Diary of Corporal David L. Day: January 22, 1862

HUNTING A CHANNEL.

The light-draught boats are engaged in finding and making a channel across the bar, or swash as it is called, of sufficient depth of water to enable the large steamers to cross into the sound. One great trouble about that is if they find one today it will all be filled up tomorrow. We shall have to wait till calmer weather before we can cross.

RATIONS.

A schooner came alongside today and left us rations of steamed pork, hardtack and condensed sea water. This was a very timely arrival as we have been very short of water for two or three days and pretty much everything else. Rattlesnake pork will taste pretty good again after a few days’ fast. Condensed sea water is rather a disagreeable beverage, but still is a little ahead of no water at all. I think, however, it might be made palatable by adding about nine parts whiskey to one of water. This water and pork is all manufactured here on the spot. They have a sort of rendering establishment where they make it, but I cannot believe that the pork would take a premium in any fair in the country unless it was for meanness.

A RIPPLE OF EXCITEMENT.

Another rebel steamer came down the sound to-day to take a look at us and see how we are getting along. One of our boats gave chase and I reckon got a shot at her, as we heard reports of artillery. Those fellows are just smart enough to keep out of our way, I hope they will always be so, I have no great desire to shoot the cusses, but still if they get in my way, and I think they ought to be shot. I suppose I shall do it.

The theatre up in the saloon is a great success. They have just got out a new play, a kind of burlesque, entitled the Rasper Brothers, and large posters are sent over the boat announcing the unprecedented success of the Rasper Brothers: playing nightly to crowded houses and hundreds turned away; none should fail of witnessing this highly moral drama.

OLD DAN.

Old Dan is having a terrible fit of the blues. He cannot understand why we were sent to this God-forsaken place. I tell him that God has not forsaken it but has sent us here to save it; and Dan, with a big oath, swore that it was not worth saving. I said to him: “You are seeing it at its worst. This is a famous watering-place; a great summer resort.” He thinks it might do first-rate for a watering place; but cannot conceive of anyone who would want to resort here. He thinks the greatest mistake he has made in this whole business was in not running away as I advised him to, while at Annapolis.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 25-6

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: December 20, 1861

We are having cold weather; freezing quite hard at night, and making our lodgings in these little rag houses anything but comfortable. I have been with a detail of men down to the wharf unloading and storing army supplies. Annapolis is a depot of supplies, and immense quantities are landed here and sent by rail to Washington. A person never having given the subject of army preparation and supplies much thought, would be astonished at the immense quantities he would see here, and would begin to calculate how long it would be before Uncle Sam would be bankrupt. Large warehouses are filled and breaking down under the weight of flour, beef, pork, bread, sugar, coffee, clothing, ammunition, etc., while the wharves and adjacent grounds are filled with hay, oats, lumber, coal, guns, mortars, gun-carriages, pontoons and other appendages of an army. I presume the cost of feeding and clothing an army of half a million of-men is not really so much as the same number of men would cost at home, but the army being consumers, instead of producers, the balance will eventually be found on the debit page of the ledger.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 15

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: December 10, 1861

A WALK INTO THE COUNTRY.

The weather holds warm and springlike. We have no need of overcoats, unless doing guard duty nights. The people here tell us it is an unusually mild fall, but that we shall get right smart lots of cold and snow before many days. I took a walk of a few miles into the country yesterday, on a tour of observation. I noticed what appeared to me a great extent of good land, but very badly improved. Occasionally I saw a farm where things seemed to be kept up snug and showed some evidences of thrift, but more of them looked as though the owners studied to see how shiftless they could be and still manage to live. Buildings and fences are going to decay; fields of corn are yet unharvested, the cattle and hogs running through and destroying them. I asked one man why he didn't harvest his corn. “Oh,” he said, “there is no hurry about that, I have got all winter to do it in, and the corn is just as well off in the field as anywhere.” I came to the conclusion that his plan of harvesting was about as fast as he wanted it to eat. I said to another man I met, “You have good land about here, sir; easy of cultivation and close to a market. I suppose you make a pile of money?” “Oh, no,” he said, “you are mistaken; right poor land about yere, one can hardly make a living on it, but you go over yere a few miles to some creek [the name of which I have forgotten], and you will find right good land; make as much again corn on it as you can on this.” I asked, “What do you value this land at?” “Well,” he replied, “we reckon the land around yere worth about $10 an acre; reckon some of it mought be bought for a little less, but the land around Annapolis is worth from $25 to $50 an acre.” I made up my mind that a man with an ordinary degree of enterprise, with our improved implements for farming and with hired labor, might take this land and make money on it. I am unable to see any profits from slave labor in Maryland; it is poor help at the best; besides they have to be clothed and fed several months in a year during which time they are net earning much, and there is always on a farm employing a dozen or more field hands, a lot of old men and women and small children who are not earning anything, but still have to be supported.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 14-5

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, April 30, 1861

Headquarters Department of Annapolis, April 30th, 1861

To Lieut. Gen’l. WINFIELD Scott, General in Chief U.S. Army,

WASHINGTON, D.C.

GENERAL: Col. Corcoran, of the Sixty ninth N. Y. Regiment, sent to me under arrest a man calling himself Edward Grandval, whose voluntary examination was taken by me in writing, read over to and signed by him. The evidence upon which he has been arrested has been fully seen and weighed, and from it I find that it is substantially proved that the prisoner lately came to Baltimore from the Capital of the Confederate States; that he went into correspondence with one Beach, the Editor of the Baltimore Sun Newspaper, a known enemy of the Union, and known by the prisoner to be such at the time he entered his service, whatever that service was; that he made a written proposal to Mr. Beach to place himself at or as near as possible to Annapolis, there to gather what information he could of the movements and numbers of the troops, to forward the same to Beach by private hand; that on Friday evening he entered upon that duty, and was engaged about it until yesterday morning when he was arrested.

There was found upon him this engagement which he endeavored to destroy, and also portions of a letter which he said had been written by one Alexander in order to procure him his engagement. All but the latter part and the signature was destroyed. There was evidence that he was lurking around Col. Corcoran's Quarters, endeavoring to obtain information of the men as to the forces of his command, that he attempted to tamper with the men, telling them of the forces of the secessionists and that they were ready to receive them as their brothers if they would come over to them. He had examined the private quarters of Col. Corcoran for papers, had taken there a Revolver. His statement in his examination was transparently improbable, and made no impression upon the mind either of his truthfulness or propriety of conduct. From the evidence I have no doubt that he was sent as a Spy upon our movements, and it is for the Commanding General to direct what course shall be pursued. My own opinion is that the utmost severity is needed towards such a person.

Under the guise of bearer of dispatches and reporters of newspapers we are overrun by the meanest and most despicable kind of Spies, who add impudence and brazen effrontery to traitorous and lying reports with which to injure us. I had forgotten to mention that one part of his engagement was that he was to receive a pass from Gen’l. Trimble. I await orders from Headquarters.

Very respectfully, Yr. Obdt. Servt.

BENJ. F. BUTLER

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 59-60

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: November 20, 1861

Yesterday, having a day to myself, I visited Annapolis. I was greatly interested in visiting the old State House on account of the historic memories that cluster around it. I was shown up in the hall where Washington, in December, 1783, resigned his commission in the army to the Continental congress, then in session at this place. His resignation was a very solemn and formal affair, and as I stood in this venerable hall, my thoughts went back to those grand old days when our fathers struggled for independence. At the close of the revolution, Maryland offered to cede Annapolis as the Federal capital, but it was thought best to select a site on the Potomac river. Annapolis was originally designed as a great place, being the capital of the state, and possessing a fine harbor with a great depth of water, and long before Baltimore was at all noted, was the seat of wealth, refinement and extensive trade; but it is now chiefly distinguished as the seat of the United States Naval academy. The state house and Episcopal church are located in the centre of the city, and from these radiate all the streets.

To the eye of the stranger, the antique, moss-covered and vine-clad houses, with their deep embrasured windows and peculiar architecture, present a singular appearance. The Naval academy and Episcopal college present a striking contrast to the rest of the town. The buildings are large and of modern style, the grounds around them spacious and tastefully laid out. The Naval academy, located on the west side of the town, comprises an area of several acres, enclosed by a high brick wall. The buildings, of which there are several, are located partly on the water side, the balance on the east side next to the wall. The wharfage and boat houses are extensive and commodious. On the north side, and commanding the harbor, is an old brick building with a few port holes, and mounting a few old iron guns. This they call the fort, and I should suppose a few shots from one of our gunboats would level it to the ground. The park is beautifully laid out with drives and walks, and adorned with a great variety of forest and ornamental trees. The grounds and trees, however, are being sadly damaged by the soldiers and by driving army wagons across.

Here are also several handsome monuments erected in memory of departed naval heroes, among which I may mention one erected in honor of the gallant Capt. Herndon. It is a plain granite shaft, about twenty feet high, and on each of the four sides is engraved simply the name, Herndon. I noticed this more particularly, as I remembered the circumstances of his death. He ranked as lieutenant in the navy, but at the time of his death, in September, 1857, was in command of the steamer Central America, of the New York and California line. The Central America was on her passage from Aspinwall for New York, when she foundered during a terrible storm off Cape Hatteras, and out of 600 persons on board, only 200 were saved. Capt. Herndon superintended the getting off of as many of his passengers as he could, and the last words he was heard to utter were, "1 will never leave the ship until my passengers are all off," and standing on the wheel house, went down with his vessel. Brave, gallant Herndon!

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 12-13

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: November 4, 1861

Sunday morning in Baltimore, and a stiller or more quiet place I never saw. No sounds are heard, no people or carriages are seen in the street. It looks and seems like a deserted city. We took a hurried glance at a portion of the city, visiting Pratt street, where the assault on the 6th Massachusetts took place. The bullet holes and scars on the walls of the buildings, gave proof that the boys got a good deal interested, while passing through that street.

OFF FOR ANNAPOLIS.

We embarked on the steamer Louisiana, about 9 a. m., for Annapolis. As we steamed past old Fort McHenry, I was reminded of an interesting scrap of history connected with this fort. When the British fleet bombarded this fort during the last war with England, there was aboard one of the ships, an American prisoner, a Mr. Key, I think his name was, who watched with the most intense anxiety, the result of the bombardment, and during its progress, wrote the song that has since become famous as one of our national anthems, The Star Spangled Banner.

"By the cannon's red glare, the bombs bursting in air,

Gave proof through the night, that our flag was still there."

Arrived at Annapolis about noon, and marched up to the Naval academy, where we quartered and took dinner with the 21st Massachusetts, now doing garrison duty at this post.

Religious services this afternoon, by Chaplains Ball of the 21st and James of our own regiment. I cannot say that I was much interested in the meeting, as I was very tired, and preaching about the Pharisees and other antiquated sinners of a thousand years ago, did not seem to apply to my ease, or the present time.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 10-11

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 15, 1861

I need not speak much of the events of last night, which were not unimportant, perhaps to some of the insects which played a leading part in them. The heat was literally overpowering; for in addition to the hot night there was the full power of most irritable boilers close at hand to aggravate the natural désagrémens of the situation. About an hour after dawn, when I turned out on deck, there was nothing visible but a warm gray mist; but a knotty old pilot on deck told me we were only going six knots an hour against tide and wind, and that we were likely to make less way as the day wore on. In fact, instead of being near Baltimore, we were much nearer Fortress Monroe. Need I repeat the horrors of this day? Stewed, boiled, baked, and grilled on board this miserable Elizabeth, I wished M. Montalembert could have experienced with me what such an impassive nature could inflict in misery on those around it. The captain was a shy, silent man, much given to short naps in my temporary berth, and the mate was so wild, he might have swam off with perfect propriety to the woods on either side of us, and taken to a tree as an aborigine or chimpanzee. Two men of most retiring habits, the negro, a black boy, and a very fat negress who officiated as cook, filled up the “balance” of the crew.

I could not write, for the vibration of the deck of the little craft gave a St. Vitus dance to pen and pencil; reading was out of the question from the heat and flies; and below stairs the fat cook banished repose by vapors from her dreadful caldrons, where, Medea-like, she was boiling some death broth. Our breakfast was of the simplest and — may I add? — the least enticing; and if the dinner could have been worse it was so; though it was rendered attractive by hunger, and by the kindness of the sailors who shared it with me. The old pilot had a most wholesome hatred of the Britishers, and not having the least idea till late in the day that I belonged to the old country, favored me with some very remarkable views respecting their general mischievousness and inutility. As soon as he found out my secret he became more reserved, and explained to me that he had some reason for not liking us, because all he had in the world, as pretty a schooner as ever floated and a fine cargo, had been taken and burnt by the English when they sailed up the Potomac at Washington. He served against us at Bladensburg. I did not ask him how fast he ran; but he had a good rejoinder ready if I had done so, inasmuch as he was up West under Commodore Perry on the lakes when we suffered our most serious reverses. Six knots an hour! hour after hour! And nothing to do but to listen to the pilot.

On both sides a line of forest just visible above the low shores. Small coasting craft, schooners, pungies, boats laden with wood creeping along in the shallow water, or plying down empty before wind and tide.

“I doubt if we'll be able to catch up them forts afore night,” said the skipper. The pilot grunted, u I rather think yu'll not.” "H--- and thunder! Then we'll have to lie off till daylight?” “They may let you pass, Captain Squires, as you've this Europe-an on board, but anyhow we can't fetch Baltimore till late at night or early in the morning.”

I heard the dialogue, and decided very quickly that as Annapolis lay somewhere ahead on our left, and was much nearer than Baltimore, it would be best to run for it while there was daylight. The captain demurred. He had been ordered to take his vessel to Baltimore, and General Butler might come down on him for not doing so; but I proposed to sign a letter stating he had gone to Annapolis at my request, and the steamer was put a point or two to westward, much to the pleasure of the Palinurus, whose “old woman” lived in the town. I had an affection for this weather-beaten, watery-eyed, honest old fellow, who hated us as cordially as Jack detested his Frenchman in the old days before ententes cordiales were known to the world. He was thoroughly English in his belief that he belonged to the only sailor race in the world, and that they could beat all mankind in seamanship; and he spoke in the most unaffected way of the Britishers as a survivor of the old war might do of Johnny Crapaud — “They were brave enough no doubt, but, Lord bless you, see them in a gale of wind! or look at them sending down top-gallant masts, or anything sailor-like in a breeze. You'd soon see the differ. And, besides, they never can stand again us at close quarters.” By and by the houses of a considerable town, crowned by steeples, and a large Corinthian-looking building, came in view. “That's the State House. That's where George Washington — first in peace, first in war, and first in the hearts of his countrymen — laid down his victorious sword without any one asking him, and retired amid the applause of the civilized world.” This flight I am sure was the old man's treasured relic of school-boy days, and I'm not sure he did not give it to me three times over. Annapolis looks very well from the river side. The approach is guarded by some very poor earthworks and one small fort. A dismantled sloop of war lay off a sea wall, banking up a green lawn covered with trees, in front of an old-fashioned pile of buildings, which formerly, I think, and very recently indeed, was occupied by the cadets of the United States Naval School. “There was a lot of them Seceders. Lord bless you! these young ones is all took by these States Rights' doctrines — just as the ladies is caught by a new fashion.”

About seven o'clock the steamer hove along-side a wooden pier which was quite deserted. Only some ten or twelve sailing boats, yachts, and schooners lay at anchor in the placid waters of the port which was once the capital of Maryland, and for which the early Republicans prophesied a great future. But Baltimore has eclipsed Annapolis into utter obscurity. I walked to the only hotel in the place, and found that the train for the junction with Washington had started, and that the next train left at some impossible hour in the morning. It is an odd Rip Van Winkle sort of a place. Quaint-looking boarders came down to the tea-table and talked Secession, and when I was detected, as must ever soon be the case, owing to the hotel-book, I was treated to some ill-favored glances, as my recent letters have been denounced in the strongest way for their supposed hostility to States Rights and the Domestic Institution. The spirit of the people has, however, been broken by the Federal occupation, and by the decision with which Butler acted when he came down here with the troops to open communications with Washington after the Baltimoreans had attacked the soldiery on their way through the city from the north.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 419-22

Adjutant-General Lorenzo Thomas: General Orders, No. 12, April 27, 1861

General Orders,

No. 12.

WAR DEP’T, ADJT. GEN.'S OFFICE,

Washington, April 27, 1861.

1. The Military Department of Washington will include the District of Columbia, according to its original boundary, Fort Washington and the country adjacent, and the State of Maryland as far as Bladensburg, inclusive. Col. J. K. F. Mansfield, inspector-general, is assigned to the command, headquarters Washington City.

2. A new military department, to be called the Department of Annapolis, headquarters at that city, will include the country for twenty miles on each side of the railroad from Annapolis to the city of Washington, as far as Bladensburg, Md. Brig. Gen. B. F. Butler, Massachusetts Volunteers, is assigned to the command.

3. A third department, called the Department of Pennsylvania, will include that State, the State of Delaware, and all of Maryland not embraced in the foregoing departments. Major-General Patterson to command, headquarters at Philadelphia, or any other point he may temporarily occupy.

4. Bvt. Col. C. F. Smith, having been relieved by Colonel Mansfield, will repair to Fort Columbus, N.Y., and assume the duties of superintendent of the recruiting service; to which he was assigned in Special Orders, No. 80, of March 15. Major Heintzelman, on being relieved at Fort Columbus, will repair to this city, and report for duty to the department commander.

5. Fort Adams, Rhode Island, is hereby placed temporarily under the control of the Secretary of the Navy, for the purposes of the Naval Academy now at Annapolis, Md.

The necessary transfer of property will be made by the departments interested.

By order:

L. THOMAS,

Adjutant-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 2 (Serial No. 2), p. 607; Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 52 which contained an extract (No. 2) of this order mentioning Butler.

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 13, 1864

Matters press on the Department. Have been very busy. Some talk with Rice about Annapolis and the Naval School, League Island and the navy yard. Suggested that New England must not monopolize and that we should avoid even the appearance of sectionalism.

Consulted Mr. Eames yesterday and again to-day in relation to the investigations into the frauds of naval contractors and others. Told him he must go to Boston to supervise Olcott, who is fierce in diving into matters and often, I apprehend, without judgment.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 11

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Sarah Hildreth Butler, April 26, 1861

ANNAPOLIs, April 26, 1861

DEAR SARAH: I am stationed here. All well. How would you like to come on here and live with me.

Your husband,

BUTLER.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 49

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 23, 1861

Headquarters. Third Brigade Mass. Vol. Militia, ANNAPOLIS, Apr. 23, 1861

To His Excellency JoHN A. ANDREw, Com. in Chief

DEAR SIR: By telegraph I kept your Excellency advised of the movement of the 8th Regt. to Friday April 19, & so far as I thought it reliable of the sad mishaps & glorious action of the Sixth Regt. I also forwarded you a memorial of a proposed plan of action, which plan I have the honor to announce has been successfully carried out. Through the loyal exertions and generous sympathy of S. M. Felton, Esq. Pres. of Phil. and Wilmington R.R., I had the Steam Boat “Maryland,” which plied between Havre de Grace and Perryville, put fully at my disposal, and acting under the advice of the Major. We had learned that the bridges had been burned between Havre de Grace and Baltimore, and all means of communication through to Baltimore had been cut off. It occurred to me that the best method of opening communication between the Northern States for the loyal citizens and soldiers of the Union could be best through the city of Annapolis, that the Route that way would be but little if any longer in point of time than the more direct way through Baltimore, which required two transhipments of any considerable body of troops by the cars.

The passage from Perryville to Annapolis being but six hours, and the passage from Baltimore being four, besides the time for the passage by horse-cars across the city; and the distance from Washington being 40 miles against 46 via Baltimore, — acting under the advice of S. M. Felton and other gentlemen who feared that the Eighth Regiment was too small a force for such an undertaking, I waited at Philadelphia six hours for the N.Y.V. under Col. Lefferts to come up. But fearing lest the Ferry Steamer, which was all important to our enterprise, might be seized upon by the enemies of the country, I detailed Capt. Devereaux’, Co. of Salem, and Capt. Briggs’, Co. of Pittsfield, for the special duty of proceeding forward by train and seizing the Ferry Boat at one o’clock Friday. Their march was successfully made to place where they found Col. Lefferts' Regt. had arrived, but he declined to take part in the expedition, therefore they did not go forward to seize the boat. At eight o’clock in the morning, after telegraphing for Maj. (Cook's) Battery, which I am happy to inform your Excellency arrived at Annapolis on the morning of 25, & is now drilling on the grounds of the Academy, I put forward the 8 Regt. in position and got on towards the cars at Phil. at 10 o’clock. After waiting two hours time in a vain attempt to induce Col. Lefferts to accompany us, we determined to go on alone. On our Route to Perryville we heard at various stations that 1800 of a Baltimore mob were waiting at Perryville for the purpose of disputing with us the passage of the Susquehanna. This information was one of the thousand exaggerated rumors which reached us and undoubtedly reached you, & is only mentioned here for the purpose of showing to your Excellency and people of Commonwealth how the men under my command behaved themselves in firm belief of its truth. During the passage from Phil. to Perryville the Regt. prepared itself for the attack. Ammunition, 10 rounds to each man was distributed, & our muskets were carefully inspected and loaded. About 100 men who know nothing about the use of arms were furnished by me at Phil. with axes, pickaxes, & other intrenching tools. Arriving within a mile of Perryville, and not intending to be caught in the cars by a mob as had been the 6th Regt., we left the cars and made our dispositions for the purpose of forcing a passage to the Boat. Capt. Devereaux's command were thrown out in advance as skirmishers, to occupy both sides of the Road supported by Capt. Briggs’ Co. one hundred paces in the rear. He was immediately followed by a detachment of our axe and hatchet men, who were instructed to rush upon any barrier and cut it down, while covered by the fire of our skirmishers. The rest of the Regt. we formed in solid columns, 50 paces in the rear with orders to march steadily forward & throw themselves into the boat by the weight of the column. The Company then marched steadily forward, not a man blanched or faltered, – indeed the prospect of meeting those in battle who had murdered our brothers in Baltimore seemed to give them pleasure, so that I can hardly say that, when in reaching the Boat we found there was no foe to oppose us, the surprise was more agreeable than disagreeable. I can assure your Excellency, however, that to myself it was most agreeable, for it relieved me from a great weight & a fearful responsibility.

The embarkation was immediately effected, & the boat steamed down the bay at six o'clock in the evening. At this time we had scarcely two days’ rations with us, — the men exhausted by the night march from Boston of Thursday night and Friday, the incessant preparation of Friday night at Phil. threw themselves upon their blankets on the deck of the boat and were soon buried in the profoundest slumber, — so profound, indeed, that when it became necessary, in the course of official duties, to go about the Boat among them, I found myself literally stepping upon them without breaking their slumbers.

We arrived off the bar at Annapolis about 12 at night, and instead of finding that quiet old town buried in repose (great care having been taken that our destination should not be known), we were surprised to find our approach signaled by rockets, lights dancing on the shore, and that we were evidently expected. In the uncertainty of a descent upon the shore by night we came to anchor some two miles below the town. Soon after a boat came alongside, and Lieut. Mathews, a gentleman of the U.S. Naval Academy, announced himself as the bearer of a dispatch from his Exc'y the gov. of Maryland, which is as follows – to wit¹ . . . & detailed Capt. Haggerty of my staff to accompany Lieut. Mathews to the Gov. of Maryland. While Capt. Haggerty was absent — being uncertain as to the good faith of those dispatches of the state of things in the town — I sent my brother, Col. Andrew J. Butler of California (who happened to be with me on a visit) in plain clothes in a boat belonging to the Steamer to make a reconnaissance of the town, & to report as to the best place & manner of landing the troops. About daybreak Capt. Haggerty returned, bringing with him Capt. Blake of the U.S. Navy, Superintendent of the Naval School at Annapolis, to whom for his loyalty to the Union, untiring efforts to aid us in our enterprise, & his kindness & attention to our wants, too much praise cannot be given. If Mass. at this unhappy junction, could separate herself from the Union in so far as to give a reward for well-doing in an officer of the U.S. I know of no one who would deserve it more than Capt. Blake.

From him I learned that there was this special cause of anxiety. The Frigate “Constitution,” in use as a practice ship for the Naval Academy, lay at her mooring in Annapolis with a crew of less than 30 men to take care of her, & the Secessionists were ready to erect a battery on the opposite side of the river to command her. He expressed great anxiety lest she could not be got off, and informed me that the Confederate States had determined to take her and to raise upon old “Iron Sides” their flag.

Capt. Blake inquired of me if my instructions would permit me to put my boat alongside her, take out of her her guns, and tow her into the outer harbor & to detail a sufficient guard for her to prevent a sudden surprise. To this I replied that your Excy's instructions left me a latitude for the exercise of my discretion, & I thought it indispensable to save the “Constitution,” whether the ship or form of Govt., from the enemies of the country; & that I would coöperate with him for the purpose of cutting her out. I immediately lay our steamer alongside & commenced to lighten her by taking her heavy guns on board our boat. One hundred fifty workmen of my command were detailed to assist the crew in getting off the ship, and in this service the men of Marblehead were conspicuous for their strength and alacrity. At half past two in the afternoon we had the pleasure of seeing the good Frigate towed down the bay, safe beyond the reach of her enemies. On the morning of Tuesday the 21st the Brig. order was issued which I herewith submit to your Exc'y’s inspection.

In the afternoon, as we were towing the “Constitution,” our boat ran aground in endeavouring to save the life of a man who had fallen overboard, and remained there hard and fast until the following Tuesday morning at one o’clock, when she was got off and brought up to this city and the men on board landed.

On Monday morning I received a communication from His Excellency the Gov. of Maryland which is herewith submitted, together with my reply. On Monday morning the Steamer “Boston” appeared off the bay, having on board Col. Lefferts’ Regiment. Before he had spoken to us I had issued the enclosed order. Finding it impossible to get the steamer off after several efforts, I went on board the “Boston” and proceeded to effect a landing with Col. Lefferts' Reg’t, but before landing I had addressed the enclosed communication to Gov. Hicks, the only reply to which was a protest against my landing my troops at all. After I got ashore I met Gov. Hicks and city authorities at the office of the Supt. of the Naval Academy. I was informed by Gov. Hicks that the State of Maryland would make no interference with my landing, but said I must march my troops three or more miles out of the city.

In this request he was joined by the Mayor and city authorities, who said that at a meeting of the corporation it had been voted that I should not be molested, but that there were bad men in the place and others might come from Baltimore and other places whom they could not control, therefore it was better that I should march out of town, that if I remained in town their people were much excited, and they were afraid they would not be able to control them. I asked, as I was in need of supplies, if they would furnish me if I would march. To that they replied they would not, nor allow me to buy anything in the city. I asked if I could be furnished with means of transportation to Washington, to that they replied I could not, there were not five horses in the place, and that the Railroad Co. had taken up their tracks to prevent the troops from passing over it. To all this I replied in substance that without supplies I could not march, that I could not put three or four miles between me and my boats, which were the basis of my operations, when the alleged reason why I should march was that in marching I should leave between myself and boats so very excited a mob that the city authorities were not able to control it, and that my troops from Massachusetts were also very much excited because of the murder of their brothers at Baltimore by a mob. But therein I had this advantage, that we could not only control our own excitement, but could also control and suppress the excitement of others, but that I proposed to stay as long as convenient at Annapolis, and march when it was convenient, that if we were attacked we would repel the attack, and that there were none that we should be more happy to see than a representation of the murderers of Baltimore whenever and wherever they should choose to visit us, and that while we staid at Annapolis, if the citizens chose not to have any collision with us, there must be on their part neither stray bricks, nor fugitive shots, thrown at us, and whoever should attempt would find it an unsafe operation.

During the night the Eighth Regiment occupied the Naval Academy. On the following morning Lieut. Hinks, having under his command Capt. Newhall’s Co. of Lynn, having with them an Engineer party of eighty under Lieut. Hodges, proceeded and took possession of the Rail Road, where we found the rolling stock disabled, and the rails taken up. They went forward on the track about four miles where they encamped for the night. The next morning the 8th Regt. went forward, and were followed by the 7th N.Y. Regiment.

I should have stated, before this, that I had detailed Capt. Devereaux Co. & Capt. Briggs’ Co. to go on board the “Constitution,” to defend her against surprise, so that they did not march with the Regiment.

On the morning of Thursday large bodies of troops, including the 5th Regt. 3 Batt., Rifles, and Cook's battery arrived here, and were safely landed.

As soon as preparations could be made I forwarded the 5th regiment with three days’ rations for Washington. They marched last evening at 8 o’clock. I have retained the Rifles and Cook's battery to defend this post, which I am ordered to hold and fortify by Genl. Scott.

I have received information from Fortress Monroe. Col. Wardrop's and Col. Packard’s Regts. are in good health. Col. Wardrop's Regt. made a dashing attack on Norfolk Navy Yard, burning and destroying it, so that it could be of no use to the enemies of the country. Col. Jones’ Regt. is in Washington, the men fast recovering from their wounds & bruises, and in the enjoyment of good health. It is now ten days since the Mass. troops were first called into the field, and their operations may be summed up thus: Two Regts. have relieved Fortress Monroe and put it beyond danger of attack; one, Col. Jones’, marched to the aid of the Federal Capitol through Baltimore, and were baptized in blood; another, the 8th, has rescued the Frigate “Constitution” and put her on the side of law and order, has taken possession of Annapolis and of the Railroad, building it as they went, and together with their brethren of the 5th have marched to the Capital & thereby opened a communication through which thousands of troops are now passing. The two battalions are now guarding this depot of troops. Are not these sufficient deeds for a campaign of many months?

At a future day, as soon as communications are freely opened, I shall have the honor to report in full detail the state and condition of the men under my command; the present disturbed state of things renders that nearly impossible. There is one subject, however, I desire to press upon your Excellency’s most serious attention, — it is the necessity of a light uniform for the troops. I would suggest a blue light flannel, similar to that worn by the Rhode Island troops, to be made plain and serviceable without ornament or tinsel. There is needed at this moment four thousand such uniforms to supply the troops in the field. The form or shape should be that of a short “round about,” or a jacket like an undress in the Army. Let the cloth be bought at once and the swift, sympathetic fingers of our sisters and sweethearts be employed in making it up. These are practical suggestions, and I will have no doubt meet your Excellency's views. I have the honor

to be

Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER

_______________

¹ It was General Butler's habit to prepare the drafts of his letters by his own hand, leaving quotations, references, etc. to be inserted by his secretary. It is, therefore, sometimes difficult to identify the addenda referred to. In the present instance, undoubtedly, the reference is to the letter from Governor Hicks on page 18.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 43-9

Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 26, 1861

Headquarters of the Army, WASHINGTON, April 26th, 1861

General BUTLER

The undersigned, General-in-Chief of the Army, has received from the President of the U. States the following instructions respecting the legislature of Maryland now about to assemble at Annapolis, viz.:

It is “left to the Commanding General to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient means to counteract, even if necessary to the bombardment of their cities, and, in the extremest necessity, suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.”

In the absence of the undersigned, the foregoing instructions are turned over to Brig. General B. F. Butler, of the Mass. Volunteers, or other Officer commanding at Annapolis, who will carry them out in a right spirit, — that is, with moderation and firmness. In the case of arrested individuals, notorious for their hostility to the United States, the prisoners will be safely kept and duly cared for; but not surrendered except on the order of the Commander aforesaid.

WINFIELD SCOTT.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 43

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 25, 1861

ANNAPOLIS, MARYLAND, April 25th, 1861

ORDERs

BRIG. GEN’L. B. F. BUTLER, Commdg the Annapolis depot, will at once take measures, in concert with the Naval Commander at this station, to arm and hold Fort Madison and old Fort Nonsense, with such other points in their vicinity, on the opposite bank of the Severn, as may be necessary to secure the safety of this station.

By authority of the PRESIDENT OF THE U. S.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 42

Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, May 9, 1861

Headquarters of the Army, WASHINGTON, April 25th, 1861

Brig’r. General B. F. BUTLER, Mass. Vols.

SIR: If this letter should find you not too far this side of Annapolis, I will ask you to consider yourself, for a time, as the Commander of that City, and retain a competent force to hold it. Next, I wish you to select a regiment (one of your brigade, or any other) and string it, at convenient distances, all along the Railroad by the Junction and towards this City – as far as its numbers may suffice, to protect the road, its rails, bridges, and cars, so as to keep the communication open for troops and travellers between Annapolis and Washington by rail.

The principal points in the road to be occupied are: the Junction, Bettsville, the bridges, cross roads, and a few of the other stations. Some of the intermediate stations may also require detachments, and every post ought to be instructed to throw out scouts to the right and left frequently during the night and day.

If the regiment takes, in the first instance, cooked provisions for a few days, the posts may afterwards be supplied by the trains which will be passing daily. Tents and cooking utensils will perhaps be needed at some of the posts or detachments. Send to this place all the spare troops from Annapolis as fast as you may find means of transportation; and report often.

Very Respectfully,

WINFIELD SCOTT.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 42

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: March 29, 1864

Reached paroled camp at Annapolis before daylight. Passed the day in camp. No stores and no wood. Good time chatting, laughing and fooling. In evening played a game of chess with Major Nettleton. Slept with him at Post Quartermaster's, Maj. Carpenter from Akron. Camp very pleasant. Barber shop, reading room, chapel, news depot, neat buildings and good soil.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 112

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: Friday, March 25, 1864

Reached Cincinnati a little before daylight. Marched in the rain to barracks up town. Got breakfast at a restaurant. Telegram came ordering us to Annapolis. Boys received the news with huzzas. Rejoiced that we were not obliged to go to Knoxville. Dismounted and encamped as we had orders to do. Took the cars again at 8 P. M.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 111

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, May 9, 1861

Department of Annapolis, Headquarters,

ANNAPOLIS, May 9, 1861

To his Excellency, JOHN A. ANDREW, Governor and Commander-in-Chief

SIR: I have delayed replying to your excellency's despatch of the 25th of April in my other despatches, because, as it involved disapprobation of an act done, couched in the kindest language, I suppose the interests of the country could not suffer in the delay; and incessant labor up to the present moment has prevented me giving full consideration to the topic. Temporary illness which forbids bodily activity gives me now a moment's pause.

The telegraph, with more than usual accuracy, has rightly informed your excellency that I had offered the services of the Massachusetts troops under my command to aid the authorities in Maryland in suppressing the threatened slave insurrection. Fortunately for us all the rumor of such an outbreak was without a substantial foundation. Assuming, as your excellency does in your despatch, that I was carrying on military operations in an enemy's country when a war a l'outrance was to be waged, my act might be an act of discussion. And in that view, acting in the light of the Baltimore murders and the apparent hostile position of Maryland, your excellency might, without mature reflection, have come to the conclusion of disapprobation expressed in your despatch. But the facts, especially as now aided by their results, will entirely justify my act and reinstate me in your excellency’s good opinion.

True, I landed on the soil of Maryland against the formal protest of its governor and of the corporate authorities of Annapolis, and expecting opposition only from insurgents assembled in riotous contempt of the laws of the State. Before, by letter, at the time of landing, by personal interview, I had informed Governor Hicks that the soldiers of the Union, under my command, were armed only against the insurgents and disturbers of the peace of Maryland and of the United States. I received from Governor Hicks assurances of the loyalty of the State to the Union, — assurances which subsequent events have fully justified. The mayor of Annapolis also informed me that the city authorities would in no wise oppose me, but that I was in great danger from the excited and riotous crowds of Baltimore, pouring down upon me and in numbers beyond the control of the police. I assured both the governor and the mayor that I had no fear of a Baltimore or other mob, and that, supported by the authorities of the State and city, I should suppress all hostile demonstrations against the laws of Maryland and the United States, and that I would protect both myself and the city of Annapolis from any disorderly persons whatsoever. On the morning following my landing, I was informed that the city of Annapolis and environs were in danger from an insurrection of the slave population, in defiance of the laws of the State. What was I to do? I had promised to put down a white mob and to preserve and enforce the laws against that. Ought I to allow a black one any preference in the breach of the laws? I understood that I was armed against all infractions of the laws, whether by white or black, and upon that understanding I acted, certainly with promptness and efficiency; and your excellency’s shadow of disapprobation, arising from a misunderstanding of the facts, has caused all the regret I have for that action. The question seemed to me to be neither military nor political, and was not to be so treated. It was simply a question of good faith and honesty of purpose. The benign effect of my course was instantly seen. The good but timid people of Annapolis, who had fled from their houses at our approach, immediately returned; business assumed its accustomed channels; quiet and order prevailed in the city; confidence took the place of distrust, friendship of enmity, brotherly kindness of sectional hate, and I believe to-day there is no city in the Union more loyal than the city of Annapolis. I think, therefore, I may safely point to the results for my justification. The vote of the neighborhood county of Washington, a few days since, for its delegate to the legislature, wherein four thousand out of five thousand votes were thrown for a delegate favorable to the Union, is among the many happy fruits of firmness of purpose, efficiency of action, and integrity of mission. I believe, indeed, that it will not require a personal interchange of views, as suggested in your despatch, to bring our minds in accordance; a simple statement of the facts will suffice.

But I am to act hereafter, it may be, in an enemy's country, among a servile population, when the question may arise, as it has not yet arisen, as well in a moral and Christian as in a political and military point of view. What shall I do? Will your excellency bear with me a moment while this question is discussed?

I appreciate fully your excellency’s suggestion as to the inherent weakness of the rebels, arising from the preponderance of their servile population. The question, then, is, “In what manner shall we take advantage of that weakness?” By allowing, and of course arming, that population to rise upon the defenceless women and children of the country, carrying rapine, arson, and murder – all the horrors of San Domingo a million times magnified – among those whom we hope to reunite with us as brethren, many of whom are already so, and all who are worth preserving will be, when this horrible madness shall have passed away or be thrashed out of them? Would your excellency advise the troops under my command to make war in person upon the defenceless women and children of any part of the Union, accompanied with brutalities too horrible to be named? You will say, “God forbid.” If we may not do so in person, shall we arm others to do so over whom we can have no restraint, exercise no control, and who, when once they have tasted blood, may turn the very arms we put in their hands against ourselves as a part of the oppressing white race? The reading of history, so familiar to your excellency, will tell you the bitterest cause of complaint which our fathers had against Great Britain in the War of the Revolution was the arming by the British Ministry of the red men with the tomahawk and the scalping knife against the women and children of the colonies, so that the phrase “May we not use all the means which God and Nature have put in our power to subjugate the colonies?” has passed into a legend of infamy against the leader of that ministry who used it in Parliament. Shall history teach us in vain? Could we justify ourselves to ourselves? Although with arms in our hands amid the savage wildness of camp and field, we may have blunted many of the finer moral sensibilities in letting loose four millions of worse than savages upon the homes and hearths of the South. Can we be justified to the Christian community of Massachusetts? Would such a course be consonant with the teachings of our holy religion? I have a very decided opinion on the subject, and if anyone desires, as I know your excellency does not, this unhappy contest to be prosecuted in that manner, some instrument other than myself must be found to carry it on. I may not discuss the political bearings of this topic. When I went from under the shadow of my roof tree I left all politics behind me, to be resumed when every part of the Union is loyal to the flag, and the potency of the government through the ballot-box is established.

Passing the moral and the Christian view, let us examine the subject as a military question. Is not that state already subjugated which requires the bayonets of those armed in opposition to its rulers to preserve it from the horrors of a servile war? As the least experienced of military men, I would have no doubt of the entire subjugation of a State brought to that condition. When, therefore, — unless I am better advised, — any community in the United States who have met me in honorable warfare, or even in the prosecution of a rebellious war in an honorable manner, shall call upon me for protection against the nameless horrors of a servile insurrection, they shall have it, and from the moment that call is obeyed I have no doubt we shall be friends and not enemies.

The possibilities that dishonorable means of defence are to be taken by the rebels against the government I do not now contemplate. If, as has been done in a single instance, my men are to be attacked by poison, or, as in another, stricken down by the assassin's knife and thus murdered, the community using such weapons may be required to be taught that it holds within its own border a more potent means for deadly purposes and indiscriminate slaughter than any which it can administer to us.

Trusting that these views may meet your excellency's approval, I have the honor to be,

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 38-41

Governor John A. Andrew to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 25, 1861

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Executive Department, Council Chamber,

BosToN, Apr. 25, '61

Gen. B. F. BUTLER

GENERAL: I have received through Major Ames a despatch transmitted from Perryville, detailing the proceedings at Annapolis from the time of your arrival off that port until the hour when Major Ames left you to return to Philadelphia. I wish to repeat the assurance of my entire satisfaction with the action you have taken with a single exception. If I rightly understood the telegraphic despatch, I think that your action in tendering to Governor Hicks the assistance of our Massachusetts troops to suppress a threatened servile insurrection among the hostile people of Maryland was unnecessary. I hope that the fuller despatches, which are on their way from you, may show the reasons why I should modify my opinion concerning that particular instance; but in general I think that the matter of servile insurrection among the community in arms against the Federal Union is no longer to be regarded by our troops in a political, but solely in a military point of view, and is to be contemplated as one of the inherent weaknesses of the enemy, from the disastrous operations of which we are under no obligation of a military character to guard them, in order that they may be enabled to improve the security which our arms would afford, so as to prosecute with more energy their traitorous attacks upon a federal government and capitol. The mode in which such outbreaks are to be considered should depend entirely upon the loyalty or disloyalty of the community in which they occur; and, in the vicinity of Annapolis, I can on this occasion perceive no reason of military policy why a force summoned to the defence of the federal government, at this moment of all others, should be offered to be diverted from its immediate duty to help rebels who stand with arms in their hands, obstructing its progress toward the city of Washington. I entertain no doubt that whenever we shall have an opportunity to interchange our views personally on this subject we shall arrive at entire concordance of opinion.

Yours faithfully,

John A. ANDREw

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 37-8

Diary of John Hay: April 24, 1861

. . . . This has been a day of gloom and doubt. Everybody seems filled with a vague distrust and recklessness. The idea seemed to be reached by Lincoln when chatting with the volunteers this morning, he said: “I don't believe there is any North! The Seventh Regiment is a myth! Rhode Island is not known in our geography any longer. You are the only Northern realities.” Seward's messengers, sent out by the dozen, do not return. The Seventh and Butler's are probably still at Annapolis. A rumor this evening says the Railroad is in the hands of the Government and the Seventh's sappers and miners are at work repairing it. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 23-4

Diary of John Hay: Monday, April 23, 1861

This morning Doug. Wallack came rushing into the office, looking for Seward with what he called important news. He said that the two ships at the Navy Yard were the Pawnee and the Kingston. They brought marines and naval stores from Norfolk, which place they left after carrying what government property they could not remove. The Premier cursed quietly because the Baltic had not come; told Wallach not to contradict the report that the Baltic had come; said the treason of Hicks would not surprise him; that  the Seventh could cut their way through three thousand rioters; that Baltimore delenda est; and other things, — and strolled back into the audience chamber.

At dinner we sat opposite old Gen. Spinner, who was fierce and jubilant. No frenzied poet ever predicted the ruin of a hostile house with more energy and fervor than he issued the rescript of destiny against Baltimore. “We've got ’em,” he said. “It is our turn now. We keep steadily one week ahead of them, as 8 says. We have burned their hospital and poor-house, Harper's Ferry and the Norfolk Navy Yard. Now let them fight or starve.” He was peculiarly disgusted with the impertinence of Delaware. “The contemptible little neighborhood without population enough for a decent country village, gets upon her hind legs and talks about armed neutrality. The only good use for traitors is to hang them. They are worth more, dead than alive.” — Thus the old liberty-loving Teuton raged.

A gaunt, tattered, uncombed and unshorn figure appeared at the door and marched solemnly up to the table. He wore a rough, rusty overcoat, a torn shirt, and suspenderless breeches. His thin hair stood fretful-porcupine-quill-wise upon his crown. He sat down and gloomily charged upon his dinner. A couple of young exquisites were eating and chatting opposite him. They were guessing when the road would be open through Baltimore. “Thursday!” growled the grim apparition; “or Baltimore will be laid in ashes.”

It was Jim Lane.

To-night there seems to be reliable news at the State Department that the Seventh Regiment and the Massachusetts troops would start from Annapolis to-night, and through the favoring moonlight march to the Junction, where the Government has possession of the Road. The hostile peasantry can harass them fearfully on the way, from fence-corners and hill-sides, if they are ready and brave. . . .

A large and disappointed throng gathered at the Depot this morning hoping to get deliverance. But the hope was futile. They seem doomed to see the rising of the curtain. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 21; Michael Burlingame, Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 8-9