Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson: Tuesday, October 21, 1862

Train arrived from Georgetown with Capt. Noble's band of refugees, 27 in number, one a woman 120 years old.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson: Saturday, October 25, 1862

I worked in office. Capt. Emil A. Burger gave me a box and left for St. Paul, taking Capt. Barrett, Adjutant Pell, First Lieutenant Groetsch and Capt. Noble's band of refugees, 27, and four privates from each company. We moved into log quarters.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Daniel L. Ambrose: March 18, 1865

9 o'clock A. M. we move.

The roads still desperate—corduroying almost every step. A great many refugees are now following the army, seeking to be freed from the Davis tyranny; they are enduring much suffering. We go into camp tonight about sun down. We are now about twenty-six miles from Goldsboro, North Carolina.

SOURCE: abstracted from Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 299-300

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 1, 1864

Clear, bright, and cool.

The intelligence from the North indicates that Gen. McClellan will be nominated for the Presidency. Judge Campbell, Assistant Secretary of War, shakes his head, and says he is not the right man. Our people take a lively interest in the proceedings of the Chicago Convention, hoping for a speedy termination of the war.

Senator Johnson, of Missouri, has a project of taxation for the extinguishment of the public debt—a sweeping taxation, amounting to one-half the value of the real and personal estate of the Confederate States. He got me to commit his ideas to writing, which I did, and they will be published.

Gen. Kemper told me to-day that there were 40,000 able-bodied men in Virginia now detailed.

There is a project on the tapis of introducing lady clerks into this bureau—all of them otherwise able to subsist themselves while the poor refugees, who have suffered most, are denied places. Even the President named one to-day, Mrs. Ford, who, of course, will be appointed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 275-6

Abstract of the Report of Mr. John Eaton, Freedmen's Superintendent for Tennesee

Prepared, for the President, by the

American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission.

__________________

Abstract of Mr. John Eaton's Report.

He was appointed by the General commanding in the Department of Tennesee to assume general supervision of the Freedmen Dec. 17. 1862.

He states forcibly the difficulties of his new and untried field; and acknowledges the considerate attention and support ever given to him by the General commanding.

The negroes were flocking in and swarming confusedly around the military post.

The first thing was to gather and tabulate the statistics of their number & condition.

Statistics.

There were, or had been, over twenty-two thousand colored refugees under the care or observation of the various Superintendents at Corinth, Grand Junction, Memphis, La Grange, Providence La. Cairo Ill. Jackson Tenn., and Columbus Ky.

Some of these had, in various ways, gone back to slavery; others had found Northern homes.

General statistics were gathered concerning 6747 persons at Corinth, Grand Junction and Memphis. Of these 1372 were men, 2224 women, and 1372 children. About half of these were Africans; the rest of mixed blood. About a hundred were mechanics; about a thousand cooks or laundresses. Nearly two hundred could read, and about forty read and write.

Clothing.

They usually came within our lines wretchedly clad, some having hardly enough to cover their nakedness, a few, however, had borrowed good clothing of their masters, for their journey.

They were generally soon made comfortable in this respect by supplies from the Government, and by gifts from the North.

Shelter.

They were sheltered in tents, in barracks or in old or deserted houses; but in many cases, men made cabins for themselves.

Rations.

In most cases soldiers rations were issued to them as soon as they came; at some places however not until later. The rations seem to have generally been sufficient and satisfactory.

Property brought with them.

They brought in with them horses, oxen, mules, wagons, yokes, chains &c, besides some cotton; of which they had “spoiled the Egyptians—”.

Much of this property however was taken from them by officers and soldiers who appropriated it to their private use; the rest was turned over to the Quarter-master. So generally were they rewarded for having spoiled their and our enemies, by being spoiled in return, that it is noted as a remarkable fact, that they were righteously allowed at La Grange, to sell two ox-teams for their own benefit.

Hospital Arrangements.

Many fell sick; and in most cases, they seem to have been, all things considered, well provided for in hospitals, and to have been kindly treated.

It is reported however that at Memphis, there was shameful neglect and mismanagement on the part of surgeons and officials.

Treatment by Officers & Others.

Where they were gathered in Camps, located near our forces, they seem to have suffered a good deal of brutal treatment at the hands of the soldiers; especially at first, when white guards alone were employed.

When removed from the vicinity of the army, and especially since colored guards have been employed, the evils have lessened.

The Superintendent generally reports that they have had assistance and encouragement in their work of beneficence from the superior officers and U. S. Officials.

Too often however, the soldiers and lower officers, have shown their contempt for the work's of mercy; and have treated the colored people most brutally. This of course encouraged vicious and disloyal citizens to follow the bent of their prejudices and passions, and to heap upon the poor refugees indignities and cruelties of the most abominable kind.

Labor and Service

It seems by the report from the various posts that most of these people were supposed to have merely exchanged masters; and were expected as a mater of course to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the United States without pay and even without clothing.

To a question upon this matter the following replies were given:

“Corinth  “All men except the infirm, and few for camp were employed. All women, saving those having large families, or small children; — generally reported industrious and faithful, when well-treated. Many have worked from 2 to 12 months, and never received a cent, or a rag, yet, as reward, alike as private servants, and Government employees.

“Cairo  “Many employed in Quarter Master Department & Post-Hospitals. Cannot give definite numbers.

“Gnd Junction  “All the men, but feeble, employed by Government, or individuals, or in camp; — have cut wood and lumber — handled goods, erected defences. One hundred and fifty went to Vicksburg, — many in Q. M. and Commissary Departments. Women & children pick cotton for Government & for private individuals.

“Holly Springs and Memphis.  “A large amount for each.

“Memphis.  “Average able-bodied men for the month eighty-five. Erecting cabins — preparing camp — many have been turned over to different Departments, sometimes most grossly abused; as for instance, some worked all day in water, drenched, nearly frozen, and then driven to tents for shelter, to sheds for sleep without covering and almost without fire and food. They have come back to die by scores. Wages seldom paid — none in Hospitals. The services of a large number have been stolen out-right.

“Bolivar. “None employed by individuals; many for Government; building fortifications; cutting wood, rolling logs, running saw mills, and in Q. M. Dp'ts. and Hospitals no general system of pay.

Providence  Digging canal — picking cotton.

Assistants.

There is no mention of any lack of assistants. Besides those regularly employed some have volunteered and done good service.

Instruction.

There seems to have been no regular provision for instructions. Some good Samaritans volunteered to teach on Sunday, and at other times; and there were, at some posts, schools kept regularly for a few weeks.

Mention is made of preparations to build school-houses.

Motives for coming into our lines.

All the testimony goes to show that the slaves had almost universally a strong desire to be free, and a vague idea that fleeing to the enemies of their masters would make them free.

The immediate cause of their running away, was, in a great many cases, a fear of being baulked of freedom by being sold “down South”. Many alledge cruel treatment as the cause. They seldom however manifest any desire of revenge upon their masters.

Some had a clear and precise idea that the war was to bring emancipation, and acted upon that idea.

They seem to have left their homes reluctantly, and only to gain freedom; for they all manifest strong local attachment; they wish to return to their homes if they can go there as free men; and never wish to go Northward, unless urged by fears of being re-enslaved.

The fact that, although free, they are obliged to work does not appear to have surprised them, or to have made them repent their flight.

Of their intelligence.

Most of the Superintendents say they were agreeably surprised at the degree of intelligence shown by the refugees. They seem to have a concealed stock of ideas and knowledge, and to draw upon it in case of need. Many who usually seemed stupid, and were held to be nearly idiotic, showed great ingenuity in shirking what they deemed overtasks; and they became bright and clever when it came to contriving means for escaping from bondage.

Their ideas of freedom,

vary of course with their degree of intelligence. There was a general idea that freedom would come as the result of the war. They wished to be free from the necessity of working for others, but not from the necessity of working for themselves.

Their ideas of property

varied likewise with their intelligence, though all had a distinct sense of ownership of certain property, as their kitchen utensils, and the like. These were “their own, not master's”. The more intelligent extended the idea of ownership to other things. Some had been accumulating money for many months in view of their flight.

Honesty.

The general testimony is that they had no sense of honesty, as towards their masters and oppressors. Towards their friends and others, they seem to be about on the same moral plane as other people of like grade of culture.

One Superintendent says:

“I verily believe that their habits in this particular have not been so thoroughly prostituted by the influence of all the centuries of their degradation in slavery as have those of our patriot soldiery, in two years of war.”

Their willingness to work .

when they have any pay or hopes of pay is almost universally vouched for. In many cases they worked patiently and faithfully even when not paid, and not fully assured that they would be paid.

The Superintendent at Corinth says:

“So far as I have tested it, better than I anticipated. They are Willing to work for money, except in waiting on the sick. One hundred and fifty hands gathered 500 acres of cotton in less than three weeks — much of which time was bad weather. The owner admitted that it was done quicker than it could have been done with slaves. When detailed for service, they generally remained till honorably discharged, even when badly treated. I am well satisfied, from careful calculations, that the freedmen of this Camp and District have netted the Government, over and above all their expenses, including rations, tents, &c., at least $3000. per month, independent of what the women do, and all the property brought through our lines from the rebels.”

Religion.

The universal testimony is that they have a strong religious disposition. They have great veneration. They have in their stock (or race), all the elements upon which can be grafted true religion, which will bring forth abundant fruit in good works. As yet however they show only emotional religion. They pray, sing, shout hallelujahs, and make a great religious display, but they have never been taught to live religious lives.

The Superintendent at Holly Springs and Memphis bears striking testimony upon to the truth of this:

“Great majority religious.— They are Baptists or Methodists. Their notions of the leading doctrines of the Bible are remarkably correct— Justification, repentance, faith, holiness, heaven, hell,. They are not troubled, like educated white men, with unbelief.

“Notions of doctrine better than to be expected. Practices not always in accordance with their notions, as is also true of other colors. Have been taught to make their religion one of feeling, not necessarily affecting their living. If one finds himself susceptible to religious excitement or sentiment, he is a religious man, though at the same time he may lie, steal, drink, and commit adultery.”

Their Marital Relations,

in the language of the Superintendent at Corinth, “were all wrong”.

Neither they nor their fathers had been allowed to marry, “as white folks do.” They understood that the main object of their masters in bringing the sexes together was to have them beget children; therefore they argued they might promote that object out of, as well as in, marriage bonds.

Three of the Superintendents report thus:

“Most of them have no idea of the sacredness of the marriage tie; declaring that marriage, as it exists among the whites, has been impossible for them. In other cases, the marriage relation exists in all its sacredness without legal sanction.

“The greater number have lived together as husband and wife, by mutual consent. In many cases, strongly attached and faithful, though having no legal marriage.

“They know what marriage is among the whites, but have yielded to the sad necessity of their case. Generally, I believe the men to be faithful to the women with whom they live, and the women to reward their faith with like truth. Free and married, they will maintain the marital relations as sacredly as any other race.

The policy of Arming the Refugees,

is urged by all the Superintendents. One says:

“I believe in giving them their freedom by their swords. Policy and humanity say, Arm the negro. History affords all the necessary precedents for liberating slaves and arming them as soldiers, to fight in defence of their county. Blacks fought in the Revolutionary struggle, and in the War of 1812. Let them fight in the war for their own liberty.”

The Superintendent at Memphis takes up the same strain and says:

“Yes, arm him! It will do him worlds of good. He will know then that he has rights, and dare maintain them — a grand step towards manhood. Arm him! for our country needs soldiers. These men will make good soldiers. Arm him! for the rebels need enemies, and heaven knows the blacks have reason to be that. Once armed and drilled, the black man will be an enemy the rebels will neither love nor despise. Arm him, and let the world see the black man on a vast scale returning good for evil, helping with blood and life the cause of the race which hated, oppressed and scorned him.”

Finally the Superintendent at La Grange says:

“Arm them at once. We can hurt the rebels more by the use of the negro than by any others means in our power. Arm him — use him; do it speedily. Why leave him to labor for our enemy, and thus keep up the strife? Arm him — he is a man — he will fight — he can save the Union. I pledge you and the world they will make good soldiers.”

Mr. Eaton assumes the facts thus reported to him by various Superintendents as premisses from which he draws his conclusions and upon which he bases his plan for the

Management of the colored refugees.

The main facts are:

First, — that nearly twenty three thousand slaves have fled to our lines in that Departments.

Second.— that, save a very few returned to slavery, the great majority have disappeared from official notice by fusing in with the general population, and earning their livelihood by labor which is profitable to themselves and to the community.

Third.— That a small proportion only of these have ever been dependent upon the Government; the greatest number of full rations ever issued being only 5500.

The whole cost of their support and supervision has been far less than what has been gained by Government; for if, by stretch of fancy, we suppose them to be paid their wages, the rate of these wages is so much less than their real value that a large margin of profit remains. In his words: “if the Freedmen could be, and were excluded from this Department, and white laborers employed, the Government would pay out forty-two thousand six hundred and sixty-one dollars per month, more than it now does for the same work, and the support of all idle and feeble Freedmen.”

Moreover their labor, while its loss cripples the rebellion, aids our cause in various ways.

Fourth.— That it is morally certain that the Exodus from Slavery will largely increase.

In his words: “Should the knowledge of the Proclamation continue to increase and general destitution prevail in the rebellious districts, what may we not expect? Already in certain quarters they receive but one meal of meat pr. day, they have not had their regular supply of clothing since the out-break of the rebellion. I have conclusive evidence that in the very centres of Alabama the slave population is already possessed of no indifferent idea of what the Proclamation declares in their behalf.”

Fifth.— That there should be some clear and well defined provision made by Government for the management of such of the refugees as do not at once fuse in with the community, and especially during the early part of their sojourn within our lines.

He then proposes plan, the main features of which are these: “A distinct class of officers could be provided similar to the various military corps, the Engineer, medical, the Chief directly responsible to the Secretary of War, a subordinate reporting so far as necessary to each Department Commander, and his subordinates located at Posts or centres of Districts, where the presence of these freed people require supervision and where their labor on the soil may be safe from guerrilla or other barbarities.”

x x x

“The supervisors of freedmen held to most rigid accountability, guarded against any corruption, also by the presence of the officer of another Department, holding themselves military rank, vested with competent authority, and supported by a military organization of blacks at their command either as militia or regular troops or both, should enroll all blacks, men, women and children, put in the hands of each the description of his person, location, employment or name of employer; requiring all not voluntarily engaging according to fixed or reasonable rates with authorized persons, to labor under the direction of Government agents who should have charge of camps in which there should be ample provision for the industry whether mechanical, horticultural or agricultural, of all coming in and not otherwise employed; also fit provision for sick, for all permanently or temporarily dependent, whether old, young, or infirm, all contracts should be made through the proper Superintendent, and recorded, and none should be changed without his consent, or broken without punishment to the offender; there should be no change of location without his permit. This supervision should permit no abuse, should guard all relations between man and man, should lay at once the foundations of society, providing schools supported by tax upon property or income from labor alike in communities and in camps, requiring the attendance of all with certain limitations of age and season; enforcing the laws of marriage, of the relations of husband and wife, child and parent, during the minority of the former, opening alike communities and camps for religious instruction to well disposed and properly authorized persons who might come to labor among them; should regulate all trade, not only so that it might not aid the rebellion, but so as to free the blacks from imposition invited by their ignorance, indeed, should meet according to order every exigency arising in the affairs of these freed people, whether physical, social or educational, so far as is possible and is accordant with the genius of our free institutions, and the spirit of American Christian civilization.

“The exercise of military authority being entirely under control of the Executive, could not only adjust itself to all grades of intelligence and enterprise among these people and to current changes, but be withdrawn in part or altogether at any moment desirable.”

Mr Eaton recommends that, whenever feasible the refugees should be put to work upon lands abandoned and forfeited by rebels.

“In all cities”, he says, “the management of these people becomes a matter especially important. In Memphis there are a large number either idle, concealed in byways, in old houses, or controlled by the money of the disloyal, or otherwise vicious or criminal. Supt Fisk states probably one third of the blacks about town are employed by persons in no wise heartily loyal, while the calls of the various branches of military service, for the labor of contrabands, are beyond any possibility of supply, and significantly asks ought not the Government interest in the entire control of all contraband labor be protected! The Plan, suggested among its other features, by giving every colored man a recorded status, a copy of which he carries with him, not only protects him against abuse, but meets this difficulty by allowing him never to change location, or him or his employer to alter their contract without the consent of the Superintendent.”

Mr. Eaton closes his Report with the following summary of his plan for the management of the colored refugees.

“I. Special military provision, as necessary alike to the full military effect of the Proclamation upon the armed rebellion; to the interests of the people declared free, equally with respect to their safe, comfortable and useful conduct through the transition from slavery to freedom, and their fit preparation for their new privileges; Also to the security against servile insurrections and the speediest restoration of Government authority over rebellious States, — of military in preference to civil form, because martial law must prevail over these regions during the war; because more simple, avoiding undesirable questions and complications; and because more easily adjusted to all necessities and changes.

“II. A district corps of officers, especially fit in ability and character — the Chief at Washington, subordinates with Commanders of Departments, and in each District, where necessary, finding their assistants — as far as practicable, among worthy soldiers, unfitted by disease or wounds for active field service.

“III. At points of sufficient security on our coasts or rivers, or near military posts, they receive, locate, record and furnish a copy of written statistics to every colored person, without which he is subject to arrest; according to orders and instructions from the President or Secretary of War, adopt a complete system of regulations, and adjust them to the individual social and educational necessities of these people, enlisting as many able-bodied men as is expedient, either as regular troops or militia, and securing the industry of all as far as possible.

“IV. These regulations should provide for the co-operation of the supervisors of freed people with the corresponding officer or officers of the Treasury Dep't, who should regulate the possession and use of lands, collect taxes, and disburse funds.

“These regulations should provide industry in camps or otherwise for all who did not seek it voluntarily of those occupying lands by authority of the Treasury Dep't; they should provide support, by tax on property or labor, of asylums in connection with camps for all dependent; and of schools in camps and communities, which all, with certain limitations of season and age, should be required to attend; they should facilitate the labors of all authorized persons seeking to promote the good of these people, physically, morally or religiously; employing from among them teachers for the Government schools, and where their labor is rendered gratuitously, furnish rations, quarters and transportation. They should regulate all trade among these freed people, all contracts with them, and punish their violation; and provide for the investment in lands or U. S. Securities of their savings; they should specially enforce the sacredness of the family, of the relation of husband and wife, parent and wif — child, that these people may be introduced the most speedily to the knowledge and practice of all the duties and amenities of Citizenship.”

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.

Major Charles Wright Wills: March 15, 1865

Left bank, Cape Fear River, Opposite Fayetteville,

March 15, 1865.

Everything valuable to the Rebels has been destroyed, and we are about ready to push on to Goldsboro. Fayetteville is about a 3,000 town, nearly all on one street. There was a very fine United States Arsenal burned here, some 20 good buildings, all of which are "gone up.” The rest of the town is old as the hills. We lay on the river bank expecting to cross all last night, and finally reached the bivouac three quarters of a mile from the river just as the troops on this side were sounding the reveille. This is the 21st river we have pontooned since leaving Scottsboro, May 1st, '64. It is more like the Tennessee than any other stream we have crossed. We send from here all the negroes and white refugees who have been following us, also a large train to Wilmington for supplies. The number of negroes is estimated at 15,000. Nearly all the population of this town will go inside our lines. It has rained all day and seems abominably gloomy. Makes me wish for letters from home. Last night while we were standing around fires by the river, some scoundrel went up to a negro not 75 yards from us, and with one whack of a bowie knife, cut the contraband's head one third off, killing him.

At Goldsboro, we are promised a short rest. If it were not that the wagons are so nearly worn out that they must be thoroughly repaired, I don't believe we would get it. Well, time passes more swiftly in campaigning than in camp. Most of the army are moved out.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 361-2

Major Charles Wright Wills: February 20, 1865

Sixteen miles northeast of Columbia,

February 20, 1865.

The Provost Guards were the last to leave town. Fifty families of Columbians accompany us; have no idea how many negroes. Hard day's march.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 351

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General Henry Wager Halleck, July 14, 1864

CITY POINT, VA., July 14, 1864.

Major-General HALLECK,

Washington, D.C.:

It would seem from dispatches just received from Mr. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, that the enemy are leaving Maryland. If so, Hunter should follow him as rapidly as the jaded condition of his men will admit. The Sixth and Nineteenth Corps should be got here without any delay, so that they may be used before the return of the troops sent into the Valley by the enemy. Hunter moving up the Valley will either hold a large force of the enemy or he will be enabled to reach Gordonsville and Charlottesville. The utter destruction of the road at and between these two places will be of immense value to us. I do not intend this as an order to bring Wright back while he is in pursuit of the enemy with any prospect of punishing him, but to secure his return at the earliest possible moment after he ceases to be absolutely necessary where he is.

Colonel Comstock, who takes this, can explain to you fully the  situation here. The enemy have the Weldon road completed, but are very cautious about bringing cars through on it. I shall endeavor to have it badly destroyed, and for a long distance, within a few days. I understand from a refugee that they have twenty-five miles of track yet to lay to complete the Danville road. If the enemy has left Maryland, as I suppose he has, he should have upon his heels veterans, militiamen, men on horseback, and everything that can be got to follow to eat out Virginia clear and clean as far as they go, so that crows flying over it for the balance of this season will have to carry their provender with them.

U.S. GRANT,            

Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 37, Part 2 (Serial No. 88), p. 300-1

Major-General Philip H. Sheridan to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, October 7, 1864—9 p.m.

WOODSTOCK, October 7, 1864—9 p.m.                

(Received 9th.)

I have the honor to report my command at this point to-night. I commenced moving back from Port Republic, Mount Crawford, Bridgewater, and Harrisonburg yesterday morning. The grain and forage in advance of these points up to Staunton had previously been destroyed. In moving back to this point the whole country from the Blue Ridge to the North Mountains has been made untenable for a rebel army. I have destroyed over 2,000 barns filled with wheat, hay, and farming implements; over seventy mills filled with flour and wheat; have driven in front of the army over 4[,000] head of stock, and have killed and issued to the troops not less than 3,000 sheep. This destruction embraces the Luray Valley and Little Fort Valley, as well as the main valley. A large number of horses have been obtained, a proper estimate of which I cannot now make. Lieut. John R. Meigs, my engineer officer, was murdered beyond Harrisonburg, near Dayton. For this atrocious act all the houses within an area of five miles were burned. Since I came into the Valley, from Harper's Ferry up to Harrisonburg, every train, every small party, and every straggler has been bushwhacked by people, many of whom have protection papers from commanders who have been hitherto in this valley. From the vicinity of Harrisonburg over 400 wagon-loads of refugees have been sent back to Martinsburg; most of these people were Dunkers and had been conscripted. The people here are getting sick of the war; heretofore they have had no reason to complain, because they have been living in great abundance. I have not been followed by the enemy up to this point, with the exception of a small force of rebel cavalry that showed themselves some distance behind my rear guard to-day. A party of 100 of the Eighth Ohio Cavalry, which I had stationed at the bridge over the North Shenandoah, near Mount Jackson, was attacked by McNeill, with seventeen men; report they were asleep, and the whole party dispersed or captured. I think that they will all turn up; I learn that fifty-six of them have reached Winchester. McNeill was mortally wounded and fell into our hands. This was fortunate, as he was the most daring and dangerous of all the bushwhackers in this section of the country. I would have preferred sending troops to you by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad; it would have been the quickest and most concealed way of sending them. The keeping open of the road to Front Royal will require large guards to protect it against a very small number of partisan troops. It also obliges me to have a pontoon train, if it is to be kept open, to bridge the Shenandoah and keep up communication with Winchester. However, in a day or two I can tell better. I sent a party of cavalry through Thornton's Gap, and directed the balance of the division of cavalry which I have left in the Valley to take position at Millwood, occupying Chester Gap and Front Royal. Thornton's Gap I have given up, as of no value. With this disposition of forces, I will move infantry round the mountains, via Strasburg, as soon as possible. To-morrow I will continue the destruction of wheat, forage, &c., down to Fisher's Hill. When this is completed the Valley, from Winchester up to Staunton, ninety-two miles, will have but little in it for man or beast. In previous dispatches I have used "lower Valley" when I should have said "upper Valley," or, in other words, in my last dispatch I intended to say that the grain and forage from Staunton up to Lexington had been sent to Richmond, and that the grain and forage from Staunton to Strasburg had been left for the wintering of Early's army. Yesterday Colonel Powell captured a guerrilla camp on the mountains, with ten wagons and teams.

P. H. SHERIDAN,                

Major-General.

 Lieutenant-General GRANT.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 1 (Serial No. 91), p. 30-1

Major-General William T. Sherman to Salmon P. Chase, January 11, 1865

HEADQUARTERS, MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,                

In the Field, Savannah Jan 11 1865

Hon S. P. Chase.

Washington D. C.

My Dear Sir,

I feel very much flattered by the notice you take of me, and none the less because you overhaul me on the negro question.  I meant no unkindness to the negro in the mere words of my hasty dispatch announcing my arrival on the Coast.  The only real failures in a military sense, I have sustained in my military administration to have been the expeditions of Wm. Sooy Smith and Sturgis, both resulting from their encumbering their columns with refugees. (negroes)  If you understand the nature of a military column in an enemys country, with its long train of wagons you will see at once that a crowd of negroes, men women and children, old & young, are a dangerous impediment.

On approaching Savannah I had at least 20000 negroes, clogging my roads, and eating up our substance.  Instead of finding abundance here I found nothing and had to depend on my wagons till I opened a way for vessels and even to this day my men have been on short rations and my horses are failing.  The same number of white refugees would have been a military weakness. Now you know that military success is what the nation wants, and it is risked by the crowds of helpless negroes that flock after our armies.  Me negro constituents of Georgia would resent the idea of my being inimical to them, they regard me as a second Moses or Aaron.  I treat them as free, and have as much trouble to protect them against the avaricious recruiting agents of the New England States as against their former masters.  You can hardly realize this, but it is true.  I have conducted to freedom & asylum hundreds of thousands and have aided them to obtain employment and homes.  Every negro who is fit for a soldier and is willing I invariably allow to join a negro Regiment, but I do oppose and rightfully too, the forcing of negroes as soldiers.  You cannot know the arts and devices to which base white men resort to secure negro soldiers, not to aid us to fight, but to get bounties for their own pockets, and to diminish their quotas at home.  Mr Secretary Stanton is now here and will bear testimony to the truth of what I say.  Our Quarter master and Commissary can give employment to every negro (able bodied) whom we obtain, and he protests against my parting with them for other purposes, as it forces him to use my veteran white troops to unload vessels, and do work for which he prefers the negro.  If the President prefers to minister to the one idea of negro equality, rather than military success; which as a major [involves] the minor, he should remove me, for I am so constituted that I cannot honestly sacrifice the security and success of my army to any minor cause.

Of course I have nothing to do with the status of the negro after the war.  That is for the law making power, but if my opinion were consulted I would say that the negro should be a free man, but not put on an equality with the whites.  My knowledge of them is practical, and the effect of equality is illustrated in the character of the mixed race in Mexico and South America.  Indeed it appears to me that the right of suffrage in our Country should be rather abridged than enlarged.

But these are matters subordinate to the issues of this war, which can alone be determined by war, and it depends on good armies, of the best possible material and best disciplined, and these points engross my entire thoughts.

With sincere respect & esteem

W. T. Sherman                 

Maj. Genl.

SOURCE: John Niven, Editor, The Salmon P. Chase Papers, Volume 5: Correspondence, 1865-1873, p 6-7

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, April 15, 1865

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, April 15, 1865.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

GENERAL: I beg to call your attention to the security of this city, and especially to the large number of rebel officers and privates, prisoners of war, and rebel refugees, and deserters that are among us, and ask you to see that adequate force and vigilance are employed. Directions were given Major General Augur on this subject last night, and also instructions to look to the condition of the forts and defenses. Adequate provision may have been made, but at the present deplorable juncture I feel it my duty to ask you to consider yourself specially charged with all matters pertaining to the security and defense of this national capital. Please acknowledge the receipt of these instructions.

Your obedient servant,

 EDWIN M. STANTON,

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 757

Captain Charles Wright Wills: July 17, 1864

June 17, 1864.

After erecting some good works at Roswell (the best we have yet built), capable of holding at least 25,000 men, we were provided with three days’ rations and cartridges “ad libitum,” for another of what an Augusta paper calls “Sherman leap-frog-like advance.” Our corps is the extreme left of the army. We moved out this morning, our brigade in advance of our division, and Osterhaus and Smith's Divisions following on the Decatur road. Did I tell you in my last among the “locals,” that these Roswell factories have been turning out 35,000 yards per day of jeans, etc., for the Confederate Army, that there is the greatest abundance of blackberries and whortleberries here, that one of the 48th Illinois was drowned in the Chattahoochie while bathing, and that of several hundred factory girls I have seen, hardly one who is passably handsome? Some fine fat ones, and a few neat feet, but they are not “clipper built,” and lack “get up” and “figure heads.”

We moved six miles without meeting a Rebel, and then only a squadron of cavalry that lacked a devilish sight of being “chivalry,” for they more than ran without just cause. We only went two miles farther and then bivouacked. Our brigade was thrown half a mile in front and across the road. We put up a rail barricade across the road and a temporary rail-work along our front, and then abandoned ourselves to the longings of our breadbaskets, and desisted not until every man was in himself a miniature blackberry patch. The boys brought me pint after pint of great black fellows they had picked in the shade of dense woods or on a steep bank, and I assure you they disappeared without an exception. This road, the last 10 days, has been filled with refugee citizens running from the Yankees. An old gentleman in whose yard the reserve pickets have stacked their arms, told me that all the men of his acquaintance over 45 years old are, and always have been, Unionists, and are to-day ready and willing to give up slavery for our cause. I have been a deluded believer in the hoax of fine “Georgia plantations,” but I assure you I am now thoroughly convalescent. I haven't seen five farm houses equal to Mrs. James ———, and only one that showed evidences of taste. That was where I saw the Rebel General Iverson dead among the flowers. The country is all hilly, and the soil, where there is any, is only fit for turnips. The timber is all scrub oak and pine, and some more viney bushes peculiar to the climate.

I notice some of the white moss hanging from the trees, like that there was so much of at Black river. The 16th Corps is on our right moving on a parallel road, and the 23d joins them. I don't know whether our other corps have crossed yet or not.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 280-1

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, February 1, 1863

(Private)

New Orleans, February 1st, 1863.

Dear Sir: Everything is quiet on the Mississippi. There have been no military movements. Appearances indicate that something is to be attempted before long, but I do not know what it will be.

Gen. Banks has authorized the raising of the 4th. Reg’t. “Native Guards” (colored) and it is filling up rapidly. The Lieut. Colonel is Mr. Hill, correspondent of the New York Herald. More regiments will be raised, but I do not know how many. Gen. Banks’ policy in regard to the enlistment of negroes, seems to me timorous and hesitating. He might have 50,000 in the service in three months — yes, 100,000 by energetically adopting the proper means.

An army of negroes could be made most formidable. They could be inspired with a religious enthusiasm as terrible and persistent as that of the followers of Mahomet. Such blind impulses, directed by a controlling mind, have accomplished great things. But no prominent man is here shrewd enough to originate, or smart enough to execute such a project. I say again, what I have often said before, that the negroes will fight this war for us, and succeed, if we will use them, and here is the place to commence. Perhaps you are aware that, for various reasons, the negroes of Louisiana are much superior in all respects to those of Virginia and of the other Atlantic States. One hundred and fifty refugees have arrived from Matamoras. I wish to remind you again, of the growing importance of the trade across the Rio Grande. A Confederate agent named Swisher, left Matamoras last June to buy arms in Europe. He has just returned to Matamoras, and three cargoes of arms bought by him in Europe, are expected to arrive shortly in Matamoras — or rather at the mouth of the Rio Grande. How all this can be stopped I explained in my last letter.

There is a person here of the Jewish persuasion — an Israelite indeed — named Dr. Zachary, who is said lately to have been a healer of corns and bunions, in New York. His vest is of flowered velvet — his hair beautifully oiled — and his presence distills continual perfume sweeter than the winds that blow from Araby the blest. In season and out of season, he fails not to announce himself as the Confidential Agent, or Correspondent, of the President. A smart little lawyer, named Shaw, used to write for him his letters from here to the President, which Zachary copied and forwarded as his own. Shaw was on Gen. Hamilton's staff, but has returned to New York. His address is Charles P. Shaw, 111 Broadway. I don't know who writes Zachary's letters now — perhaps he does it himself. Jews take to trade, as ducks to water. Dr. Zachary could not fulfill his mission without the co-operation of one Simon. That co-operation would be imperfect without Simon took a stock of goods to Baton Rouge for sale, in order to conceal the object of Simon's stay at that place. Notwithstanding these representations, and at the risk of impairing the Doctor's efficiency as Government agent, I refused to let the goods go up the River without a written order from Gen. Banks. The result was, that the order was issued. Simon took up to Baton Rouge nearly $20,000 worth of goods (including quantities of spiritous liquors), and Dr. Zachary will probably have no reason to repent the venture.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 352-3

Lucy Chase, December 24, 1863

Norfolk, Va., Dec. 24th, 1863.

We shall continue our school through the holidays. A prospect of rest and vacation wearies us.

My sister went to Newbern for a day or two, a week or so ago. She had, for a few weeks, had the entire superintendence of a school of four hundred children. Small children, too, and raw. It was the reception school of the city. Thirty or forty new scholars came every day. A school that only one with a gift could control, and only one with a body could bear upon her shoulders. It was the school in which we had taught through the summer, giving our extra time to the refugees and to the farms.

Difficulties and delays have blocked the path-way to our own special family schoolhouse; but now we have one, the doors are open; and by New Year's, we shall have a school-house of our own. At present, we are teaching in a church.

Three hundred more refugees came in on Tuesday; seventy wagon “loads” on Saturday; and one hundred and twenty “loads" a day or two ago. The Doctor drops them upon his farms now, that the city may no longer be over burdened.

Lucy Chase.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 12

Lucy Chase, November 11, 1863

Norfolk, Va., Nov. 11th, 1863.

Four hundred refugees, released by colored soldiers, have just come, empty-handed, into our lines. In the jail-yard, where they once found chains and a lash, all the refugees now find a temporary home. The men and large boys go at once to the Government farms to build huts, and in due season to take their families to the housewarming. Twenty-five refugees came ten days ago; and more will come, from time to time, all winter long. They must be clothed; so, of Northern charity let there be no end.

Many of the negroes upon the Government farms will this month receive wages, and should have the privilege of paying something for their clothing. The number of needy will, necessarily, continue to be large, and it seems necessary to continue the practice of gratuitous distribution; but Dr. Brown unites with me in thinking it very desirable that a store should be opened here for all who hold a purse. He says if you will send a store-keeper, he will furnish him with facilities; and he can furnish you with free transportation from New York.

I have not told you that we present all the refugees with A B C's, and they snatch them greedily, astonishing my sister and myself, long-experienced though we are, with their amazing progress.

L. c.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 12

Lucy Chase, June 20, 1863

Whitehead Farm, June 20th, 1863.

I asked, and it was given unto me. The books and slates came and were welcomed, and many of them are already worn in the service. Your help was so ready and efficient, in my hour of need, I incline to drive to your door again. The refugees, with their rags and vermin, are crowding into Norfolk. One hundred and twenty (or more), very destitute, have just gone to Craney Island from Suffolk, and we have nothing to spare from the farms wherewith to clothe them. It is almost certain that the number will steadily increase. How shall we clothe them? They cannot be expected to pay for their clothing. We have at no time been able to meet a present need; and the prospect before us looks very naked. I am dropping my books and slates about upon the farms, but I cannot get a horse to keep constantly upon the road as I expected to do. However, we have work at home; but when I do get to the farms, old men and children flock to my side, and their interest and attention show that in one half hour they get a mighty impulse.

L. C.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 11-2

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: December 24, 1864

This diary must soon come to an end. Will fill the few remaining pages and then stop. Co. “I” boys are very kind. They have reduced soldiering to a science. All divided up into messes of from three to five each. Any mess is glad to have us in with them, and we pay them with accounts of our prison life. Know they think half we tell them is lies. I regret the most of anything, the loss of my blanket that stood by me so well. It's a singular fact that the first day of my imprisonment it came into my possession, and the very last day it took its departure, floating off away from me after having performed its mission. Should like to have taken it North to exhibit to my friends. The infantry move only a few miles each day, and I believe we stay here all day. Went and saw Mr. Kimball. The officers commanding knew him for a Union man, and none of his belongings were troubled. In fact, he has anything he wants now. Announces his intention of going with the army until the war closes. Our good old friend Mrs. Dickinson did not fare so well. The soldiers took everything she had on the place fit to eat; all her cattle, pork, potatoes, chickens, and left them entirly destitute. We went and saw them, and will go to headquarters to see what can be done. Later. — We went to Gen. Smith, commanding 3d Brigade, 2d Division, and told him the particulars. He sent out foraging wagons, and now she has potatoes, corn, bacon, cattle, mules, and everything she wants. Also received pay for burned fences and other damages. Now they are smiling and happy and declare the Yankees to be as good as she thought them bad this morning. The men being under little restraint on this raid were often destructive. Nearly every citizen declared their loyalty, so no distinction is made. Gen. Smith is a very kind man, and asked us a great many questions. Says the 9th Michigan Cavalry is near us and we may see them any hour. Gen. Haun also takes quite an interest in us, and was equally instrumental with Gen. Smith in seeing justice done to our friends the Kimballs and Dickinsons. They declare now that one of us must marry the daughter of Mrs. Dickinson, the chaplain performing the ceremony. Well, she is a good girl, and I should judge would make a good wife, but presume she would have something to say herself and will not pop the question to her. They are very grateful, and only afraid that after we all go away the rebel citizens and soldiers will retaliate on them. Many officers have read portions of my diary, and say such scenes as we have passed through seem incredible. Many inquire if we saw so and so of their friends who went to Andersonville, but of course there were so many there that we cannot remember them. This has been comparatively a day of rest for this portion of the Union army, after having successfully crossed the river. We hear the cavalry is doing some fighting on the right, in the direction of Fort McAllister. Evening. — We marched about two or three miles and are again encamped for the night, with pickets out for miles around. Many refugees join the army prepared to go along with them, among whom are a great many negroes.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 156-7

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 2, 1863

A refugee from Portsmouth reports the arrival of 6000 Federal troops at Newport News, and that Richmond is to be menaced again.

Brig.-Gen. H. W. Allen, Alexandria, La., reports 8000 deserters and skulking conscripts in that vicinity, and a bad state of things generally.

Gen. Lee has written three letters to the department, dated 30th and 31st October. 1st, complaining of the tardiness of the Bureau of Examination, and the want of efficient officers; 2d, complaining of the furloughs given Georgia officers as members of the legislature, causing a brigade to be commanded by a lieutenant-colonel, etc.; 3d, relating to an order from the Secretary to respite certain deserters, condemned to execution. He says executions are necessary to keep the army together, but he feels the painfulness of the sad necessity.

Mr. H. D. Whitcomb, Superintendent Central Railroad, applied for and obtained passports for his mother and sister to return to the United States. He is a Northern man.

Brig.-Gen. S. A. Meredith (United States) writes from Fortress Monroe, proposing that prisoners west of the Mississippi be exchanged at Galveston. Mr. Ould, our agent of exchange, indorses on it that there is no necessity for immediate action, for the United States are not exchanging any prisoners at all at this time.

Mr. Memminger writes for troops to be sent to Ashville, West North Carolina, which is menaced by the traitors, tories, and Federals. His family is there, having fled from South Carolina. Hon. Jas. Farron also writes that a bad state of things exists in that section, and communication is kept open with the enemy in East Tennessee.

From St. Helena Parish, Ark., we have letters stating that all restraint is thrown off, and everybody almost is trading with the enemy. Some 1500 bales of cotton per week is taken to the Yankees from that region. They say most of the parties have permits from the government or from commanding generals to trade with the enemy.

Gen. Whiting writes that his men are suffering for shoes, and as 15,000 pairs are in that town, asks if he shall not impress them. The Secretary is reluctant to do this, and asks the Quartermaster-General what he shall do. The Quartermaster-General advises that the shoes be bought at a fair price, and paid for in cotton. He says blankets may be had in the same way.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 86-7

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, November 14, 1862

(Private)

New Orleans, Nov. 14th, 1862.

Dear Sir: Four days ago, General Butler showed me the letter he had just received from you, concerning the speculations of Col. Butler, and trade with the enemy. In my opinion, it was the right method of effecting a desirable object. The General [sic] pleased to talk to me confidentially. He says that his brother's gains have been less than Two Hundred Thousand — that he has done only a legitimate business — that without being interested he assisted his brother at first with his (the Gen'l's) credit—and that Col. Butler will close his business as quickly as possible and go home. He also said that some of his officers had engaged in speculations, but only in a proper manner.

For one thing Col. Butler deserves credit. Many sugar plantations were abandoned. Col. B. bought the standing crop of a large plantation for $25,000, hired negroes at a fair rate per day — and will make a thousand hogsheads of sugar this year, from this one plantation. I say he deserves credit, as being the first man bold and enterprising enough to undertake the raising of a large crop of sugar by Free labor — which, a little while ago, was slave labor — in opposition to the Southern idea, long established, that Sugar and Cotton can be successfully raised only by compulsory labor. I lately visited this plantation, which is a few miles below the City, and never saw negroes work with more energy and industry. This single experiment refutes theories which Southern leaders have labored, for years, to establish. The crops of four or five other plantations down the river, and some above the City, were subsequently purchased by other persons and are conducted with the same success. The abolition of Slavery by whatever means accomplished, instead of destroying, will increase and invigorate labor.

I think there will not again, be any ground of complaint against Gen. Butler, for his toleration of speculators. Nothing objectionable has been permitted since the receipt of your regulations of August 28th. He is a man not to be spared from the country's service. I suppose he was a Proslavery man before the war, but he has since become the opposite. And nearly all real Union men from the South are Anti-Slavery, of whom Hon. A. J. Hamilton is a good representative.

The expedition to The Lafourche has been entirely successful. The whole country from here to Berwick's Bay and up as far as Donaldsonville, is in our possession. There was a short, sharp fight, and the undertaking was accomplished. Gen. Butler's Gun-boats did not reach Berwick in time to cut off the retreat — having got aground on the bar—and so the greater part of the enemy escaped.

These gunboats are four. Gen. Butler made three of them out of old River boats — iron plated them with plating designed for rebel gunboats, and, drawing but little water, they are of great service.

The inhabitants of LaFourche are thoroughly subjugated, and express a desire for peace on any terms. They take the oath of allegiance voluntarily. The negroes everywhere flocked to the army, as to their deliverers, and many of the plantations were entirely deserted. Gen. Butler says they are free forever, but he has ordered them (I understand) back to their plantations to work there for proper compensation. This is the only method of providing for them at present. The situation of this country (Lafourche) is such that it is not probable the rebels will ever regain it. It is much to be regretted that Gen. B. has not more troops here. With 25,000 more, he could accomplish great things. If the enemy is attacked from the South, he will no longer think of invading Kentucky and Missouri, but turn Southward to protect the Gulf states.

The two colored regiments guard the railroad from here to Berwick. They have done well, and accomplished all that has been given them to do. About one year ago, the colored Reg't. was ordered out to escort the Yankee prisoners through the City, though the order was subsequently countermanded. A few days ago, a company of the same Reg't. marched into the City having under guard about twenty guerillas, whom they had captured. It seemed a just retribution.

The company officers of this first Reg't. are educated men, and each speaks at least two languages. Gen. B. will soon give his colored troops a chance to show themselves. He designs attacking Port Hudson, a strong position on the River.

The third colored Reg't. is full and will soon be in the field. I urged upon General B. the propriety of arming all the able bodied negroes in LaFourche, for they would willingly consent to it. He is undoubtedly in favor of it, but has not arms. He has collected in the City, smooth bore muskets enough for three more Reg'ts., but his supply will then be exhausted. This will be six colored Regiments. I fear the Government will not act decidedly, as to the army of negroes, until the rebels take the wind out of our sails, by arming them for the Rebel side.

The Rebels have found a new supply of salt. It is on an Island formed by a bayou, half way between Vermilion Bay and New Iberia, which island is called Petit Anse on the map I sent you. It is forty or fifty miles west of Berwick, and about ten miles inland, but the Bayou is navigable for Gunboats. The supply of salt is large, and wagons are hauling it to Mississippi and Alabama. Gen. Butler will take measures to destroy the works at once — or as soon as possible.

Texas Refugees have, at different times, reached this City. I proposed to Gen. Butler, that a Texas Reg't. of mounted Rifles be organized, at the same time suggesting the method of doing it. He adopted the plan. Judge Davis, of Corpus Christi, is selected as Colonel, and Mr. Stancel (Inspector in this Custom House) as Lieut. Col. The first company is mustered in — composed entirely of refugees — and two more are started. They will go to Galveston, where many persons will join — and a steamship will be sent to the Rio Grande, to bring off the Refugees who are at, or near, Matamoras. A full regiment can easily be raised. Perhaps the news rec'd. here, of the expedition to Texas under Gen. Banks, will interfere with the plan, but I hope not.

The whole country west of the Mississippi, can be subjugated in one campaign. Should this be accomplished, the Southern Confederacy would never be formidable, in case of its independence being established by Foreign interference, or by other means.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 329-31

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, October 27, 1862

(Private)

New Orleans, October 27th, 1862.

Dear Sir: Gen. Weitzel left here three days ago, with five Regiments Infantry, four companies cavalry, and two batteries. Their destination was Donaldsonville, about seventy miles up the River, where the Rebels were posted in force. I have just learned from a Captain of a transport, who has returned from there, that the landing was effected successfully. Considerable skirmishing took place, when the Rebels retreated, leaving a few killed and wounded, and also leaving two hundred prisoners in our hands, who were paroled and released. The rebels retreated to Napoleonville — (South of Donaldsonville), where it is supposed they will make a stand. The 1st. (colored) Regiment and 8th. Vermont, left here yesterday, marching in a direction nearly due west. Two days ago, Gunboats started for Berwick's Bay, to take possession there. All these movements are parts of one and the same plan. I informed you many days ago, of the departure of a portion of the Fleet, to attack and capture Galveston. They accomplished the object without loss. Gen. Butler will soon send a Regiment to occupy the town and Island.

Seventy-three refugees from Texas have just arrived here from Matamoras, about one-third of whom are Germans — the remainder Americans. At my request Gen. Butler is organizing them into a company for Gov't military service. Judge Davis, from Texas, is now here, and will receive authority to enlist and organize a full Texas Regiment. There will be no difficulty about this, as besides the company here — three or four companies can be raised in Galveston. There are hundreds of refugees in the vicinity of Matamoras, anxious to join the army, for whom Gen. Butler will send a steamer. You saw Judge Davis in Washington. He is well and favorably known in Texas.

Everything appears to be going on well here.

Your regulations of Aug. 28th. throw upon me great labor and responsibility. I have informed you of my action and opinions, in the matter, and would like to know if I have made any mistake.

I know of but one fault to be found with Gen. Butler. He has (in my opinion) been altogether too willing to permit his friends to make fortunes.

I hope you have completely recovered from your illness, of which mention was made in the New York papers.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 327-8