to include all the Land suited to Slaves &c. And I deprecated subjecting any part of Texas to future jurisdiction and action of freesoilers. I spoke perhaps more than an hour and awakened opposition to me. My election was opposed on the ground of my Ultraism and alledged desire for dissolution, which allegation is gratuitous. I do not desire dissolution. I expressed the apprehension, that California and the Territories in one Bill might command [a] small majority of the Senate without the Wilmot [Proviso]. In the House, they would be separated. Cal[iforni]a sent back to Senate, would pass without the Territories. After which Territories would be subjected to Wilmot [Proviso] or neglected. I lost nearly all the Anti Ultra Vote. I received nearly all the Democrats present with some Whigs. I lost [the] greater part of Whigs with a few Democrats. Petersburg was not represented (Meade's residence). All the Counties were represented.

I want you and Mason and Seddon, Meade and others to inform me fully of the prospect before us and furnish me all necessary documents. I shall prepare to leave home by 20 Inst. if necessary. I shall be delighted if the necessity can be superceded. I am obliged to be a little troublesome. You must talk with our friends especially those mentioned above and write me fully and immediately, and tell them especially Seddon and Mason, to do so too. I write in great haste, shall be exceedingly occupied for ten days. Do let me hear from you forthwith.

[P.S.] I expect to be in Rich[mon]d 20th Ins[tan]t: to go Southern Route.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 112-3

William F. Gordon* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 2, 1850

ALBEMARLE, [Va.], July 2d, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR: I rec[eive]d your letter accompanied by the Prospectus of the "Southern Press" and a number of the Papers. I enclose you $10 as a subscription of the tri-weekly paper. I have no doubt it will greatly subserve the Interests of the South. I thank you for your complimentary notice of my share in the Nashville Convention, and am happy to think that it will, in your opinion, make a profound impression. Confusion must be worst confounded by the usurpation of New Mexico, and the evident interference of our Slave-holding President, and yet I can perceive no real Difference between the Case of California and New Mexico. These events must hasten the Catastrophe to the South, the admission of these territories as states and the rejection of 36 30 Degrees as a Dividing line fills our Cup of humiliation to the brim. In the "argument not yet exhausted? when shall we stand to our Army?" Will neither legislative or Executive De[s]potism arouse us? Will not both combined? I cannot look on these events, in any aspect, but a designed insult and indignity to the whole Slave holding States. For one I am not willing to bear it. I am ready for resistance whenever the insult is consumated by Congress. So I hope will the whole South. The Nashville Convention is to reassemble in six weeks after the adjournment of Congress.

If anything is done by Congress, inconsistent with the rights and honor of the south, would it not be well for the Southern Senators and representatives to address their states and constituents on the occasion? It would have a powerful effect on the states and on the Convention. Unanimity is not to be expected, the pure and bold public men must lead, and I doubt not any course recommended by them, or a majority of them would be our guide. The more decided the better for me, for I think this protracted insult of Congress and the Executive, on refusing our clear constitutional rights, provocation enough to justify the strongest measures; and unless they are acknowledged during the Session I hope decisive resistance may be made. I have been contemplating in my solitude, how to work out the problem. I should follow our revolutionary example, that of Virginia. I would take our present Federal Constitution for the Southern States and put it into operation, as soon as a sufficient number of States would secede, this would simplyfy matters, would pervent confusion, as the officers of our Southern Republic, would at once understand their duties, our Sub Treasures, are all ready, we should only shake off the northern states, as we did the King of England, (for they have oppressed us far more than our Old Mother England ever did) and have our government in full and immediate Vigor without the Delay of Forming a New Constitution, which, however we might do at our leisure. This mode recommends itself, by the example of the illustrious ancestor of your Colleague, who formed our Virginia Constitution. Present to him my best respects.¹

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* An early advocate of secession; represented Virginia in Congress, 1830-1835.

¹ This reference is doubtless to Senator J. M. Mason of Virginia and to George Mason, author of Virginia's Bill of Rights.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 113-4

William P. Duval* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 13, 1850

AUSTIN, [TEXAS], August 13th, 1850.

DEAR HUNTER: I transmit you the Gover[nor']s message to our Legislature. The people of this state are camly determined to take possession of the Santa Fe country. There is no noise or violent excitement about this subject. When a people know they are rightfully protecting their own dignity and honor and have determined to do it at every hazzard it is pretty certain they will effect their object. The first hostile gun that is fired in this contest disolves the union. Every southern State will stand by Texas. Hers is the common cause of the South.

Your course in the Senate does honor to your State and yourself. As a Virginian I am proud of you. We have heard here the compromise bill has failed. I rejoice at the fact I had hoped it would have been so amended as to place the South on an equality with the North, but it could not be so formed, and less than equality, would disgrace the South. Our Governor's message speaks the voice of this state that you may rely upon, and his views will be carried out by the Legislature. Virginia will have to head the Southern confederacy. She has arms for herself and two [other] Southern States, and if the union is broken, we will save the North all further trouble with California and New Mexico, for we will take them to our exclusive use.

(P. S.) If Taylor had lived our Union would have vanished as it certainly will if Mr. Filmore pursues the same policy. Such a President as poor Taylor was and such a cabinet as he had would in four years ruin any nation that has, or ever exist[ed]. He had not one statesman in his cabinet, they all were mere time serving politicians from remote circumstances, in all great nation affairs.

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* A Representative in Congress from Kentucky, 1818-1815; later moved to Texas.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 115

Littleton Waller Tazewell* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 18, 1850

NORFOLK, [VA.], August 18th, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR: Upon receipt of your kind letter of the 10th Inst[ant], I immediately commenced such a reply to it as I thought you wished to have and I myself best approved. I soon discovered, however, that my inclination had imposed upon me a task surpassing my physical ability to perform; and I was so constrained to desist. The attempt has been renewed several times since, with no better success. Age has so dimed my sight and stiffened my fingers, that I now write with much difficulty and generally with some pain.

Hence, nothing but absolute necessity induces me ever to touch a pen. But in the pleasing hope, that by complying with your request I might give you some proof of my continued respect, esteem and confidence, and feebly disburthen my own mind of the sad forebodings that sometimes oppress it, I forgot the infirmities of age and commenced such a letter as I have described. I wrote con amore, but I had not proceeded far, when I was obliged to acknowledge to myself, that altho’ the spirit was still willing the flesh was no longer able to aid it; and with some mortification, I reluctantly abandoned a subject, which, in my mode of treating it, threatened to expand into a volume.

I was a little consoled under this compulsory abandonment of my first design, by reading in our newspapers, that while I had been writing most of the subjects I was discussing were no longer open questions (as the lawyers say) but had passed into res judicatae, so far at least as the body of which you are a member is concerned. Mr. Clay's Compromise Bill had been rejected as a whole, altho' many of the parts of which this whole was compounded had been approved by the Senate. The votes by which these results had been brought about, show so clearly the motive power that had produced them, as to leave no doubt upon the mind of any, I suppose, that what remains will meet with like approbation. Therefore, to continue the discussion of questions already decided, and so decided too, would be a labour painful to myself and quite profitless to you. I will not deny myself the pleasure of saying to you, however, that I concur with you entirely in every opinion you have expressed and in every vote you have given in regard to any and all of the several subjects involved in the so called Compromise Bill, so far as these votes and opinions are known to me. In saying this, I believe I express the sentiments of a very great majority of the Citizens of Virginia. But, my friend, while you and your Colleague may both rest assured that the course you have pursued meets the cordial approbation of a very large proportion of the people of Virginia at present, neither of you should flatter yourselves with the hope that these opinions will be permanent here.

Throughout the U[nited] S[tates] patent causes have been silently operating for some time past to produce a radical change in their Government; and the future action of these causes must be greatly aided and facilitated by the measures recently adopted by the Senate. It was my purpose, at first, to enumerate these causes, to trace them to their sources and to show to what results they must inevitably lead, even if not designed to produce such effects. But, as I have said, I am no longer able to perform such a task. I can give you only a birds-eye view of the principles the Senate has asserted, in some of their votes, of the practices they have established to serve as precedents for themselves and their successors hereafter, of the influence these precedents must have upon the destiny of the U[nited] S[tates] both abroad and at home, and of the cause that has effected all this mischief. I am not able to complete the picture, but must leave it to you to fill up the outline.

By the admission of California into the Union, under the circumstances existing when she presented herself, the Senate have decided that the unknown dwellers and sojourners in a territory recently conquered, while they are still subject to the strict discipline of a military rule, may, without even asking the permission of their Conquerors, put off this rule, erect themselves into a sovereign state, appropriate to their own use such part of the conquered territory as they please, and govern it thereafter as they think proper. That for such acts of mutinous insurrection and open rebellion against the legitimate authority of their conquerors, instead of meeting the censure and punishment which existing laws denounce, they shall be rewarded. Provided they will take care to insert as a condition in their Organic law, that none of the slaves belonging to the citizens of one half of the states of the Union shall ever be introduced within the limits they have chosen.

By the purchase of a large portion of the territory admitted to belong to Texas, which purchase the Senate have authorized to be made, they have asserted the doctrine that it is competent to the Federal Government to buy up the whole or any part it may wish to acquire of one of the Confederated States of the Union.

By the proposed annexation of the territory to be bought from Texas to a portion of the conquered country of New Mexico, the narrow limits of the latter will be expanded into a territory of a respectable size, many of the free citizens of Texas will be degraded into territorial subjects of the Government of the U[nited] S[tates]; and when to escape from this state of vassalage, they shall hereafter ask to be admitted into the union like California, you may rely upon it, that this boon will be refused, unless like California they will exclude all Southern Slaves from their limits, by their Organic law.

The Statesman must be deficient in political sagacity, I think, who does not foresee that all the nations holding territories adjacent to the U[nited] S[tates] must feel anxiety for the safety of their dominions, when such principles if not openly avowed are acted upon systematically by the Government of the U[nited] S[tates]; and that the portion of the great family of civilized nations can regard with indifference the effects of these new doctrines interpolated into the public law.

Of their effects upon the slave holding states of the Union, I have neither space enough left to express more than a brief remark. These states have long accustomed themselves to regard the Senate of the U[nited] S[tates] as the only body upon which any reliance could be placed for the conservation of their political rights and interests. They will now see, I suppose, that this was mere delusion; that these rights and interests have been wantonly sacrificed by members of that body in whom they had good reason to repose confidence; and like the dying Caesar, struck down at the foot of Pompey's statute by the daggers of pretended friends, they may well cry out et tu quoque Brute. It is neither necessary or proper for me to say any thing now as to the course which, I think, they ought and will adopt under present circumstances. The measures which the Senate have recommended and sanctioned by their votes have not yet received the assent of the other Departments of the Government; and altho' to indulge the anticipation of any different result in these quarters may be hoping against hope, yet while a single chance remains, however remote it may be, prudence would seem to indicate that the slave holding States should abstain from any hypothetical declaration of their purpose. Whatever that purpose may be, I am sure it will not be influenced by any craven fears, and so far as Virginia is concerned, I hope it will be worthy of her character. For my own part, whatever that purpose may be I will abide by it. I have often invoked my God to witness the solemn pledge I willingly gave to be "faithful and true" to her; and when I forget the sacred obligation of this vow of allegiance, may that God forget me.

Accept this long letter, (which I have written with difficulty) as a testimonial of the high consideration in which I hold you, I commit it to your discretion, to be used as you please, provided always that it shall not reach the newspapers. Altho' I have no care to conceal any thing that I have ever thought said or done in my whole life, yet I have ever felt a morbid horror at becoming a subject of notoriety.

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* One of the early followers of John C. Calhoun; representative in Congress from Virginia, 1800-1801; Senator in Congress from Virginia, 1824-1832; governor of Virginia, 1834-1836.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 115-8

Senator Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Friday, February 22, 1850—2 p.m.

In the Senate, Friday, February 22, two o'clock, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—Fletcher's nomination was concurred in this morning, under the most pleasant circumstances. His conduct in relation to General McNeil was stated, and everybody seemed disposed to compliment him for his honorable conduct towards an old soldier, and all concurred in immediate confirmation without delay. I wish it had been a different office, but under all the circumstances, it is right for him to take it. He will have left Boston, probably, before you receive this.

I mean to speak on Wednesday, or as soon after as I can get a chance. I fear it will be later than Wednesday.

As yet no nominations of assistant treasurers have been sent in. Unless in cases of actual vacancies, there seems at present no disposition to act upon nominations.

As time goes on I will keep you advised by telegraph, as well as I can, on what day I shall speak. As to what I shall say, you can guess nearly as well as I can. I mean to make a Union speech and discharge a clear conscience. I hope you will be here, and give good advice.

Yours,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 356

Samuel T. Armstrong to Senator Daniel Webster, March 12, 1850

Boston, March 12, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—As one of the citizens of Massachusetts, I may be permitted to express opinions as to the course of her public men, especially in approval of their course.

I have this moment finished reading your speech in the Daily Advertiser; it seems to me to be likely to do great good; and I think, upon sober second thought, our people will coincide with your views. I like the spirit and tenor of it.

Yesterday at a dining party, the approbation was unanimous among the guests. As there is said to be dissatisfaction, I thought that even my opinion, and that of those whose opinion I have learned, would be agreeable to you.

I remain very truly yours,

SAMUEL T. ARMSTRONG.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 357

Senator Daniel Webster to John Taylor, March 17, 1850

Washington, March 17, 1850.

DEAR SIR,—You must buy a pair of oxen. Do not get a very expensive pair. Let me know the price, and when the money must be paid. Let the Stevens oxen and the great steers be turned into the great pasture.

Send the horse down to Marshfield, and bring back "Greyback." Can little Charles ride one down and the other up? Or if Henry is doing nothing, he might go down in your light wagon, and bring up a codfish. You might pay his expenses up and down, if he would like the visit and is not so engaged that his time is valuable. Have you engaged your summer's help? I believe you have stated the farming plans for this year, pretty much as we arranged things last fall. Go ahead. I cannot get away from Washington till I give my vote on the admission of California. Where will you get your grass seed?

Yours,

D. WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 358

Senator Daniel Webster to George Ticknor, March 17, 1850

Washington, March 17, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—Yours of the 13th came along yesterday. I have wished very much to go home this month, but it looks now as if I should hardly accomplish that purpose, as I cannot leave till I vote on the California bill, and that may not be for a fortnight. Then I must be here on the first day of April, on account of business in court. So that if you and Anna present yourselves here the first week in April, or thereabouts, you will find me here. My impression is, that I shall not get away to the North until about the middle of that month. We shall be most happy to see you whenever you may come.

My poor speech is launched forth, and is a good deal tossed upon the waves. I am happy that Mrs. Ticknor's good wishes attend it. There is one comfort, and that is, that if its fate should be to go to the bottom, it has no cargo of value, and only one passenger to be drowned. As soon as the printer gets out a readable edition, I will send Mrs. Ticknor a copy. Meanwhile, give our love to her and Anna, and "Lizzy."

Yours,

D. WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 358-9