Have just finished and sent my report to the printer. It is long and has been a wearisome and laborious business. To weigh conflicting claims and opinions, to make needed suggestions of reform and improvement, without exciting hostility or committing error, to do justice to merit, to avoid the commission or omission of acts which provoke controversy, to speak of one's own acts without egotism and yet without want of manly self-respect, to condense much in little space, to narrate briefly the deeds of our naval men, to encourage and stimulate them in well-doing, with a multitude of detail, make the preparing of an annual report in a time like this very laborious. The reports of the Chiefs of Bureaus and of naval officers are to be scanned with care; the various briefs and suggestions submitted have to be canvassed and weighed, and the views, whether adopted or rejected, to be criticized. To get this off my hands is a great relief. What censures and complaints and criticisms, just and unjust, may follow for the next few days and weeks do not trouble me. I am only now glad that the labor is off my hands, and I dismiss it from my mind. If its suggestions and recommendations shall elicit investigation, inquiry, or action, I, conscious of right intentions, shall try to be prepared in the premises.
There are some singular movements in regard to our relations with Japan and certain transactions connected with that people that cause me annoyance. Some two years ago, or more, our Minister or Commissioner to Japan notified the State Department or the Secretary of State that the Japanese government wanted two or three of our vessels, and had placed in his hands, or would place in the hands of such persons as he, the Minister, might select, $600,000 for the purpose. Mr. Pruyn, the Minister, accepted the trust and appointed his brother-in-law, Lansing, and Thurlow Weed to execute it. Mr. Seward addressed a note to me on the subject, submitting the letter. I advised that the government in no way should become involved in the affair, and gave offense to Weed, who, not friendly before, has intrigued against me ever since. My advice would have been the same, had any other person than Weed been named. Without regarding my suggestions, the work went on. One of the vessels is finished. I know not whether more than one has been commenced. A difference has grown up between Japan and the European powers, and, under the direction of Mr. Pruyn, our Minister, we have joined in the fight, become involved in an English and French war with Japan, although the Japanese have no quarrel with us. Now comes an inquiry to me from persons sent here by Weed, to know if the Navy Department will not examine, approve, and take this vessel, which has been built and been paid for. I am not pleased with the management or proposed arrangement. This whole proceeding on the American side had appeared to me a fraud and swindle to enrich Weed & Co. It is wicked to prostitute the government to such a private purpose, and to impose upon the Japanese, who have trusted us. I am opposed to having the Navy Department mixed up in any manner with this scheme, and have let the President know what I think of it and Seward also. Weed does not approach me on the subject. He has not been able to use the Navy Department as he wishes, and, like John P. Hale, is at enmity with me because I will not consent to be used in swindling operations. New York party politics are always more or less personal. Party organizations are considered convincing contrivances to be used by leading managers for their benefit.
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