Left Sandy Cross for
Suffolk, and arrived here about sundown. Our forces expect to evacuate Norfolk
in a few days, and I presume we will fall back towards Petersburg.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 114
Left Sandy Cross for
Suffolk, and arrived here about sundown. Our forces expect to evacuate Norfolk
in a few days, and I presume we will fall back towards Petersburg.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 114
Our troops are rapidly
evacuating Norfolk, and as all of them pass through Suffolk, we are, as a
matter of course, in a high state of excitement. It goes hard with our troops
to see such places as Yorktown and Norfolk given up without a struggle, but we
have every confidence in our leaders, and hope for the best.
To-day we completed
the reörganization of our company—our officers now being
Edgar F. Moseley, Captain.
Benjamin H. Smith, Senior First Lieutenant.
Henry C. Carter, Junior First Lieutenant.
James S. Utz, Second Lieutenant.
First Lieutenant,
John M. West, declined to serve, and sent in his resignation, making an
appropriate speech. We part with him with regret, for no kinder heart than his
ever beat within the breast of man.
To-day our
"right section," under the command of Lieutenant Smith, left for Zuni
station on the Norfolk and Petersburg railroad. We will leave in a day or so.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 114-5
Late last night, Mr.
Newton4 came in to tell me that the Prest had just reed, a telegram
to the effect that Columbus was evacuated.5 This morning the story
is contradicted by another telegram. And now Gen McDowell6 tells me
that Com[modor]e. Foote7 has made a reconnoisance [sic] in one of his boats, and finds a
very strong fort there. Still, McDowell says that our affairs look bright and
well — No certain news today from Nashville8 or Savanna[h] .9
I am anxious about
Norfolk. The rumor is that we are about to attack Craney Island10 —
may be so, but I think if the attack is made at all, it will be a feint, to
draw attention while we assail Suffolk.11 Possibly it may be good
policy to risk something in assailing Norfolk before the Merrimack is ready to
make a desperate effort to escape.
This afternoon, tho'
very unwell, attended the funeral of Willie Lincoln — Note. The Depts. closed
today on a/c of the funeral.
4 See supra, Jan. 5, 1862, note 12.
5 Columbus, Kentucky, was a Confederate
stronghold and railroad terminus on the Mississippi, twelve miles below Cairo.
The capture of Fort Henry on February 6 and of Fort Donelson on February 16
forced the evacuation of Columbus.
6 Supra, Nov. 16, 1861, note 53.
7 Supra, Feb. 17, 1862, note 77.
8 Nashville fell February 26, 1862.
9 Supra, Feb. 17, 1862, note 83.
10 Near the mouth of the James River.
11 A town «about eighteen miles southwest of
Norfolk on the Nansemond River. It controlled Norfolk's rail connections with
the Confederacy.
12 Henry A. Klopfer, head messenger in the
Attorney-General's Office.
13 Tom Hare who had come from Missouri with Mr.
Bates.
SOURCE: Howard K.
Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For
The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, p. 236
Our forces at this place amount to 7,000 effective men, with ten pieces of light artillery. We are in reinforcing distance of Norfolk, where we can concentrate a large force at a short notice.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 112
SHERWOOD FOREST, VA., May 7, 1861.
MY DEAR MAMMA: Mr.
Clopton goes to Richmond in the morning (by land), and it is a good opportunity
to write you a few lines. By yesterday's mail we received your letters of the
29th April and 2nd of May, also a letter from D., and newspapers. . . . . I
think D. has been bitten by the rabid tone of those around him and the press.
It seems he belongs to a different school of politics from his experienced
friend, the President, and is ready to deny State-sovereignty, therefore he
opposes the movement of the South to save itself from destruction through an
abolition attack, and sympathizes with the dominant power of the North. I was
so unprepared for his views that I read his letter aloud to the President
without first perusing it, which, if I had done, I should not have committed so
decided a mistake. He says the government at Washington will not invade, but
will only reclaim its property, and take by force the forts now in the
possession of Southern States. What is that but invasion, I should like to
know? The government at Washington has no business with the forts that were
built for the protection of the States that have seceded, and as for the other
property, the South will certainly hold all that she has until a just
arrangement is generally made, with a peaceful separation. The Northern people
are very easily duped if they do not see their President means to invade the South,
and commence the "irrepressible conflict," so long the favorite of
himself, Mr. Seward and party. Those who have started upon a tour to defend
Washington and the flag, will find themselves sent on a new errand, perhaps
just as acceptable, to attack and destroy, if possible, their Southern friends.
For my part, I am utterly ashamed of the State in which I was born, and its
people. All soul and magnanimity have departed from them—"patriotism"
indeed! A community sold to the vilest politicians.
The President tells
me while I am writing to ask D. if he does not recognize in the existing
blockade a positive war upon the South? All commerce is stopped by vessels of
war at the mouths of our rivers. Even our river boat would be fired at and
taken, if that impudent war steamer lying off Newport News could get the
chance. All communication with Norfolk is thus prevented, and we hear the
Baltimore Bay—boats have all been seized. The last was seized on yesterday
after a passport to induce her to venture on had been given. Our Northern
brethren will, however, stand by and see in all this no invasion—only a defense
of Washington!
Your information of
Robert was the last we have received. Perhaps he did not leave New York when he
intended. It is to be hoped he will reach Virginia in safety, but by means
certain. I pity exceedingly his poor wife, and her health is far from good. I
understood all Mrs. Semple's furniture was seized on its way to the South. By
the way, Mrs. Semple overheard in the cars on her way to Virginia that John
Brown's son was active in this Southern crusade, and will be at the head of a
company in pursuit of Governor Wise. A Massachusetts set have offered, these
persons in the cars were heard to say, $20,000 for his head. I imagine Governor
Wise's head will be as safe as any other person's, but his health at this time
is very much affected. He has been very sick with pneumonia, but is now
recovering.
When next you see
Mrs. Bromley do give her my best love. I dreamt of her last night; thought I
had hurried to New York and gone there[.] I awoke in brisk conversation with
her and Mr. Bromley.
I could continue
with my pen without fatigue, but it is a late hour, and little Pearl has
awakened. I enclose you a letter from Julia, by which you can judge of her improvement.
I am glad to hear from you Sarah is doing so well. Tell Harry the boys wish him
here to join the Junior Guard, of which Alex is second lieutenant. They won't
have anything to do with him if he countenances the invasion of Southern homes;
but they believe him true as brave.
The P—— sends best
love with that of your affectionate daughter.
JULIA.
SOURCE: Lyon
Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p.
649-50
We have just
received orders to be ready to march at a minute's notice, with two days'
rations in our haversacks. The quiet of repose is suddenly disturbed by war's
alarms; the Rebels attacked our forces today at Suffolk, about twenty miles
from Norfolk. The supposition is we go to support our forces at that place. Our
men are excited to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. As I write I hear their
shouts and joyful exclamations. The Seventeenth has recovered its old-time
energy, and is eager for the fray.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 35
Louisville, Ky. We
did not go to Suffolk as I anticipated. Third Division went in our stead, while
we took another direction, and in eight days, by water and rail, landed in
Louisville. We broke camp at Newport News on the 19th inst., marched on board a
fleet of transports, went to Norfolk, where we took in coal. While lying there
a heavy storm of snow set in, which lasted several hours. It was bitterly cold,
or so it seemed to us, and we suffered severely. Toward night the storm abated
and we sailed for Baltimore. There we were transferred to cars and came by the
way of the B. & O. R. R. to Parkersburg, W. Va. From Harper's Ferry our
route followed the course of the Potomac River to Columbia, a lovely city far
up among the mountains, and near the head of that river. The country from
Harper's Ferry is mountainous, and Columbia is near the dividing line, from
which point the water flows in opposite directions. We were three days and
three nights on the cars, winding around or darting through the rocky barriers
that opposed us. For, where they could not be evaded, the energy and power of
man pierced their huge forms and ran his fiery engines beneath their towering
summits. There are twenty-seven tunnels on this road, twenty-five of which we
passed through in the daytime. Some of the shorter ones are arched with brick,
others with heavy timbers, while some are cut through solid rock and need no
support. At Parkersburg our three regiments were crowded into one vessel, and
away we went "down the Ohio." We made a short stop at Cincinnati,
where we received orders to report at once to Louisville, as an attack at that
place was apprehended. We halted on our way through Louisville and partook of a
free dinner, prepared for us by the loyal ladies of that city. Soft bread,
potatoes, boiled ham, cakes and hot coffee were served us till all were filled
(and many a haversack was also filled), when we gave three cheers and a tiger
for the generous donors.
We found much
excitement, as bands of guerillas came within six miles of the city the night
before, conscripting men and confiscating horses and other supplies.
We stole a march on
the Johnnies in coming here, they having notified the citizens that they would
breakfast with them on the morning of our arrival, and when they—the citizens—saw
their streets filled with soldiers, they thought the promise about to be
fulfilled, but the Stars and Stripes soon undeceived them. Here our brigade was
divided, the Eighth Michigan and Seventy-ninth New York going to Lebanon, the
Seventeenth and Twentieth Michigan remaining at this place.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 35-7
Bright, windy, cold,
and disagreeable.
There was nothing
new at the department this morning. Nothing from below; nothing from South
Carolina. Perhaps communications are cut between this and Charleston. All are
anxious to hear the result of the anticipated battle with Sherman, for somehow
all know that the order to fight him was sent from Richmond more than a week
ago.
People's thoughts
very naturally now dwell upon the proximate future, and the alternatives likely
to be presented in the event of the abandonment of Richmond, and consequently
Virginia, by Lee's army. Most of the male population would probably (if permitted)
elect to remain at their homes, braving the fate that might await them. But the
women are more patriotic, and would brave all in following the fortunes of the
Confederate States Government. Is this because they do not participate in the
hardships and dangers of the field? But many of our men are weary and worn, and
languish for repose. These would probably remain quiescent on parole,
submitting to the rule of the conqueror; but hoping still for foreign
intervention or Confederate victories, and ultimate independence.
Doubtless Lee could
protract the war, and, by concentrating farther South, embarrass the enemy by
compelling him to maintain a longer line of communication by land and by sea,
and at the same time be enabled to fall upon him, as occasion might offer, in
heavier force. No doubt many would fall out of the ranks, if Virginia were
abandoned; but Lee could have an army of 100,000 effective men for years.
Still, these dire
necessities may not come. The slaveowners, speculators, etc., hitherto contriving
to evade the service, may take the alarm at the present aspect of affairs, and
both recruit and subsist the army sufficiently for victory over both Grant and
Sherman; and then Richmond will be held by us, and Virginia and the Cotton
States remain in our possession; and we shall have peace, for exhaustion will
manifest itself in the United States.
We have dangerous
discussions among our leaders, it is true; and there may be convulsions, and
possibly expulsion of the men at the head of civil affairs: but the war will
not be affected. Such things occurred in France at a time when the armies
achieved their greatest triumphs.
One of the greatest
blunders of the war was the abandonment of Norfolk; and the then Secretary of
War (Randolph) is now safely in Europe. That blunder brought the enemy to the
gates of the capital, and relinquished a fertile source of supplies; however,
at this moment Lee is deriving some subsistence from that source by connivance
with the enemy, who get our cotton and tobacco.
Another blunder was
Hood's campaign into Tennessee, allowing Sherman to raid through Georgia.
SOURCE: John
Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate
States Capital, Volume 2, p. 417-9
The surrender of Plymouth, N. C., and death of Flusser caused consternation at Roanoke island, lest the dreaded Albemarle should make them a visit. On the 22d we were ordered to the succor of that island. Embarking on board a large double-ender boat, we left Portsmouth in the afternoon and proceeded up the river, going past the Gosport navy yard, where could be seen the burned and sunken hulks of the U. S. vessels which were destroyed at the surrender of Norfolk and the navy yard at the beginning of the war. We kept on up the river till towards night, when we entered the canal. The boat was a little too wide for the canal and our progress was slow.
About midnight we came to a station, having made but a few miles of our journey. There we found our Brooklyn friends who were doing picket duty. They were right glad to see us and kept us busy answering questions about their old home, which they were beginning to despair of ever seeing again. After an hour's stop we resumed our journey. We had not gone far when the port wheel fouled with a stump, so that we could neither go ahead nor back off. This caused a delay of about two hours, as cutting out floats by the light of a lantern is a slow job. A mile or so further on a similar accident happened. This time they went to work cutting out the stump which was of considerable size, and took with a large amount of swearing, until after daylight to get clear. The port wheel had now acquired a provoking habit of fouling with all the stumps and snags along the bank, and not until late in the afternoon of the 23d did we come out to a lake, sound, bay, or at any rate a large sheet of water, which we crossed, and just before night again entered the canal.
We now enter the eastern edge of the great dismal swamp. I have sometime read a legend of the phantom or witch of the lake of the dismal swamp, who all night long, by the light of the firefly lamp, would paddle her light canoe. On each side of the canal is a cypress swamp, and as the officers were about retiring for the night in the house on deck, the colonel charged the boys to keep a sharp lookout for guerrillas and bush whackers who might be lurking there. About midnight all was still, not a sound was heard save the dull, heavy wheezing of the engines. Stripped of their bark, the dead trunks of the cypress trees looked in the dim light of the sweet German silver-plated moon, weird and ghostlike. Now it required no great stretch of the imagination to see almost anything in this swamp, and it began to be whispered around that bush whackers could be seen behind the trees. Presently the sharp crack of a rifle rang out on the still night air, followed by a general fusillade and a cry that the woods are full of them. The officers came rushing out of the house and the colonel strained his eyes peering into the swamp, but seeing nothing and hearing no return fire, he naturally concluded that the boys were drawing on their imaginations, and gave the order to cease firing. But in such a racket it was difficult to hear orders, especially if they didn't care to, and before he got them stopped, he was giving his orders in very emphatic language. It was rare sport to see the firing go on and to hear the colonel trying to stop it.
About morning we entered the North river, coming out into Currituck sound and sailing around the head of the island, landed at old Fort Huger. The garrison consisted of only the 99th New York, who felt a little nervous about being caught here alone in case the Albemarle should make them a visit. On landing we learned the scare was all over. The ram left Plymouth, intending to come here, but on getting out into the sound the old ferryboats which had been lying in wait went for her and came well nigh sinking her; at any rate they disabled her so much she put back to Plymouth. Finding we were not needed here, after a few hours rest we re-embarked and started back.
The next day as we came out into the wide sheet of water, a cry was raised: “Sail ho! Sail ho!” “Where away?” “Five points off the port bow.” And sure enough, a little to the left and nearly across this lake, sound or whatever it is, lay a small steamer, which proved to be the little mail-boat Gazelle, which lay there stranded. We hauled up and inquired if they wished any assistance. They replied they should be all right as soon as the sand washed from under them, but in the meantime would like a guard aboard. About a dozen men from Company A were put aboard and we went on, arriving back to camp late last evening.