Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, August 2, 1866

For several days have been so much engaged that I have found no time to open this book and innumerable private letters go unanswered.

An adroit and skillful counterfeit has been perpetrated, and two drafts, one of $50,000 and one of $10,000, have been cashed. There was much heedless and careless management at the Fourth Auditor's office, or there would have been prompt detection, yet they have rushed into the papers and claim that they discovered the forgery. All of which is untrue. We learn to-day that the forger has been arrested. He was married this morning to a lady of fortune, left with his bride for New York and Europe, and was arrested when he reached Philadelphia.

The convention yesterday in Connecticut to elect delegates to Philadelphia passed off well. It was a convention strong in good names.

Violent and revolutionary proceedings have taken place in New Orleans. A fragment of an old convention held in 1864 met for the purpose of overturning the government. Riot and bloodshed were the unavoidable consequences. There are indications that the conspirators were instigated by Radicals from Washington and the North to these disturbances.

I have had two interviews with Governor Pease of Texas. He is earnest and honest, and gives a deplorable account of affairs in that State, where he has just been defeated in a gubernatorial canvass. There is, he says, no toleration of Union men; five sixths of the people are hostile to the Federal Government, and they persecute those who do not agree with them. The only way by which Union men can live there, he says, is under the protection of Union troops, and the Federal Government, he claims, is bound to protect loyal men in person and property.

After listening to his statement and canvassing the subject with him, I inquired whether the remedy he proposed was practicable and consistent with our system of government. If there is danger to person and property in any State, the person aggrieved or in danger must look to the local, municipal, and State authorities for protection. But it is claimed the authorities will not do this and that five sixths of the people approve their course. This is unfortunate and wrong, but under these circumstances and in these times, is it wise for the one sixth to come forward and place themselves in direct antagonism to the five sixths and ask the Federal Government to sustain them by force? Would it not be better to remain passive and quietly and patiently strive to modify public opinion, and get it right gradually? This Government is not one of form; it cannot attempt to control the elections in the States, and that by military force, without overthrowing free government, — destroying free elections. Are you not, then, asking too much, and unawares taking steps to subvert, or change our whole system?

This was the tenor of our conversation and my remarks. Governor Pease was, I thought, affected by them. His good sense made him appreciate the case, though he said that if this was the policy he should be compelled to leave Texas and so would every Union man. This, I told him, did not follow. Yet free speech would, perhaps, be necessarily restrained.

The condition of things is bad, but it is attributable in a degree to the nature of our institutions. Our people will go violently into the elections. The few outspoken Union men, numerically weak, insist that they must be the controlling power in the Rebel States, although in a minority, and they expect to secure this by military instrumentality exercised by the Federal Government, which is to put down the majority by the bayonet.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 567-9

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, August 3, 1866

I had a letter last evening from Secretary McCulloch, inclosing copy of one addressed to the President, requesting that Commodore S. P. Lee might be put on the Lighthouse Board in place of Admiral Davis, who had consented to retire. The intrigue and the impudence of the thing annoyed me excessively. McCulloch is guiltless of intentional wrong, but is, unaware, the instrument of Lee, who has moved his father-in-law, Blair, in the matter. I wrote a strong remonstrance to the President and also to McCulloch against this mischievous and demoralizing scheme. The President and McCulloch both spoke to me on the subject to-day, neither having received my letter. The President wished me to dispose of Lee as I pleased. Said he was a great annoyance to him. McCulloch said he cared nothing about Lee, but was willing to oblige Mr. Blair.

Stanton read telegrams in Cabinet from General Sheridan concerning New Orleans disturbances. Stanton manifested marked sympathy with the rioters, and the President and others observed it. There is little doubt that the New Orleans riots had their origin with the Radical Members of Congress in Washington. It is part of a deliberate conspiracy and was to be the commencement of a series of bloody affrays through the States lately in rebellion. Boutwell and others have stated sufficient to show their participation in this matter. There is a determination to involve the country in civil war, if necessary, to secure negro suffrage in the States and Radical ascendancy in the General Government. Stanton, in great excitement, repeatedly spoke of the Attorney-General of Louisiana and the Mayor of New Orleans as pardoned Rebels who had instigated the murder of the people in the streets of the city, [said] that they were guilty of this terrible bloodshedding.

Sheridan's dispatches are somewhat conflicting. Although a brave and excellent officer, Sheridan lacks judgment and administrative ability. He is impulsive, but his intentions are honest and his first telegram was an honest impulse. It struck me that he was tutored as regards the others, either from Washington or by some one at New Orleans duly advised.

Stanton is evidently in deep sympathy and concert with the Radicals in this matter, though he studied to conceal it. In striving to influence the President and prejudice him against the authorities of New Orleans, he betrayed his feelings.

There has been a story circulating in the newspapers that a naval vessel had captured a slave-trader with a cargo of negroes on board, which were being transported from the South to Cuba. It was a manufactured rumor which came from the Radical Freedmen's Bureau agents or tools. Seward alluded to some information from Cuba to the effect that they wanted none of our negroes on the island, and in conversation growing out of his allusion, I mentioned the fabrication of a rumor of a captured slaver. I saw at once that Stanton was disturbed. I mentioned that I two or three months since instituted inquiries on information communicated by the War Department, which I found to be totally groundless. Stanton rose at once on his feet and said the information came from General Foster. I answered, yes; it was a rumor of negroes kidnapped at Indian River, but our inquiries had satisfied us that the rumors were without foundation.

Stanton is, in matters of this description, a Radical sensationalist, ready to believe anything bad of those to whom he is opposed; and is himself complicated with, if not a prime mover in, the New Orleans difficulties and these mischievous rumors.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 569-71

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, August 7, 1866

The President submitted two long telegrams, one from himself to General Sheridan inquiring as to the difficulties at New Orleans and Sheridan's reply, which was no answer.

Seward and Stanbery had much to say. The latter was very earnest to have the President send immediately to Sheridan, telling him the police must be dismissed. There was, he said, great excitement in the country and the President must at once respond.

I inquired to what he was to respond. On Friday he had directed Sheridan to keep the peace and pursue his investigations. Since that inquiries had been made which had procured a feeble and confused response, concluding with a request or suggestion that the Governor of the State and the Mayor of New Orleans be displaced. Sheridan might be told that the President had no authority to displace these officers; but I expressed a hope that he would not at this distance undertake to give detailed instructions to his generals or agents.

I asked who General Baird was that he should be charged with this responsibility, and how it came about that such a man as was now described happened to be at such a place at this juncture. As for Sheridan, I considered him an honest, bold, impulsive officer, without much knowledge of civil government or administrative ability, who obeyed orders, but I apprehended him badly prompted after his first telegram, and regretted that we had not men of different calibre there at this time.

Seward said my estimate of Sheridan he thought correct. As for Baird, he knew nothing of him. The President expressed dissatisfaction with what he heard of Baird. Stanton kept silent.

Stanbery was persistent that the President should instruct Sheridan in regard to the police of the city.

Stanton said application had been made to him for bunting for the building at Philadelphia where the convention was to meet, but he had none for them, and said, with a sneer, he would turn them over to the Navy. I told him that my bunting had always been promptly shown and it would be well were he now to let us have a sight of his.

Stanton, who has skulked, was taken aback, colored, and remarked he had no bunting for them. "Oh," said I, "show your flag."

"You mean the convention," said he. "I am against it." "I am sorry to hear, but glad to know, your opinion," said I.

"Yes, I am opposed to the convention," he continued. "I didn't know it. You did not answer the inquiry like the rest of us."

"No," said he; "I did not choose to have Doolittle or any other little fellow draw an answer from me."

The conversation amused the others, as it did me. Seward looked troubled. Whether he knew Stanton's position, I am in doubt. It is, I am satisfied, very recent that he has concluded to avow himself, although I have never doubted that he was as much opposed as any Radical to the Union movement. I think he would rather have the Government overthrown than that the real Unionists should come in power. He seems to have personal apprehensions.

I called on the President this evening to advise caution in his communications with New Orleans. Expressed my regret that he had not better officers for the business required at this time in that quarter. He concurred with me and said Baird, so far as he could learn, had caused the trouble or might have prevented it.

"Who," inquired I, "placed Baird there? Was it not part of the Radical scheme to bring this difficulty upon us? It certainly is unfortunate that we have these men there." He said he believed Baird was attached to the Freedmen's Bureau. I said this might have been ordered otherwise and should have been; that the Administration could not get along intelligently and well without faithful and reliable agents. I inquired if he noticed the remarks of Stanton to-day respecting the convention, "though probably you knew his opinions previously." The President said he had not known them before, that it was the first intimation he had received, and he noticed the remark. "This is wrong," said I; "we cannot get along in this way." "No," replied he, "it will be pretty difficult."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 572-4

Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, August 9, 1866

A strange dispatch was read to-day from Commodore Winslow, written at Pensacola, exhibiting intense partisan bitterness in the New Orleans disturbances, and reproving Lieutenant-Commander McCann of the Tallapoosa, who was at New Orleans and behaved very discreetly. I am almost induced to believe that Winslow is demented.

Ordered a board for examining volunteer officers, S. P. Lee, President. It will be less acceptable to him than some other position more permanent here in Washington, but he cannot always select the best places.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 575

Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, August 11, 1866

Read Commodore Winslow's letter and correspondence relative to New Orleans riot and my reply to the President, who was pleased and approved of my course.

Read Admiral Farragut's acknowledgment and thanks to the President for his commission; also Farragut's letter accepting the invitation to be of the party to Chicago.

Many delegates from the South to the Philadelphia Convention are in the city on their way thither. Generally they seem in good spirits and cheered with the prospect of a restored Union. So far as I have conversed with them they are of right tone and temper.

I remarked to the President that a large portion of the people North and South had no correct idea of the condition of men and things. The claim of the Union men in the Rebel States, that they alone must hold office and govern, while the great mass of the people were to be excluded, proscribed, and eventually disfranchised, was preposterous. The majority must govern or elections be abandoned. In looking to the Central Government to keep the minority in power by force, the Unionists were committing a serious error. The condition of things is anomalous and must be treated with great circumspection and wisdom. The President agreed and fully responded.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 576