Showing posts with label 7th NY INF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 7th NY INF. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 23, 2019

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 23, 1861

Headquarters. Third Brigade Mass. Vol. Militia, ANNAPOLIS, Apr. 23, 1861

To His Excellency JoHN A. ANDREw, Com. in Chief

DEAR SIR: By telegraph I kept your Excellency advised of the movement of the 8th Regt. to Friday April 19, & so far as I thought it reliable of the sad mishaps & glorious action of the Sixth Regt. I also forwarded you a memorial of a proposed plan of action, which plan I have the honor to announce has been successfully carried out. Through the loyal exertions and generous sympathy of S. M. Felton, Esq. Pres. of Phil. and Wilmington R.R., I had the Steam Boat “Maryland,” which plied between Havre de Grace and Perryville, put fully at my disposal, and acting under the advice of the Major. We had learned that the bridges had been burned between Havre de Grace and Baltimore, and all means of communication through to Baltimore had been cut off. It occurred to me that the best method of opening communication between the Northern States for the loyal citizens and soldiers of the Union could be best through the city of Annapolis, that the Route that way would be but little if any longer in point of time than the more direct way through Baltimore, which required two transhipments of any considerable body of troops by the cars.

The passage from Perryville to Annapolis being but six hours, and the passage from Baltimore being four, besides the time for the passage by horse-cars across the city; and the distance from Washington being 40 miles against 46 via Baltimore, — acting under the advice of S. M. Felton and other gentlemen who feared that the Eighth Regiment was too small a force for such an undertaking, I waited at Philadelphia six hours for the N.Y.V. under Col. Lefferts to come up. But fearing lest the Ferry Steamer, which was all important to our enterprise, might be seized upon by the enemies of the country, I detailed Capt. Devereaux’, Co. of Salem, and Capt. Briggs’, Co. of Pittsfield, for the special duty of proceeding forward by train and seizing the Ferry Boat at one o’clock Friday. Their march was successfully made to place where they found Col. Lefferts' Regt. had arrived, but he declined to take part in the expedition, therefore they did not go forward to seize the boat. At eight o’clock in the morning, after telegraphing for Maj. (Cook's) Battery, which I am happy to inform your Excellency arrived at Annapolis on the morning of 25, & is now drilling on the grounds of the Academy, I put forward the 8 Regt. in position and got on towards the cars at Phil. at 10 o’clock. After waiting two hours time in a vain attempt to induce Col. Lefferts to accompany us, we determined to go on alone. On our Route to Perryville we heard at various stations that 1800 of a Baltimore mob were waiting at Perryville for the purpose of disputing with us the passage of the Susquehanna. This information was one of the thousand exaggerated rumors which reached us and undoubtedly reached you, & is only mentioned here for the purpose of showing to your Excellency and people of Commonwealth how the men under my command behaved themselves in firm belief of its truth. During the passage from Phil. to Perryville the Regt. prepared itself for the attack. Ammunition, 10 rounds to each man was distributed, & our muskets were carefully inspected and loaded. About 100 men who know nothing about the use of arms were furnished by me at Phil. with axes, pickaxes, & other intrenching tools. Arriving within a mile of Perryville, and not intending to be caught in the cars by a mob as had been the 6th Regt., we left the cars and made our dispositions for the purpose of forcing a passage to the Boat. Capt. Devereaux's command were thrown out in advance as skirmishers, to occupy both sides of the Road supported by Capt. Briggs’ Co. one hundred paces in the rear. He was immediately followed by a detachment of our axe and hatchet men, who were instructed to rush upon any barrier and cut it down, while covered by the fire of our skirmishers. The rest of the Regt. we formed in solid columns, 50 paces in the rear with orders to march steadily forward & throw themselves into the boat by the weight of the column. The Company then marched steadily forward, not a man blanched or faltered, – indeed the prospect of meeting those in battle who had murdered our brothers in Baltimore seemed to give them pleasure, so that I can hardly say that, when in reaching the Boat we found there was no foe to oppose us, the surprise was more agreeable than disagreeable. I can assure your Excellency, however, that to myself it was most agreeable, for it relieved me from a great weight & a fearful responsibility.

The embarkation was immediately effected, & the boat steamed down the bay at six o'clock in the evening. At this time we had scarcely two days’ rations with us, — the men exhausted by the night march from Boston of Thursday night and Friday, the incessant preparation of Friday night at Phil. threw themselves upon their blankets on the deck of the boat and were soon buried in the profoundest slumber, — so profound, indeed, that when it became necessary, in the course of official duties, to go about the Boat among them, I found myself literally stepping upon them without breaking their slumbers.

We arrived off the bar at Annapolis about 12 at night, and instead of finding that quiet old town buried in repose (great care having been taken that our destination should not be known), we were surprised to find our approach signaled by rockets, lights dancing on the shore, and that we were evidently expected. In the uncertainty of a descent upon the shore by night we came to anchor some two miles below the town. Soon after a boat came alongside, and Lieut. Mathews, a gentleman of the U.S. Naval Academy, announced himself as the bearer of a dispatch from his Exc'y the gov. of Maryland, which is as follows – to wit1 . . . & detailed Capt. Haggerty of my staff to accompany Lieut. Mathews to the Gov. of Maryland. While Capt. Haggerty was absent — being uncertain as to the good faith of those dispatches of the state of things in the town — I sent my brother, Col. Andrew J. Butler of California (who happened to be with me on a visit) in plain clothes in a boat belonging to the Steamer to make a reconnaissance of the town, & to report as to the best place & manner of landing the troops. About daybreak Capt. Haggerty returned, bringing with him Capt. Blake of the U.S. Navy, Superintendent of the Naval School at Annapolis, to whom for his loyalty to the Union, untiring efforts to aid us in our enterprise, & his kindness & attention to our wants, too much praise cannot be given. If Mass. at this unhappy junction, could separate herself from the Union in so far as to give a reward for well-doing in an officer of the U.S. I know of no one who would deserve it more than Capt. Blake.

From him I learned that there was this special cause of anxiety. The Frigate “Constitution,” in use as a practice ship for the Naval Academy, lay at her mooring in Annapolis with a crew of less than 30 men to take care of her, & the Secessionists were ready to erect a battery on the opposite side of the river to command her. He expressed great anxiety lest she could not be got off, and informed me that the Confederate States had determined to take her and to raise upon old “Iron Sides” their flag.

Capt. Blake inquired of me if my instructions would permit me to put my boat alongside her, take out of her her guns, and tow her into the outer harbor & to detail a sufficient guard for her to prevent a sudden surprise. To this I replied that your Excy's instructions left me a latitude for the exercise of my discretion, & I thought it indispensable to save the “Constitution,” whether the ship or form of Govt., from the enemies of the country; & that I would coƶperate with him for the purpose of cutting her out. I immediately lay our steamer alongside & commenced to lighten her by taking her heavy guns on board our boat. One hundred fifty workmen of my command were detailed to assist the crew in getting off the ship, and in this service the men of Marblehead were conspicuous for their strength and alacrity. At half past two in the afternoon we had the pleasure of seeing the good Frigate towed down the bay, safe beyond the reach of her enemies. On the morning of Tuesday the 21st the Brig. order was issued which I herewith submit to your Exc'y’s inspection.

In the afternoon, as we were towing the “Constitution,” our boat ran aground in endeavouring to save the life of a man who had fallen overboard, and remained there hard and fast until the following Tuesday morning at one o’clock, when she was got off and brought up to this city and the men on board landed.

On Monday morning I received a communication from His Excellency the Gov. of Maryland which is herewith submitted, together with my reply. On Monday morning the Steamer “Boston” appeared off the bay, having on board Col. Lefferts’ Regiment. Before he had spoken to us I had issued the enclosed order. Finding it impossible to get the steamer off after several efforts, I went on board the “Boston” and proceeded to effect a landing with Col. Lefferts' Reg’t, but before landing I had addressed the enclosed communication to Gov. Hicks, the only reply to which was a protest against my landing my troops at all. After I got ashore I met Gov. Hicks and city authorities at the office of the Supt. of the Naval Academy. I was informed by Gov. Hicks that the State of Maryland would make no interference with my landing, but said I must march my troops three or more miles out of the city.

In this request he was joined by the Mayor and city authorities, who said that at a meeting of the corporation it had been voted that I should not be molested, but that there were bad men in the place and others might come from Baltimore and other places whom they could not control, therefore it was better that I should march out of town, that if I remained in town their people were much excited, and they were afraid they would not be able to control them. I asked, as I was in need of supplies, if they would furnish me if I would march. To that they replied they would not, nor allow me to buy anything in the city. I asked if I could be furnished with means of transportation to Washington, to that they replied I could not, there were not five horses in the place, and that the Railroad Co. had taken up their tracks to prevent the troops from passing over it. To all this I replied in substance that without supplies I could not march, that I could not put three or four miles between me and my boats, which were the basis of my operations, when the alleged reason why I should march was that in marching I should leave between myself and boats so very excited a mob that the city authorities were not able to control it, and that my troops from Massachusetts were also very much excited because of the murder of their brothers at Baltimore by a mob. But therein I had this advantage, that we could not only control our own excitement, but could also control and suppress the excitement of others, but that I proposed to stay as long as convenient at Annapolis, and march when it was convenient, that if we were attacked we would repel the attack, and that there were none that we should be more happy to see than a representation of the murderers of Baltimore whenever and wherever they should choose to visit us, and that while we staid at Annapolis, if the citizens chose not to have any collision with us, there must be on their part neither stray bricks, nor fugitive shots, thrown at us, and whoever should attempt would find it an unsafe operation.

During the night the Eighth Regiment occupied the Naval Academy. On the following morning Lieut. Hinks, having under his command Capt. Newhall’s Co. of Lynn, having with them an Engineer party of eighty under Lieut. Hodges, proceeded and took possession of the Rail Road, where we found the rolling stock disabled, and the rails taken up. They went forward on the track about four miles where they encamped for the night. The next morning the 8th Regt. went forward, and were followed by the 7th N.Y. Regiment.

I should have stated, before this, that I had detailed Capt. Devereaux Co. & Capt. Briggs’ Co. to go on board the “Constitution,” to defend her against surprise, so that they did not march with the Regiment.

On the morning of Thursday large bodies of troops, including the 5th Regt. 3 Batt., Rifles, and Cook's battery arrived here, and were safely landed.

As soon as preparations could be made I forwarded the 5th regiment with three days’ rations for Washington. They marched last evening at 8 o’clock. I have retained the Rifles and Cook's battery to defend this post, which I am ordered to hold and fortify by Genl. Scott.

I have received information from Fortress Monroe. Col. Wardrop's and Col. Packard’s Regts. are in good health. Col. Wardrop's Regt. made a dashing attack on Norfolk Navy Yard, burning and destroying it, so that it could be of no use to the enemies of the country. Col. Jones’ Regt. is in Washington, the men fast recovering from their wounds & bruises, and in the enjoyment of good health. It is now ten days since the Mass. troops were first called into the field, and their operations may be summed up thus: Two Regts. have relieved Fortress Monroe and put it beyond danger of attack; one, Col. Jones’, marched to the aid of the Federal Capitol through Baltimore, and were baptized in blood; another, the 8th, has rescued the Frigate “Constitution” and put her on the side of law and order, has taken possession of Annapolis and of the Railroad, building it as they went, and together with their brethren of the 5th have marched to the Capital & thereby opened a communication through which thousands of troops are now passing. The two battalions are now guarding this depot of troops. Are not these sufficient deeds for a campaign of many months?

At a future day, as soon as communications are freely opened, I shall have the honor to report in full detail the state and condition of the men under my command; the present disturbed state of things renders that nearly impossible. There is one subject, however, I desire to press upon your Excellency’s most serious attention, — it is the necessity of a light uniform for the troops. I would suggest a blue light flannel, similar to that worn by the Rhode Island troops, to be made plain and serviceable without ornament or tinsel. There is needed at this moment four thousand such uniforms to supply the troops in the field. The form or shape should be that of a short “round about,” or a jacket like an undress in the Army. Let the cloth be bought at once and the swift, sympathetic fingers of our sisters and sweethearts be employed in making it up. These are practical suggestions, and I will have no doubt meet your Excellency's views. I have the honor
to be

Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant,
BENJ. F. BUTLER
_______________

1 It was General Butler's habit to prepare the drafts of his letters by his own hand, leaving quotations, references, etc. to be inserted by his secretary. It is, therefore, sometimes difficult to identify the addenda referred to. In the present instance, undoubtedly, the reference is to the letter from Governor Hicks on page 18.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 43-9

Wednesday, July 25, 2018

Gustavus V. Fox to Virginia Woodbury Fox, April 29, 1861


Annapolis, M'd
April 29 '61
D. V.

We reached Old Point yesterday without incident, and I dined with the Domicks in the Fort — who soon leave for Fort Hamilton. Com0 Pendergrast in the Cumberland is blockading at Hampton Roads. Fort Monroe is preparing for the crisis and will permit no batteries to be erected near it. It is a magnificent work but should have more troops. The communication is open thanks to the Masstts troops. The famous N. Y. 7th declined a duty because an overwhelming force were said to be in advance, declined the order in writing. So the Masstts troops took the rejected duty FOLLOWED by the 7th. Don't say anything about this because there must be no quarrels now. Maryland has refused to secede so Washington is safe. We hear of a truce but it must not be until Richmond and Norfolk are occupied. Then it will take us until frost to get ready for great movements. There will be no difficulty about getting our folks from Washington. My old schoolmate Gen. Butler is in command here and will give me .troops transportation anything for them and sends off a train for my especial benefit this P.M. The Yankee will remain here until I return and probably go to Como Pendergrast who wishes her in Hampton Roads, I shall remain in Washington long enough to get them out and probably return with them.

It is delightful to find Masstts troops occupying all prominent points, familiar faces carrying the glorious flag through to the Capital.

God bless my own dear wife and give her strength and health.

Aff
Gus

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 41-2

Friday, October 20, 2017

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, September 18, 1862

Address:
Capt. W. T. Lusk, A. A. A. Gen.
1st. Brig. 1st. Div. 9th. A. C.
Washington, D. C.
(To be forwarded)

Sept. 18th, 1862.
My dearest Mother:

After the battle of South Mountain, as we were being pushed on to this point (near Sharpsburg), unable to write myself, the Chaplain of the 79th kindly promised to inform you of my safety. Yesterday there was another fierce battle in which I took an active part, but he who lends a pitying ear to the prayers of the widow and the fatherless, vouchsafed to spare me in the time of danger. To-morrow I suppose there will be another battle, so to-night, though it is late, I write you hurriedly. Our successes in Maryland have been signal. We have been cheered for the bloodshed of the past few days by the sight of a retreating foe. God grant us such victories as may speedily end the war. All wish for peace, and so are willing to fight with desperation. Our division has done splendidly so far.

I long to hear from home. Your letter of the 25th of August, telling me that I was an unsuccessful candidate for position in the 18th Conn., is the last news I have received from home. Well, my fate is the fate of thousands. Those of us who have borne all the dangers and privations of the past, have no pretensions in comparison with such as can control a few votes in a country parish. I have taken part now in seven grand battles, and over a half dozen smaller engagements, have been constantly in service for fifteen months, have received the most gratifying expression of the esteem of my superior officers, but promotion is not the result of service according to our present system. In my old position as Acting Asst. Adjt.-General to the Division, with a change of Generals, I was superseded by a private of the 7th Regiment of New-York, who received a Commission from the President. This is perfectly right, as each General must choose his own Adjutant and form his own staff. Of the fifteen months I have held a Commission, fourteen months I have held acting appointments, that is, have had the labor and responsibility of various positions without the emolument. I am now Acting A. A. General to the first Brigade of this division, the regular pay of which position is between $160 and $170 per month. Holding only an acting appointment I receive $120.00. There is not much encouragement in this, but still I am content to be of any assistance, or to do my duty in any position which may be allotted me. I fear my old friends who hoped for much, feel more distressed than I do. I saw Charley Farnsworth in Washington. He feels that he has done much, and has received only neglect in return. His wound troubles him still, and I think he is not sorry to make it a pretext for quitting a service where there is no glory, no recognition of service to promote and foster a soldier's pride. Charley is a fine fellow, and his parents may feel proud of him.

I have had those two bad teeth of mine extracted. Tried a Regimental Surgeon first. Surgeon breaks one of them off, and I decline to have the experiment repeated — suffer all sorts of agony for about a month. At Frederick find a regular dentist who feels confident that he can draw any tooth. I let him try first the one not already partially operated upon. Dentist puts on the forceps and crushes in one side, then cuts the gum, tries again — pleasantly assures me he can do it, and crunch goes the old tooth again. Dentist grows radiant and tells how he extracted twelve from one lady the day before, and is more confident than ever that he can do it; puts on his forceps and by a succession of wrenches breaks the crown of the tooth, lays it complacently on a sheet of paper, and says that is just what he most ardently desired; makes another effort, smashes the root, and with the face of an angel, tells me it's all right — that now he can do it. Here human endurance failed. I objected to any further torture, took chloroform, sank into a state of insensibility, recovered minus two teeth, and all right.

Good-bye, dear, darling mother, keep up good heart. God is merciful as well as just. Love to all the dear ones.

Affec'y.,
Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 199-202

Thursday, November 17, 2016

Diary of John Hay: May 1, 1861

There were a half-dozen good-looking members of the Seventh Regiment called upon the Commander-in-Chief of the Armies and Navies this afternoon. He was very frank and cordial with them. He spoke amusedly of the Times’ proposition of deposing him, and said that the Government had three things to do: — Defend Washington; Blockade the Ports; and retake Government property. All the possible despatch was to be used in these matters, and it would be well if the people would cordially assist in this work before clamoring for more. The proclamation calling out the troops is only two weeks old. No people on earth could have done what we have in that time.

Montgomery Blair came in with the intelligence that our office-holders had been quietly installed at Baltimore under the floating of the constellated banner, and that the police-board had removed the restriction on the sale of flour. He thought the outbreak at the Massachusetts passage was the work of secession officials who were unwilling to lose their lease of plunder. He thoroughly believed in the loyalty of Maryland. The President seemed to think that if quiet was kept in Baltimore, a little longer, Maryland might be considered the first of the redeemed. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 28-9; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 16;

Friday, November 4, 2016

Diary of John Hay: April 26, 1861

Massachusetts and Rhode Island troops in large numbers arrived to-day. . . . I called on Sprague, the Governor of Rhode Island, with Nicolay. A small insignificant youth, who bought his place; but who is certainly all right now. He is very proud of his company, of its wealth and social standing.

Carl Schurz was here to-day. He spoke with wild enthusiasm of his desire to mingle in this war. He has great confidence in his capability of arousing the enthusiasm of the young. He contemplates the career of a great guerilla chief with ardent longing. He objects to the taking of Charleston and advises forays on the interior states. . . .

The Seventh Regiment band played gloriously on the shaven lawn at the south front of the Executive Mansion. The scene was very beautiful. Through the luxuriant grounds, the gaily dressed crowd idly strolled, soldiers loafed on the promenades, the martial music filled the sweet air with vague suggestion of heroism, and Carl Schurz and the President talked war.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 25-6; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 12; Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors; Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 12

Thursday, November 3, 2016

Diary of John Hay: April 25, 1861

At the request of the Tycoon, who imagined he had seen something significant steaming up the river, I went down to the Navy Yard. Saw Dahlgren, who at once impressed me as a man of great coolness and power. The boat was the Mt. Vernon, who reported everything right in the river.

About noon the Seventh Regiment came. I went to the Depot and saw Lefferts, who communicated the intelligence of their peaceful passage, with which I straightway gladdened the heart; of the Ancient. Cale Smith was with him as I returned. He was just reading a letter from Hamlin advising the immediate manufacture of rifled cannon from the Chicopee Works. Lincoln seemed to be in a pleasant, hopeful mood, and, in the course of the conversation, partially foreshadowed his present plan. He said: “I intend, at present, always leaving an opportunity for change of mind, to fill Fortress Monroe with men and stores; blockade the ports effectually; provide for the entire safety of the Capital; keep them quietly employed in this way, and then go down to Charleston and pay her the little debt we are owing her.”

. . . . General Butler has sent an imploring request to the President to be allowed to bag the whole nest of traitorous Maryland legislators and bring them in triumph here. This the Tycoon, wishing to observe every comity even with a recusant State, forbade.

To-day we got a few letters and papers and felt not quite so forlorn. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 24-5

Wednesday, November 2, 2016

Diary of John Hay: April 24, 1861

. . . . This has been a day of gloom and doubt. Everybody seems filled with a vague distrust and recklessness. The idea seemed to be reached by Lincoln when chatting with the volunteers this morning, he said: “I don't believe there is any North! The Seventh Regiment is a myth! Rhode Island is not known in our geography any longer. You are the only Northern realities.” Seward's messengers, sent out by the dozen, do not return. The Seventh and Butler's are probably still at Annapolis. A rumor this evening says the Railroad is in the hands of the Government and the Seventh's sappers and miners are at work repairing it. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 23-4

Tuesday, November 1, 2016

Diary of John Hay: Monday, April 23, 1861

This morning Doug. Wallack came rushing into the office, looking for Seward with what he called important news. He said that the two ships at the Navy Yard were the Pawnee and the Kingston. They brought marines and naval stores from Norfolk, which place they left after carrying what government property they could not remove. The Premier cursed quietly because the Baltic had not come; told Wallach not to contradict the report that the Baltic had come; said the treason of Hicks would not surprise him; that  the Seventh could cut their way through three thousand rioters; that Baltimore delenda est; and other things, — and strolled back into the audience chamber.

At dinner we sat opposite old Gen. Spinner, who was fierce and jubilant. No frenzied poet ever predicted the ruin of a hostile house with more energy and fervor than he issued the rescript of destiny against Baltimore. “We've got ’em,” he said. “It is our turn now. We keep steadily one week ahead of them, as 8 says. We have burned their hospital and poor-house, Harper's Ferry and the Norfolk Navy Yard. Now let them fight or starve.” He was peculiarly disgusted with the impertinence of Delaware. “The contemptible little neighborhood without population enough for a decent country village, gets upon her hind legs and talks about armed neutrality. The only good use for traitors is to hang them. They are worth more, dead than alive.” — Thus the old liberty-loving Teuton raged.

A gaunt, tattered, uncombed and unshorn figure appeared at the door and marched solemnly up to the table. He wore a rough, rusty overcoat, a torn shirt, and suspenderless breeches. His thin hair stood fretful-porcupine-quill-wise upon his crown. He sat down and gloomily charged upon his dinner. A couple of young exquisites were eating and chatting opposite him. They were guessing when the road would be open through Baltimore. “Thursday!” growled the grim apparition; “or Baltimore will be laid in ashes.”

It was Jim Lane.

To-night there seems to be reliable news at the State Department that the Seventh Regiment and the Massachusetts troops would start from Annapolis to-night, and through the favoring moonlight march to the Junction, where the Government has possession of the Road. The hostile peasantry can harass them fearfully on the way, from fence-corners and hill-sides, if they are ready and brave. . . .

A large and disappointed throng gathered at the Depot this morning hoping to get deliverance. But the hope was futile. They seem doomed to see the rising of the curtain. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 21; Michael Burlingame, Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 8-9

Thursday, October 27, 2016

Diary of John Hay: Sunday, April 21, 1861

This morning came a penitent and suppliant crowd of conditional secessionists from Baltimore, who, having sowed the wind, seem to have no particular desire to reap the whirlwind. They begged that no more federal troops should be sent through Baltimore at present; that their mob was thoroughly unmanageable, and that they would give the government all possible assistance in transporting its troops, safely, across the State by any other route. The President, always inclined to give all men credit for fairness and sincerity, consented to this arrangement, contrary to the advice of some of his most prominent counsellors; and afterwards said that this was the last time he was going to interfere in matters of strictly military concernment; that he would leave them hereafter wholly to military men.

I spoke of the intended resignation of Col. Magruder. The Tycoon was astonished. Three days ago Magruder had been in his room making the loudest protestations of undying devotion to the Union. This canker of secession has wonderfully demoralised the army. Capt. Fry is the firmest and soundest man I meet. He seems to combine great honesty of purpose with accurate and industrious business habits and a lively and patriotic soldier's spirit that is better than anything else to-day.


This morning we mounted the battlements of the Executive Mansion, and the Ancient took a long look down the bay. It was a “water-haul.”

Any amount of feverish rumors filled the evening. The despatch from Mead Addison, in regard to 1,500 Massachusetts troops being seen off Annapolis, seemed to please the President very much. Then there was a Fort Monroe rumor and a 7th Regiment rumor, and a Rhode Island rumor; all which, to-morrow will sift.

We passed the evening pleasantly at Eames', where were the English Legation, and returned to find Vivaldi and his borderers guarding the imperial palace, pacing in belted and revolvered dignity, up and down the wide portico, to give style and tone to the defensive guard, looking, as he said, like gentlemen in feature and dress. We went up and found a despatch stating that no troops had arrived at the Navy Yard. Tant pis we said, and slept.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 16-8; Michael Burlingame, Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 5-6

Sunday, October 16, 2016

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Major-General Robert Patterson, April 24rd, 1861


HEADQUARTERS,
Annapolis, April 24, 1861.
Major-General PATTERSON:

DEAR SIR: After leaving you with Mr. Felton at Philadelphia, I proceeded with the remnant of my command, one regiment having been sent through Baltimore, of whose sad mishaps you have heard, and two others being at Fortress Monroe, leaving with me but an imperfectly armed regiment of 800 men to execute the suggestions so happily made by you to Governor Curtin – to occupy and hold Annapolis and open a communication from thence to Washington via the Junction.

Upon my arrival I found Captain Blake, the superintendent of the Naval School, considerably alarmed for the safety of the frigate Constitution, moored off the Academy as a practice ship, and having a crew of but thirty men. Appreciating at once the necessity of having the ship to cover our connections, as well as a strong desire to keep Old Ironsides out of the hands of those who would be but too happy to raise their Confederate flag upon the Constitution as the first ship of their hoped-for navy, I at once came alongside, and giving the assistance of my whole command as well to guard the ship as to hoist out her guns, I was happy to see her afloat outside the bar ready to do good service. I put on board of her to guard her from an attempt at surprise, 125 of my best men, and 25 more men to work her guns, upon which service they are still absent. Sunday afternoon, in towing out the frigate, one of her men fell overboard, and while drifting to pick him up the steamer Maryland, a steam ferry-boat upon which was my command, ran aground, where she lay till Monday night at 12 o'clock, in spite of the most persevering efforts to move her. Monday morning about 8 o'clock the Seventh Regiment (New York) came up and I joined them, and landed at the Navy School, against the protest of Governor Hicks, copy of which I inclose.1 I had an interview with the Governor of Maryland and the city authorities of Annapolis, in which I learned that the company of the Annapolis and Elk Cliff [Ridge] Railroad had taken up the rails upon their roads for the purpose of preventing passage of the troops to Washington; and further, that no possible means of transport could be had here. I immediately determined to seize upon the rolling-stock of the railroad and to march on Washington, repairing the track as we marched. I found in my regiment a number of persons competent as well to build a railroad as to run it, and with the engines and cars, means of subsistence could be brought along without any danger of fatiguing the men who were marching.  I communicated this plan to Colonel Lefferts, of the Seventh Regiment (New York), and directed him to detail two companies to take and hold the depot and property in it, so that the engines might not be disabled by detaching parts of them indispensable for use, during the night. I detailed a sufficient force of engine men to put the train in order to start at an early hour on Tuesday morning, believing the whole matter arranged, and left with a steam-tug to get off my troops in the middle of the night at high tide and bring them up to the wharf This was successfully done, and on landing in the morning about 6 o'clock I found that my order to Colonel Lefferts had not been executed, and received from him a communication marked A, and forwarded herewith.2

Of the reasons for and propriety of this action on the part of the council of officers of the Seventh Regiment I have no opinions to express. The result of it was that we lost a day in opening communication with Washington. Upon landing I immediately detailed two companies of Eighth Massachusetts Regiment and took possession of the depot, giving a certified inventory of the property taken. These companies, assisted by the road-men that I had detailed, proceeded up the track and repaired [it] for about four miles, when they encamped for the night. In the morning, after a consultation, Colonel Lefferts marched with his regiment, together with the remainder of Colonel Munroe's regiment, along the railroad toward Washington, making the track as they went, and I have the honor to report that full communication is open between Annapolis and the Junction, and I believe through to Washington, but of that fact I hope to assure you before closing this report. I should have gone forward myself with this to see it through, but the troops after [I] returned arrived, and it seemed more necessary that I should remain to move the troops forward, as I have done. Please find list of troops that have arrived and left Annapolis up to the present time. They are all unprovided with camp equipage and small stores, which will be necessary for their health. I was somewhat surprised to hear from Captain Stedman that you had appointed General Kline [Keim] to take my place here without any intimation to me of such appointment. It would be personally agreeable to me to be sent forward after I have so arranged the matters of detail that the post which Massachusetts men have won shall be retained. My attention was early called to the state of the defenses of this post, and I found them so defective against an interior enemy that a point which  entirely commands Fort Madison and the town can be held upon the opposite side of the river; and indeed the mobs were actually to bring a battery there to annoy the Constitution on the day on which we took her out.  Professor Lockwood has therefore made a survey of the place, and in accordance with his suggestions I have caused the hill to be occupied by 600 men from the Sixth New York Regiment, with two howitzers. I have also retained the battalion of rifles, Captain Devens, to aid holding the Academy, all the young gentlemen being withdrawn from this place. These, I believe, will be sufficient for the defense of the place until some guns for sea-coast defense shall be brought here. I have not thought best to hurry the troops forward on the instant, as they might not be able to stand the march, as the weather is very warm. They will, however, be sent forward without delay. We are without intelligence from Washington for three days, but I have an arrangement with the telegraph company which I hope will [restore] communication. Colonel Keyes, Captain Blake, and [Professor] Lockwood all agree in the propriety of this movement, considering the great importance of this post. I have the honor further to report the Harriet Lane lying below the bar, and the steamer Maryland, with two guns, also plying in the bay; I think a sufficient force to preserve our water passage. I have also the honor to inclose a memoranda* of some points betwixt Annapolis and Washington, being a duplicate of one which I propose to furnish to General Scott.

Trusting that my conduct may meet your approbation, I am, very respectfully, your servant,

 B. F. B[UTLER].
______________

1 See Vol. II, p. 586.
2 See p. 1272.
3 Not found.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 32-5; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 51, Part 1 (Serial No.107 ), p. 1273-5

Saturday, July 23, 2016

Colonel Marshall Lefferts to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 22, 1861

ANNAPOLIS ACADEMY, Monday night, April 22nd, 1861

General B. F. BUTLER, Commdg. Mass. Vols.

Sir: Upon Consultation, my Officers do not deem it proper under the circumstances to co-operate in the proposed march by R. R., laying track as we go along. Particularly in view of a large force hourly expected, and with so little ammunition as we possess. I must be governed by my Officers in a matter of so much importance. I have directed this to be handed to you upon your return from the transport ship. I am, Sir,

Yours respectfully,

MARSHALL LEFFERTS, Col. 7th Regt. N. Y. Vols.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 22-3

Sunday, March 13, 2016

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 20, 1861

PHILADELPHIA, April 20th, 1861

Memorial of plan and reasons for proceeding to Annapolis

His Excellency, GOVERNOR ANDREW

I have detailed Capt. Devereaux and Capt. Briggs with their commands supplied with one day’s rations and 20 rounds of ammunition to take possession of the Ferry Boat at Havre de Grace for the benefit of this expedition. This I have done with the concurrence of the President and Master of Transportation of the Road. Thus the 8th Regiment will remain at quarters that they may get a little solid rest after their fatiguing march. I have sent to know if the 7th Regiment (New York) will go with me. I propose to march myself at the hour of 7 in the morning to take the regular 8 o’clock train to Havre de Grace.

The citizens of Baltimore at a large meeting this evening denounced the passage of Northern Troops; they have exacted a promise from the President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad not to send troops over that road through Baltimore, so that any attempt to throw troops into Baltimore entails a march of forty miles and an attack upon a city of two hundred thousand (200,000) inhabitants at the beginning of the march. The only way, therefore, of getting communication with Washington for troops from the North is over the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, or marching from the west. Commodore Du Pont at the Navy Yard has given me instructions of facts in accordance with these general statements upon which I rely. I have therefore thought that I could rely upon these statements as to time it will take to proceed by marching from Havre de Grace to Washington. My proposition is to join with Col. Lefferts of the 7th Regiment of New York. I propose to take the Fifteen Hundred Troops to Annapolis, arriving there to-morrow about 4 o’clock, and occupy the Capital of Maryland, and thus call the state to account for the death of Massachusetts men, my friends and neighbors.

If Col. Lefferts thinks it more in accordance with the tenor of his instructions to wait rather than go through Baltimore, I still propose to march with this regiment, I propose to occupy the town, and hold it open as a means of communication. I have then but to advance by a forced march of thirty miles to reach the Capital in accordance with the orders I at first received, but which subsequent events, in my judgment, vary in their execution. Believing from the Telegraphs that there will be others in great numbers to aid me, being accompanied by officers of more experience who will be able to direct the affair, I think it will be accomplished.

We have no light Batteries. I have therefore telegraphed you to have the Boston Light Battery put on shipboard at once to-night to help me in marching on Washington. In pursuance of this plan I have detailed Capts. Devereaux and Briggs with their commands to hold the boat at Havre de Grace.

11 A.M. Col. Lefferts has refused to march with me. I go alone at 3 o'clock P.M. to execute this imperfectly written plan. If I succeed, success will justify me; if I fail, purity of intention will excuse want of judgment or rashness.

B. F. BUTLER

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 18-20

Wednesday, March 2, 2016

Diary of William Howard Russell: May 6, 1861

I forgot to say that yesterday before dinner I drove out with some gentlemen and the ladies of the family of Mr. George N. Sanders, once United States consul at Liverpool, now a doubtful man here, seeking some office from the Government, and accused by a portion of the press of being a Confederate spy — Porcus de grege epicuri — but a learned pig withal, and weatherwise, and mindful of the signs of the times, catching straws and whisking them upwards to detect the currents. Well, in this great moment I am bound to say there was much talk of ice. The North owns the frozen climates; but it was hoped that Great Britain, to whom belongs the North Pole, might force the blockade and send aid.

The environs of Montgomery are agreeable — well-wooded, undulating, villas abounding, public gardens, and a large negro and mulatto suburb. It is not usual, as far as I can judge, to see women riding on horseback in the South, but on the road here we encountered several.

After breakfast I walked down with Senator Wigfall to the capitol of Montgomery — one of the true Athenian Yankeeized structures of this novo-classic land, erected on a site worthy of a better fate and edifice. By an open cistern, on our way, I came on a gentleman engaged in disposing of some living ebony carvings to a small circle, who had more curiosity than cash, for they did not at all respond to the energetic appeals of the auctioneer.

The sight was a bad preparation for an introduction to the legislative assembly of a Confederacy which rests on the Institution as the corner-stone of the social and political arch which maintains it. But there they were, the legislators or conspirators, in a large room provided with benches and seats, and listening to such a sermon as a Balfour of Burley might have preached to his Covenanters — resolute and massive heads, and large frames — such men as must have a faith to inspire them. And that is so. Assaulted by reason, by logic, argument, philanthropy, progress directed against his peculiar institutions, the Southerner at last is driven to a fanaticism—a sacred faith which is above all reason or logical attack in the propriety, righteousness, and divinity of slavery.

The chaplain, a venerable old man, loudly invoked curses on the heads of the enemy, and blessings on the arms and councils of the New State. When he was done, Mr. Howell Cobb, a fat, double-chinned, mellow-eyed man, rapped with his hammer on the desk before the chair on which he sat as speaker of the assembly, and the house proceeded to business. I could fancy that, in all but garments, they were like the men who first conceived the great rebellion which led to the independence of this wonderful country — so earnest, so grave, so sober, and so vindictive — at least; so embittered against the power which they consider tyrannical and insulting.

The word "liberty" was used repeatedly in the short time allotted to the public transaction of business and the reading of documents; the Congress was anxious to get to its work, and Mr. Howell Cobb again thumped his desk and announced that the house was going into “secret session,” which intimated that all persons who were not members should leave. I was introduced to what is called the floor of the house, and had a delegate's chair, and of course I moved away with the others, and with the disappointed ladies and men from the galleries; but one of the members, Mr. Rhett, I believe, said jokingly: “I think you ought to retain your seat. If the ‘Times’ will support the South, we'll accept you as a delegate.” I replied that I was afraid I could. not act as a delegate to a Congress of Slave States. And, indeed, I had been much affected at the slave auction held just outside the hotel, on the steps of the public fountain, which I had witnessed on my way to the capitol. The auctioneer, who was an ill-favored, dissipated-looking rascal, had his “article “ beside him, on, not in, a deal packing-case — a stout young negro badly dressed and ill-shod, who stood with all his goods fastened in a small bundle in his hand, looking out at the small and listless gathering of men, who, whittling and chewing, had moved out from the shady side of the street as they saw the man put up. The chattel character of slavery in the States renders it most repulsive. What a pity the nigger is not polypoid — so that he could be cut up in junks, and each junk should reproduce itself.

A man in a cart, some volunteers in coarse uniforms, a few Irish laborers in a long van, and four or five men in the usual black coat, satin waistcoat, and black hat, constituted the audience, whom the auctioneer addressed volubly: “A prime field hand! Just look at him — good-natered, well-tempered; no marks, nary sign of bad about him! En-i-ne hunthered — only nine hun-ther-ed and fifty dol'rs for 'em! Why, it's quite rad-aklous! Nine hundred and fifty dol'rs! I can't raly
That's good. Thank you, sir. Twenty-five bid — nine huntherd and seventy-five dol'rs for this most useful hand. The price rose to one thousand dollars, at which the useful hand was knocked down to one of the black hats near me. The auctioneer and the negro and his buyer all walked off together to settle the transaction, and the crowd moved away.

“That nigger went cheap,” said one of them to a companion, as he walked towards the shade. “Yes, Sirr! Niggers is cheap now — that's a fact.” I must admit that I felt myself indulging in a sort of reflection whether it would not be nice to own a man as absolutely as one might possess a horse — to hold him subject to my will and pleasure, as if he were a brute beast without the power of kicking or biting — to make him work for me — to hold his fate in my hands: but the thought was for a moment. It was followed by disgust.

I have seen slave markets in the East, where the traditions of the race, the condition of family and social relations divest slavery of the most odious characteristics which pertain to it in the States if but the use of the English tongue in such a transaction, and the idea of its taking place among a civilized Christian people, produced in me a feeling of inexpressible loathing and indignation. Yesterday I was much struck by the intelligence, activity, and desire to please of a good-looking colored waiter, who seemed so light-hearted and light colored I could not imagine he was a slave. So one of our party, who was an American, asked him: “What are you, boy — a free nigger?” Of course he knew that in Alabama it was most unlikely he could reply in the affirmative. The young man's smile died away from his lips, a flush of blood embrowned the face for a moment, and he answered in a sad, low tone: “No, sir! I b'long to Massa Jackson,” and left the room at once. As I stood at an upper window of the capitol, and looked on the wide expanse of richly-wooded, well-cultivated land which sweeps round the hill-side away to the horizon, I could not help thinking of the misery and cruelty which must have been borne in tilling the land and raising the houses and streets of the dominant race before whom one nationality of colored people has perished within the memory of man. The misery and cruelty of the system are established by the advertisements for runaway negroes, and by the description of the stigmata on their persons — whippings and brandings, scars and cuts — though these, indeed, are less frequent here than in the border States.

On my return, the Hon. W. M. Browne, Assistant-Secretary of State, came to visit me — a cadet of an Irish family, who came to America some years ago, and having lost his money in land speculations, turned his pen to good account as a journalist, and gained Mr. Buchanan's patronage and support as a newspaper editor in, Washington. There he became intimate with the Southern gentlemen, with whom he naturally associated in preference to the Northern members; and when they went out, he walked over alongwith them. He told me the Government had already received numerous — I think he said 400 — letters from ship-owners applying for letters of marque and reprisal. Many of these applications were from merchants in Boston, and other maritime cities in the New England States. He further stated that the President was determined to take the whole control of the army, and the appointments to command in all ranks of officers into his own hands.

There is now no possible chance of preserving the peace or of averting the horrors of war from these great and prosperous communities. Thy Southern people, right or wrong, are bent on independence and on separation, and they will fight to the last for their object.

The press is fanning the flame on both sides: it would be difficult to say whether it or the telegraphs circulate lies most largely; but that as the papers print the telegrams they must have the palm. The Southerners are told there is a reign of terror in New York — that the 7th New York Regiment has been captured by the Baltimore people — that Abe Lincoln is always drunk — that General Lee has seized Arlington Heights, and is bombarding Washington. The New York people are regaled with similar stories from the South. The coincidence between the date of the skirmish at Lexington and of the attack on the 6th Massachusetts Regiment at Baltimore is not so remarkable as the fact, that the first man who was killed at the latter place, 86 years ago, was a direct descendant of the first of the colonists who was killed by the royal soldiery. Baltimore may do the same for the South which Lexington did for all the Colonies. Head-shaving, forcible deportations, tarring and feathering are recommended and adopted as specifics to produce conversion from erroneous opinions. The President of the United States has called into service of the Federal Government 42,000 volunteers, and increased the regular army by 22,000 men, and the navy by 18,000 men. If the South secede, they ought certainly to take over with them some Yankee hotel keepers. This “Exchange” is in a frightful state — nothing but noise, dirt, drinking, wrangling

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 167-71

Saturday, November 28, 2015

Farewell Address of Major-General John A. Dix to the Middle Department, June 1, 1862

Head quarters, Middle Department, Baltimore, Md., June 1,1862.
General Orders, No. 14:

The Major-general commanding, having received orders to repair to Fort Monroe and assume the command at that point, and having but two hours to prepare for his departure, takes leave of the troops under his command in the only mode left to him — through the medium of a General Order.

Of the corps composing his command when he first assumed it, more than ten months ago, two regiments — the Third New York Volunteers, under Colonel Alford; the Fourth New York Volunteers, under Colonel Taylor; and the regular garrison of Fort McHenry, under Colonel Morris — are all that remain. The admirable discipline of these deserves the highest commendation; and he returns to all his sincere thanks for their promptitude and fidelity in the performance of their duties.

It is a source of great regret to him that he is compelled to leave without being able to review the regiments of New York Militia — the Seventh, Eighth, Thirteenth, Twenty-second, Thirty-seventh, and Forty-seventh — which, under a second appeal from the Chief Magistrate of the Union, have laid aside their various occupations on the briefest notice, at great personal sacrifice, and, hurrying to the field, are now occupying positions in and around Baltimore. In their patriotism and their devotion to the Government of their country the Union feeling of the city will meet with a cordial sympathy. It is a great alleviation of the regret with which the Major-general commanding parts with them, that he is soon to be succeeded by a distinguished general officer of the regular army from their own State. In the interim the command of the Department devolves on Brigadier-general Montgomery, United States Volunteers.

The Major-general commanding cannot forbear, in taking leave of the citizens of Baltimore, among whom his duties have been discharged, to express the grateful sense he will ever retain of the aid and encouragement he has received from those of them who have been true, under all the vicissitudes of a wicked and unnatural contest, to the cause of the Union. The ladies of the Union Relief Association are entitled to a special acknowledgment of his obligations to them. It is believed that the records of philanthropic devotion do not contain a brighter example of self-sacrificing service than that which is to be found in their own quiet and unobtrusive labors. The military hospitals have, from the commencement of the war, borne unceasing testimony to their untiring zeal and sympathy. The wounded prisoners of the insurgent army have, like our own, been solaced in their dying hours by the ministrations of these devoted ladies: nobly suggesting to the misguided masses who are in arms against the Government that suffering humanity, under whatever circumstances it may present itself, has the same claim on our common nature for sympathy and ministering care. And it is to be hoped that this lesson of magnanimity may not be without its proper influence on those who, under the influence of bad passions, seem to have lost sight of their moral responsibility for indifference and cruelty.

It is a source of great gratification to the Major-general commanding that in the eight months during which the municipal police was under his control no act of disorder disturbed the tranquillity of the city, and that the police returns, compared with those of a corresponding period of the previous year, exhibit a very great reduction, in some months as high as fifty per cent., in the aggregate of misdemeanors and crimes. The police having on the 20th of March last been surrendered to the city authorities, they have since then been responsible for the preservation of the public order. The zeal and promptitude of the Police Commissioners and Marshal of Police on the occurrence of a recent disturbance, provoked by a brutal expression of disloyal feeling, gives earnest of their determination to arrest at the outset all breaches of the public peace, which, by whatever provocation they may seem to be palliated, are sure to degenerate, if unchecked, into discreditable and fatal excesses.

The Major-general commanding, with this imperfect acknowledgment of his obligations to the loyal citizens of Baltimore and their patriotic defenders, tenders to them all, with his best wishes, a friendly and cordial farewell.

By order of Major-general Dix.
Danl. T. Van Buren, Colonel and Aide-de-camp.

SOURCE: Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 47-8

Sunday, December 7, 2014

John Lothrop Motley to Mary Benjamin Motley, June 20, 1861

Washington,
June 20th, 1861.

My Dearest Mary, — I told you that I went with Seward in the evening of Monday to see the President. He looks younger than I expected — less haggard than the pictures — and on the whole, except for his height, which is two or three inches above six feet, would not be remarked in any way as ill- or well-looking. His conversation was commonplace enough, and I can hardly remember a single word that he said, except when we were talking — all three — about the military plans in progress, he observed, not meaning anything like an epigram, “Scott will not let us outsiders know anything of his plans.” He seemed sincere and honest, however, and steady, but of course it is quite out of the question for me to hazard an opinion on so short an acquaintance as to his moral or intellectual qualities.

Seward impresses me as being decidedly a man of intellect, but seems an egotist. . . . There is no doubt whatever that the early impressions of the Foreign Ministers here were favourable to the success of the rebellion, and that these impressions were conveyed to their Governments. Mercier, the French Minister, was most decided in his views and his sympathies, while Lord Lyons, calm and quiet as you know him to be, as well as sagacious and right-minded, had also little doubt, I suspect, six or seven weeks ago that the secession or revolution was an accomplished fact. Hence the anxiety of their Governments to be on good terms with the rebels, particularly after the astounding misrepresentations of the Southern commissioners. It amuses Americans very much when I tell them that the recognition of Mr. Adams was remonstrated against by those individuals.

I dined with Lord Lyons yesterday, and M. Mercier was there. Of course we spoke of little else but American affairs. There is no need of quoting the conversation, but it is sufficient to say that little doubt seems now to exist in the minds of either that the United States Government is sure to put down this rebellion and remain a great power—greater than ever before.

The encouragement which the rebels have derived from their premature recognition which they have received as belligerents, and still more by the exclusion of our ships of war as well as their pirates from the English ports all over the world, for the purpose of bringing in prizes, while on the contrary France does not exclude our ships of war, but only privateers, has already given the rebellion a new lease of life. Still more pernicious is the hope which is now entertained by the rebels, that so soon as the new cotton crop is ready to come forward — say in October — England will break up our blockade, and of course become instantly involved in war with us. I refuse to contemplate such a possibility. It would be madness on the part of England, for at the very moment when it would ally itself with the South against the United States, for the sake of supplying the English manufacturers with their cotton, there would be a cry of twenty millions as from one mouth for the instant emancipation of all the slaves.

Nothing could resist that cry. The sentiment of the Free States would be more overwhelming even than its manifestation so lately, which has surprised the world by the rising as it were out of the earth in the brief space of six weeks, of a well equipped and disciplined army of 250,000 men. The alliance of England with the South for the sake of re-opening the cotton ports would have for its instant result the total destruction of the cotton interest. An invading army at half a dozen different ports would proclaim the instant abolition of slavery.

There is not the slightest exaggeration in this. No logic can be more inexorable, and the opinion is avowed on all sides.

To break our blockade for the sake of getting cotton for Manchester, would lead to the total extermination of the cotton crop for many a long year. No English statesman can be blind to this, and therefore I do not fear any interference on the part of England. The South, however, does expect such interference, and will in consequence prolong its struggle a little.

I passed the whole of the day before yesterday on the other side of the Potomac — the “sacred soil of Virginia.” We hired a carriage and took it on board a small steamer plying to Alexandria. The sail for about half a dozen miles along the broad, magnificent Potomac, under a cloudless sky, but protected by an awning, was very pleasant. The heat is not excessive yet, and there is usually a good air stirring. The expanse of hill and dale and the wooded heights which surround the margin of the beautiful river make a delightful passage of scenery. Alexandria, but lately a bustling tobacco port, is now like a city of the dead so far as anything like traffic is concerned. It is the head-quarters of General McDowell, an experienced army officer, who commands all the Union troops (some 25,000) in this part of Virginia.

We went to the Marshall House, the principal hotel of the place, where, as I suppose you read in the papers, Colonel Ellsworth of the New York Zouaves was killed. He had gone in person to the top of the house to cut down a Secession flag, and was coming down the stairs with it, when he was shot by the master of the house, one Jackson, who in his turn was instantly despatched by a private in the regiment. Ellsworth is much regretted as a young officer of great courage and irreproachable character.

By the way, you should read in the Atlantic for June and July a very spirited account of the march of the New York 7th to Washington. It was written by Major Winthrop of New York, who was killed the other day in that unlucky and blundering affair of General Pierce at Great Bethel. These outpost skirmishes are of little consequence to their ultimate results, but they serve to encourage the enemy a little. On the other hand, they read a useful lesson to Government upon the folly of appointing militia officers to high command when there is no lack of able and experienced army officers. Of these there are plenty, and no idea is more ridiculous than that the South has got all the officers and all the military material. The bone and sinew of the Free States are probably the best raw material for troops in the world. General Scott told me last night that the Massachusetts volunteers in a few months would be equal to the best regulars. To an unsophisticated eye they are nearly so already.

A regiment marched into Washington yesterday morning— the Massachusetts 1st—and with their steady march, stout frames, good equipments, and long train of baggage waggons, drawn by admirable teams of horses, following them, they looked very business-like, I assure you. And this regiment is but a tenth part of the men whom Massachusetts has already contributed. As for New York, I am afraid to say how many are already here, and they are wonderfully well-drilled — at least 20,000 — and they can send on as many more as can possibly be required. The contention now among the States is to get the largest proportion of their regiments accepted. The manner in which these great armies have been so suddenly improvised is astounding to foreigners. “C'est le pays des improvisations said Mr. Mercier to me yesterday. From Alexandria we went on to Shuter's Hill, one of the heights commanding Washington, where, under guidance of Colonel Wright, the engineer who built the works, we examined the very considerable fortifications which have been erected here.

It is very interesting to see the volunteers working with pick and spade under the broiling sun of Virginia, without complaint or inconvenience. They are men who have never doubted that labour was honourable.

We afterwards went to Arlington House, formerly the seat of Washington Custis, and now the property of General Lee. He is an excellent officer, and was, before his defection, a favourite of General Scott. The place has great natural beauties of hill and dale, lawn and forest, and commands a magnificent view of Washington and the whole valley of the Potomac; but the house is mean. It is now the head-quarters of General McDowell (I was wrong in saying further back that these were at Alexandria). Colonel Heintzelmann commands there, and there are some New York regiments encamped in the grounds. I observed one alley through the tents had been christened Fifth Avenue. The property is thoroughly respected, and the soldiers have even amused their leisure in planting little gardens about their tents instead of destroying or defacing anything.

Thus we passed the day in going about the lines from one point to another, receiving explanations of everything from most intelligent officers — generally of the regular army. The works at the Tete du Pont, to defend the mile-long bridge which crosses the Potomac from the Virginia side to Washington, are very thorough, and the attempt upon Washington, if made, must, I think, result in a total defeat. I passed an hour with General Scott last night at his house in Washington. He tells me still that he expects an attack daily along the whole line, says that the rebels are perhaps in greater number than those which he has in the immediate neighbourhood, but that his are much better troops. I could not make out that he had any reasons to expect an attack, except upon the logical ground that they must do it, or come to grief by remaining inactive. They are poorly provisioned, impatient, and in danger of disbanding. Meantime, Scott has secured Harper's Ferry, a most important strategical position, without striking a blow. They were forced to evacuate the place to escape being surrounded. “Eeate d savoir how it will be at Manassas Junction. The General pleases me exceedingly. He is in manner quiet, but hale, vigorous, and full of energy, and has no doubt whatever of bringing the whole matter to a happy issue within a reasonable time. But the things which annoy him most are the lying telegrams of the newspapers and the general impatience of outsiders. I spent an hour and a half with Seward last evening, and afterwards called at the White House on Mrs. Lincoln. She is rather nice-looking, youngish, with very round white arms, well dressed, chatty enough, and if she would not, like all the South and West, say “Sir” to you every instant, as if you were a royal personage, she would be quite agreeable.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Volume 1, p. 382-7

Saturday, November 15, 2014

Henry L. Higginson to James J. Higginson, April 22, 1861

Dearest Jim, —

We are in for the fight at last and we will carry it thro' like men. One week ago to-day appeared the President's proclamation calling on the states for troops. To-day Washington is cared for, Fort Monroe garrisoned, and the route to Washington held open. Never in my whole life have I seen anything approaching in the slightest degree to the excitement and the enthusiasm of the past week. Everything excepting the war is forgotten, business is suspended, the streets are filled with people, drilling is seen on all sides and at all times. Our Massachusetts troops were poured into Boston within 12 to 24 hours after the command was issued from here, and were the first to go on and the first to shed blood. May the devil catch those Baltimorean rioters, the cowards! On the 19th April, the anniversary of the Lexington fight, our first men were shot in Baltimore.

But you should have seen the troops, Jimmy: real, clean-cut, intelligent Yankees, the same men who fought in '76, a thousand times better than any soldiers living. They left their wives and children in some cases without a farewell, and marched thro' to Washington. We've been told of our degeneracy for years and years: I tell you, Jim, no more heartfelt enthusiasm or devotion was to be found in '76 than now. Everyone is longing to go. One man walked 100 miles to join a volunteer company raised and gone between Wednesday and Sunday. Two thousand Irish volunteers have been raised in Boston, besides many companies of Americans and Germans and French. One hundred Germans put their names down as volunteers in a half-hour at a small meeting which was held Friday. Money is forthcoming, everyone is making clothes for the troops. Yesterday sailed from N.Y. 5000 troops (1200 from here, commanded by one of my classmates); they say 500,000 people were present to see them march down Broadway and sail. That famous N.Y. 7th regiment is holding the R.R. to Washington from Annapolis. A regiment of 800 N.Y. firemen has been raised in two or three days, and will go as skirmishers to-morrow or to-day. The Ohio troops are in Washington, and the Westerners are coming on perfectly wild. Every slave-state has refused troops; we do not want them. The Southern army is, they say, well-drilled: we may lose at first, but they will be wiped out from the face of the earth in the end. We want arms sadly; those villains have stolen everything that they could find in our armories and arsenals. And for us — George will, I hope and trust, finish his house at Lenox before moving . . . father is of course too old. I have been laid up all winter with a sprained foot, which is still weak, but I 'll go if I can march possibly. I've committed myself to a regiment of volunteers to be raised and drilled in our harbor before going. It is the best way, if they are not wanted immediately, for then a disciplined body of active troops will be opposed to the enemy, instead of raw recruits. Jim Savage will go in this regiment as an officer. This foot has been a great nuisance to me for months, and now may prevent my going, for a lame man will not be accepted. And now, Jim, you must decide for yourself whether you'll return just yet or not; you might wait a few months to advantage. There will be little business in any way for beginners until the war is over, I suppose: the first quota is gone and the second will be off also before you can reach here. Then will come much drilling and preparation for the future: the war will, I fancy, be very severe, but of short duration. You might get all possible information as to the muskets and rifles with sword-bayonets to be got in each country, Germany, France and England; we must import from Europe to meet our immediate wants. Send this letter to Johnny with my love: I 've not time to write him to-day and he'll want to know of these things. Father is very well indeed and drills hard, with a view to teaching others — as also Frank. Father gets dreadfully excited; indeed so does everyone. My best love to you, Jimmy.

Yrs.
H.

SOURCE: Life and letters of Henry Lee Higginson, p. 142-3

Saturday, November 1, 2014

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, April 20, 1861

20th April, 1861.

Anna and the baby are perfectly well. Her brother Bob and my brother Sam marched yesterday with their regiment, the 7th, both the Winthrops, Philip Schuyler, and the flower of the youth of the city.

This day in New York has been beyond description, and remember, if we lose Washington to-night or to-morrow, as we probably shall, we have taken New York. The grand hope of this rebellion has been the armed and moneyed support of New York, and New York is wild for the flag and the country, and our bitterest foes of yesterday are in good faith our nearest friends. The meeting to-day was a city in council. The statue of Washington held in its right hand the flagstaff and flag of Sumter. The only cry is, “Give us arms!” and this before a drop of New York blood has been shed. What will it be after?

I think of the Massachusetts boys dead. “Send them home tenderly,” says your governor. Yes, “tenderly, tenderly; but for every hair of their bright young heads brought low, God, by our right arms, shall enter into judgment with traitors!”

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 145

Friday, August 15, 2014

Diary of Charles H. Lynch: July 5, 1863

Left camp very early this morning. A heavy downpour of rain. Passed through Georgetown, on through Washington. The mud in Pennsylvania Avenue was ankle deep. Marching very hard and disagreeable, so much so that we were obliged to take off our leggins and throw them away. Our first time in Washington. Boarded a train at the B. & O. R. R. station, going north. Nothing important taken place. At the Relay House, near Baltimore, train switched to the west bound track. After a long tedious ride we reached the Monocacy Junction, thence to Frederick City, where we left the train and began a march out on the South Mountain Road, passing New York's crack regiment, the 7th, on picket duty. Stopped at the top of South Mountain.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 24-5

Monday, June 10, 2013

Minute Men Moving

The 11th (700 Germans,) the 22d, (600 men,) and the 71st, (800 strong,) together with a large squad of the 7th – all New York city regiments – left for Washington Wednesday evening.  The 8th and the gallant 69th left Thursday afternoon.  The 12th, 87th and 56th Brooklyn regiments left during Friday and Saturday.  Ten regiments in four days is doing well enough, “considering.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, June 7, 1862, p. 2

Sunday, September 4, 2011

From Washington

WASHINGTON, March 16.

From contrabands who have acted as teamsters for the rebels, it is ascertained that the main body of the rebels have crossed the Rappahannock and were making a stand at Fredericksburg in conjunction with the army at Gordonsville.


Tribune Correspondence.

Messrs. Holt and Owen, commissioners to examine and allow or reject all contracts, orders and claims on the War Department for ordnance, arms and ammunition, will commence their labors to-morrow.  They have taken rooms in the War Department.

Gen. Fremont’s department extends, if we are rightly informed, no farther south than Knoxville.

Gen. Totten has advised the division of the seven million dollars appropriated this session for coast defences, to the construction of iron-clad vessels of war.

Com. Smith, the head of the bureau of yards and docks, has been authorized by Secretary Welles to build an iron-clad gunboat within 60 days.

A letter from Newport News, Dated 14th, in the World, says: About 9 o’clock yesterday morning, companies of the 7th N. Y. regiment, encamped at this place, started on a reconnnoisance on the Willliamsport road, running parallel with the James river.  About ten miles from camp, they came across 3,500 rebel cavalry stationed at the junction of the Williamsport and Great bethel roads.  When the enemy were discovered, our troops charged upon them. – The enemy after firing a few shots at our skirmishers and setting fire to the house they had lately occupied, turned and fled.


Times’ Correspondence.

Gen. McClellan’s proclamation to his army is the theme of universal conversation and enthusiastic praise.  His popularity with the army is unbounded, and his friends increase by thousands among the people who admire his patience under persecution and his single-hearted devotion to the union.

The docks at Washington begin to be thickly studded with masts of vessels that have reached here with supplies since the blockade has been raised – a vast relief to all who have to buy in Washington.

Messers. Odell and Baker, members from New York, yesterday called upon Secretary Welles and urged that Com. Stringham be assigned to active duty.  It is understood that the Secretary gave them assurance that the meritorious officer would soon have command.


Herald’s Correspondence.

Gen. E. A. Hitchcock, who recently declined the appointment of Major General of volunteers, was summoned here from St. Louis some days ago, when he was visited by the Secretary of War.  What transpired at the interview has not been announced, but it was of sufficient importance to the interests of the country to induce General Hitchcock to reconsider his declination of the Major Generalship.


WASHINGTON, March 17.

Gen. Fremont has had an interview with the President and Secretary of War.  We will press his affairs for promptly starting his department.  His staff will therefore be determined on at an early day.  His headquarters will be in the field.  Col. Shanks will accompany him.

The Senate was four hours in executive session to-day.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 18, 1862, p. 1