General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, July 8, 1871

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,        

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 8, 1871.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I saw General Grant when he was here some days ago, and we talked about . . . and my published declination of a nomination by either party. I told him plainly that the South would go against him en masse, though he counts on South Carolina, Louisiana, and Arkansas; but I repeated my conviction, that all that was vital at the South was against him, and that negroes were generally quiescent and could not be relied on as voters when local questions become mixed up with political matters. I think, however, he will be renominated and re-elected, unless by personally doing small things, to alienate his party adherence of the North. . . .

My office has been by law stript of all the influence and prestige it possessed under Grant, and even in matters of discipline and army control I am neglected, overlooked, or snubbed. I have called General Grant's attention to the fact several times, but got no satisfactory redress.

The old regulations of 1853, made by Jeff Davis in hostility to General Scott, are now strictly construed and enforced; and in these regulations the War Department is everything, and the name of General, Lieutenant-General, or Commander-in-Chief even, does not appear in the book. Consequently, orders go to parts of the army supposed to be under my command, of which I know nothing till I read them in the newspapers; and when I call the attention of the Secretary to it, he simply refers to some paragraph of the Army Regulations. Some five years ago there was a law to revise these Regulations, and to make them conform to the new order of things, and to utilize the experiences of the war. A Board was appointed here in Washington, composed of Sherman, Sheridan, and Auger, that did so revise them, and they were submitted to Congress with the approval of General Grant; but no action was taken. But now a new Board is ordered to prepare another set, and this Board is composed of a set of officers hardly qualified to revise the judgment of the former Board. I propose patiently to await the action of this Board, though now that war is remote, there is little chance of Congress giving the army a thought at all; and if these new regulations were framed, as I suppose, to cripple the power of the General, and to foster the heads of staff departments, I will simply notify the President that I cannot undertake to command an army with all its staff independent of the Commander-in-Chief, and ask him. to allow me quietly to remove to St. Louis, to do such special matters as may be committed to me by the President, and leave the Army to be governed and commanded as now, by the Secretary of War, in person. This cannot occur for twelve months. . . .

I have said nothing of this to anybody, and will not do anything hasty or rash; but I do think that because some newspapers berate Grant about his military surroundings, he feels disposed to go to the other extreme. . . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 331-2

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, April 15, 1865

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, April 15, 1865.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

GENERAL: I beg to call your attention to the security of this city, and especially to the large number of rebel officers and privates, prisoners of war, and rebel refugees, and deserters that are among us, and ask you to see that adequate force and vigilance are employed. Directions were given Major General Augur on this subject last night, and also instructions to look to the condition of the forts and defenses. Adequate provision may have been made, but at the present deplorable juncture I feel it my duty to ask you to consider yourself specially charged with all matters pertaining to the security and defense of this national capital. Please acknowledge the receipt of these instructions.

Your obedient servant,

 EDWIN M. STANTON,

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 757

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, January 15, 1863

(Private)

New Orleans, January 15th, 1863.

Dear Sir: A fight is progressing on Bayou Teche. Gen. Weitzel commands. He crossed Berwick's Bay yesterday morning, and has advanced up the Teche as far as the enemy's fortifications. The enemy have 1,100 infantry and 1,000 cavalry. Weitzel will succeed without doubt, and advance to New Iberia, where fortifications will be erected by us. The rebel salt works near New Iberia, are yielding one million pounds per day. It is carried all over the Southern States. If this movement is successful, these works will be destroyed. The Teche country is full of sugar. This present movement is simply carrying out Gen. Butler's plan of operations. I urged it a week ago, but advised a flank movement. Gen. Banks has thought best to attack in front. I have traveled through that country several times, and know it well.

The U. S. armed Transport, “Hatteras”, was sunk by the “Alabama” on Sunday the 11th inst. The fight lasted about 45 minutes, and occurred sixteen miles from Galveston. The Flag officer there sent the “Hatteras” out to overhaul a strange sail — which proved to be the “Alabama”, and proved too powerful for her antagonist. Six men of the “Hatteras” escaped in a boat — the rest of the crew were killed or captured. The “Hatteras” carried ninety men. The “Brooklyn” and other vessels lying off Galveston, immediately started for the “Alabama”, but could find nothing of her. The rebels have not attempted to come out of Galveston Bay with the “Harriet Lane”. She is still lying in the Harbor, and I do not know why our Gunboats do not go in and destroy her.

Major Gen. Augur has at last been sent to Baton Rouge to take command, and organize the force there. There begins to be exhibited in this department some little energy and activity. All that is now done, ought to have been done four weeks ago.

The business of “Special Agent” under regulations of August 28th, is not now interfered with by military authorities. In consequence of this non-interference I have organized it with great success. I am satisfied that nothing, or very little, reaches the enemy from this port—and the planters within our lines are supplying themselves rapidly with whatever they need for their own use. I supervise everything myself and have an immense amount of labor to perform. I hear that large amounts of merchandise and supplies reach the enemy from Memphis and vicinity. This can be avoided by honestly adopting the right plan. Trade must be centralized and none allowed except at one or few points. I prevent it as far as possible, outside of the city, and can therefore control it. This plan is well adapted to this country, because property real and personal, is in the hands of a few planters. It is easy (and has been customary heretofore) for each planter to come to the City — take the proper oaths and be made individually responsible for whatever he wishes to take out of the City. Every boat going up the river, carries an “Aid to the Revenue” who sees that the supplies are delivered only at the proper plantation. I have to employ many additional “aids”, but make the system pay its own expenses. My personal supervision of all the details is an immense labor, but I know it will be well done if I attend to it myself — otherwise not.

The planters within and without our lines have been afraid to bring their crops of sugar and cotton because it was seized and must pass through the hands of the military commission. Gen. Butler's military commission was a dishonest plundering concern. By the enclosed order of Gen. Banks, you will see that planters are invited to bring their crops to the City and promised protection. It will have a good and marked effect. This order will not interfere with my action as “Special Agent.”

The system of furnishing supplies to planters — adopted by me, gives satisfaction to planters — but dissatisfaction to the great number of Jews, military speculators, and men from the North, who expect to swindle planters out of fortunes.

It is known here that the President has issued his proclamation, but its terms are not fully known. Gen. Banks told me this morning he is going to raise negro troops, but I fear, not in large numbers. I have information that the number of rebel troops in Texas is about 9,000 — of whom one-third are cavalry. They are provided with good arms brought through Mexico. About one-third of them are conscripts.

The number of troops in Louisiana, west of the Mississippi, is about 4,500 — nearly all of whom are in the Teche country.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 348-50

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: May 1, 1864

Busy getting ordnance boxes returned to Dept. till 10 o'clock. Regt. marched at 11. Train off at about 1 P. M.—12 wagons. Thede and I stayed behind to get receipts for property. Left Washington between 5 and 6 o'clock. Capt. and A. D. C. on Maj. Gen. Auger's staff disliked to give me a pass for fear we would be gobbled! Caught up just as the regt. camped 9 or 10 miles from Washington. Supper and to bed at 10 P. M. Slept well, beautiful day.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 114

Major-General William T. Sherman to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, May 28, 1865 – 7 a.m.

HDQRS. MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,                       

In the Field, Camp near Finley Hospital,      

Washington, May 28, 1865 — 7 a.m.

[General GRANT:]

DEAR GENERAL: I got your letter late last evening, and hastened down to see General Augur, but he was not in, when I saw his officer of the day and provost-marshal, and asked them as a favor to me to arrest and imprison any officer or man belonging to my command who transgressed any orders, rules, or regulations of the place, more especially for acts of drunkenness, noise, or rowdyism. I also went around to your office, but you were not there, but I saw Colonel Bowers, and told him what I had done. I was on the streets until midnight, and assure you I never saw more order and quiet prevailing. I had also, during yesterday, ridden all through the camps and observed no signs of riot and drunkenness, and believe I may assure you that there is no danger whatever that the men we know so well, and have trusted so often, will be guilty of any acts of public impropriety. The affair at Willard's Hotel was a small affair, arising from a heated discussion between a few officers in liquor, late at night, and unobserved save by the few who were up late. I will see that no officers presume to misbehave because of the unfortunate difference between the Secretary of War and myself. Of that difference I can only say that every officer and man regarded the Secretary's budget in the papers of April 24, the telegram of General Halleck indorsed by himself in those of the 28th, and the perfect storm of accusation which followed, and which he took no pains to correct, as a personal insult to me. I have not yet seen a man, soldier or civilian, but takes the same view of it, and I could not maintain my authority over troops if I tamely submitted to personal insult, but it is none the less wrong for officers to adopt the quarrel, and I will take strong measures to prevent it. I hope the good men of the command will have a few days in which to visit the Capitol and public grounds, to satisfy the natural curiosity, and then if the presence of so large a body of men so near Washington is deemed unpleasant I would suggest that the armies be dissolved, and all matters of discharge be imposed on the corps commanders, who have the lawful power in the premises, and during the period of pay and discharge and consolidation, these corps might be scattered, say one to Bladensburg (Twentieth), one to Relay House (Fourteenth), one to Monocacy (Fifteenth), and one to Frederick (Seventeenth). I would much prefer this to sending them back to the south bank of the Potomac, where they are crowded in with other troops, and have only choice of inferior ground for camps. I thank you for leaving the matter of orders to my management, and I will put myself and command perfectly on an understanding with General Augur and his garrison, and assure you that nothing offensive shall occur of any importance. Such little things as a tipsy soldier occasionally cannot be helped, but even that shall be punished according to “local orders.”

With great respect,

W. T. SHERMAN,

Major-General, Commanding,

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 3 (Serial No. 100), p. 581-2

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General William T. Sherman, May 27, 1865

WASHINGTON, May 27, 1865.

Maj. Gen. W. T. SHERMAN,

Commanding Military Division of the Mississippi:

General Augur has just been to see me on the matter of the conduct of men and officers of your command since coming north of the Potomac. He says that a deep feeling is exhibited by them, especially when a little in liquor, on account of the difficulties between yourself and Secretary Stanton He has purposely avoided arresting them for fear of leading to violence and the charge that it is a hostility on the part of the Secretary to them and to yourself. Yesterday many of the officers were at Willard's, drinking and discussing violently the conduct of Mr. Stanton, and occasionally would jump on the counter and give three groans for Mr. Stanton, then get down and take another drink. Without giving any order in the matter, I think it will be advisable for you either to direct guards to be placed around the camps and prohibit officers and men from coming out except with passes from their division commanders or such other officers as you may direct, or move to the south side of the river. You can manage this without any order from me. What we want is to preserve quiet and decorum and without apparently making any distinction between the different armies. General Augur says that when the men of the different armies meet in town, if drinking, they are sure to fight, and both your army and Meade's pitch into the Veteran Reserves indiscriminately. The Army of the Potomac, being on the south side of the river, can be kept out of the city, except when they come with proper passes.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 3 (Serial No. 100), p. 576

Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, May 30, 1863

HDQRS. DEPT. OF THE GULF, NINETEENTH ARMY CORPS,

Before Port Hudson, La., May 30, 1863.

GENERAL: Leaving Simsport, on the Atchafalaya, where my command was at the date of my last dispatch, I landed at Bayou Sara at 2 o'clock on the morning of the 21st. A portion of the infantry was transported by steamer, and the balance of the infantry, artillery, cavalry, and wagon train moving down on the west bank of the river, and from this to Bayou Sara.

On the 23d, a junction was effected with the advance of Major-General Augur and Brigadier-General Sherman, our line occupying the Bayou Sara road, at a distance of 5 miles from Port Hudson. Major-General Augur had an encounter with a portion of the enemy on the Bayou Sara road, in the direction of Baton Rouge, which resulted in the repulse of the enemy with heavy loss.

On the 25th, the enemy was compelled to abandon his first line of works. General Weitzel's brigade, which had covered our rear in the march from Alexandria, joined us on the 26th, and on the morning of the 27th a general assault was made upon the fortifications. The artillery opened fire between 5 and 6 o'clock, which was continued with animation during the day.

At 10 o'clock a.m. Weitzel's brigade, with the division of General Grover, reduced to about two brigades, and the division of General Emory, temporarily reduced by detachments to about a brigade, under command of Colonel Paine, with two regiments of negro troops, made an assault upon the right of the enemy's works, crossing Sandy Creek and driving him through the wood into his fortifications. The fight lasted on this line until 4 o'clock, and was very severely contested. On the left, the infantry did not come up until later in the day, but at 2 o'clock an assault was opened upon the works on the center and left of center by the divisions under Major-General Augur and Brigadier General Sherman. The enemy was driven into his works, and our troops moved up to the fortifications, holding the opposite sides of the parapet with the enemy. On the right, our troops still occupy this position. On the left, after dark, the main body, being exposed to a flank fire, withdrew to a belt of wood, the skirmishers remaining close upon the fortifications.

The works are defended by a garrison much larger than generally represented. There appears to be no want of ammunition or provisions on the part of the enemy. The fortifications are very strong, and surrounded by a most intricate tract of country, diversified by ravines, woods, plains, and cliffs, which it is almost impossible to comprehend without careful and extended reconnaissances.

Six regiments, under command of Colonel Chickering, were detailed at Alexandria to guard the train from that point and from Opelousas. These troops will be here to-morrow, and strengthen our force some 3,000 men. My effective force on the day of the assault was about 13,000; that of the enemy, within the works, ten regiments, of between 500 and 600 each — in all, about 8,000 men — with mounted infantry out side the works in our rear (2,200), consisting of the Ninth and Eleventh Regiments of Arkansas troops.

In the assault of the 27th, the behavior of the officers and men was most gallant, and left nothing to be desired. Our limited acquaintance with the ground and the character of the works, which were almost hidden from our observation until the moment of approach, alone prevented the capture of the post.

We occupy the enemy night and day with harassing attacks of infantry and artillery, giving him no rest or sleep. Numerous prisoners and deserters, who are captured or come in, report that the men are dispirited and depressed. We wait only the arrival of our troops and the completion of more perfect reconnaissances to renew our assault, and have strong hopes that it will be successful. No time will be lost.

To avoid possible failure in carrying this important post, I have notified General Grant by one of his staff officers, who was present on the day after the assault, of the details of our position and our strength, and have asked him, if it be possible, to send us 5,000 or 10,000 men, with whose aid we could accomplish its reduction in a single day. I understand the pressing circumstances of his position, but hope that he may be able to assist us in this emergency. We want only men. With the reduction of Port Hudson we can join him without delay with at least 15,000 men and a finely appointed siege train of artillery, which he greatly needs. We shall not, however, delay our operations or post-pone effective movements for the reduction of the post on account of this application to him for aid.

On the extreme right of our line I posted the First and Third Regiments of negro troops. The First Regiment of Louisiana Engineers, composed exclusively of colored men, excepting the officers, was also engaged in the operations of the day. The position occupied by these troops was one of importance, and called for the utmost steadiness and bravery in those to whom it was confided. It gives me pleasure to report that they answered every expectation. In many respects their conduct was heroic. No troops could be more determined or more daring. They made during the day three charges upon the batteries of the enemy, suffering very heavy losses and holding their position at nightfall with the other troops on the right of our line. The highest commendation is bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the right. Whatever doubt may have existed heretofore as to the efficiency of organizations of this character, the history of this day proves conclusively to those who were in condition to observe the conduct of these regiments that the Government will find in this class of troops effective supporters and defenders. The severe test to which they were subjected, and the determined manner in which they encountered the enemy, leaves upon my mind no doubt of their ultimate success. They require only good officers, commands of limited numbers, and careful discipline, to make them excellent soldiers.

Our losses from the 23d to this date, in killed, wounded, and missing, are nearly 1,000, including, I deeply regret to say, some of the ablest officers of the corps. I am unable yet to repeat them in detail.

I have the honor to be, with much respect, your obedient servant,

N. P. BANKS,

 Major-General, Commanding.

Major-General HALLECK,

Commander-in- Chief, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 26, Part 1 (Serial No. 40), p. 43-5

Brevet Major-General Montgomery C. Meigs to Major-General Christopher C. Augur, 12:00 a.m., April 15, 1865

QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

April 14, 1865 — Midnight.

 General AUGUR:

The Secretary directs that the troops turn out; the guards be doubled; the forts be alert; guns manned; special vigilance and guard about the Capitol Prison. I advise, if your men are not sufficiently numerous, call upon General Rucker for assistance in furnishing guards.

 M. C. MEIGS,

 Quartermaster-General and Brevet Major-General

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 756

Brigadier-General William F. Bartlett to Colonel Francis W. Palfrey, July 1, 1864

Washington, D. C., July 1,1864.

Here it is July, Frank, and I am not out of this miserable place yet. I expect now to go down to the front the first of next week. I am assigned to the Ninth Corps, and shall keep the same brigade that I was in before. It was very strong,—five regiments Massachusetts and two United States. Since I came away, the Regulars have been transferred to the Fifth Corps. I shall probably have no permanent staff at present. As soon as we have a respite and reorganize a little, I shall try to get together a congenial and efficient one. Ben has been waiting for my promotion, to go on the staff. I have written him that it is a bad time to join just now, — heat, dirt, reduced commands, etc., — and it may discourage him. Of course it will be pleasant for me to have him for a companion. Herbert is here now. Goes back to-night. He would like to go with me if he could ride. He gets very impatient and blue at times. If he could only ride!

Yes, Frank, I have got my commission at last, signed by Abe and Stanton. Gotten up in great style, in a brown tin case, with my name, rank, etc., in large letters of gold on the outside. The appointment was made early in June, but the Senate had no executive session till the 20th. You were right, Frank, in addressing my letter as you did, although the confirmation was made when I got it. I was very much annoyed by receiving letters of congratulation, etc., before the confirmation. Meant in all kindness, of course; but I was sorry that anything was known about it until it was confirmed. I saw it, the appointment, in the paper (Boston paper at that) first, just after I wrote you last. I must say I hardly expected it.

The weather here has been fearfully hot. Almost unbearable. I gave a small dinner night before last at Buhler's; Majors Cutting and Raymond, of Augur's Staff, Caspar and Herb., with one or two others, made a very pleasant little party. Buhler quite surpassed my expectations. It is the best place in Washington, I think, although I heard that it had fallen off.

Yesterday, Herb. and I drove out to Fall's Church, to Caspar's Camp. I have found myself many times this last week wishing that you were here; but you were enjoying the cool breezes which I could not have procured for you here, and were better off.

I have too much in my mind that I want to say to you to begin to put it on paper.

The “gobbling” of the old brigade that the Twentieth was in was an unlucky termination to a long and brave career. I am glad the Twentieth escaped.

I am getting quite thin. My stump gets smaller every day. I have two thicknesses of leather, and two or three wads of paper round my stump, to fill up the socket. If it continues to wilt, I shall have to get another new socket made, which will delay me.

Ever yours,

Frank.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 107-8

Diary of Colonel William F. Bartlett: June 13, 1864

Saw General Augur. Halleck had not received my papers when he was there. Got my pass extended ten days. Shall go down in disgust before that unless I hear from Brig.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 106

Colonel William F. Bartlett to Colonel Francis W. Palfrey, June 14, 1864

Washington, June 14, 1864.

Your kind letter I found here on Sunday last when I returned from Baltimore, where I passed last week very quietly. I am much better than when I left you, and feel that I am improving every day. I had a slight relapse on Sunday for some reason or other. I had been to church in the morning, and as I got out of the carriage at the house I had a severe pain strike me. . . . .

I went to dinner in the afternoon, but this pain increased so, that I had to leave the table. I came very near tipping over; I never was so faint before, simply from pain. I was alarmed, as that was a new spot for me to have pain, and I could not account for it. I took off my leg, and in ten minutes the pain had almost entirely gone.

I came to Washington that night, expecting to go down to the front this morning, but the Medical Director here advised so strongly my waiting a few days longer that I have consented. He explained the attack of Sunday by saying that the socket must have pressed unduly upon, or strained, some particular nerve (I forget what it was, and you would not know if I should tell you), and the pain was from sympathy or connection with this nerve. I was relieved to know that it was nothing worse. I have had one or two very slight touches since. Surgeon says I must begin moderately in using my leg.

I have not been to the President with your father's letter. The fact is, I can't make up my mind to go to these men and ask for anything. It was very kind of your father to write such a letter for me. I only intended to ask for a simple note of introduction, to say that my name was B. and he knew it. General Augur has been to see Stanton, and I hear that the papers have been referred to General Halleck. I suppose they will be pigeon-holed somewhere, and that will be the last of it. I should have liked to have it come from Stanton, as he voluntarily promised, and if it does come at all, it must come of itself; for I should be a very poor hand pulling wires, or urging anything of the sort.

There are doubtless plenty of easy berths here that I could have for the asking; but I don't want them. I feel that I am not adapted for office business here, such as provost-marshal, etc. If I am of any value, it is in the field, in the actual handling and government of troops.

Still, it seems pretty hard for me to go down there and take command of my one hundred men, a captain's command, after the larger ones that I have had. I heard from the regiment to-day. It has a good reputation throughout the corps. All speak of Colonel Chandler's splendid bravery and coolness.

Believe me dear Frank,

As ever, yours,

F. B.

I think of poor Lit. so often, Frank; I can't realize that I am never to see him any more.

I went to the Hospital yesterday to see Crowell, of I (Twentieth); do you remember him? He has lost a leg. He seemed very glad to see me, and I was able to make him more comfortable. He asked about you.

F.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 103-6

Colonel William F. Bartlett to Charles L. Bartlett, June 11, 1864

Baltimore, June 11, 1864.

Dear Father: — I received your letter yesterday, and could not imagine what you meant by “my letter in the ‘Post,’” until I saw the paper which Sallie received. I should have thought you would have known that I never wrote such a letter as that. It is disgraceful, and I will give a month's pay to find out who wrote it. If it was any man or officer of my regiment, I pity him. If there is anything I detest in any officer, it is writing to a newspaper. Please give the enclosed to Mr. Greene. He can make the statement, with authority, without publishing my communication. Or if he prefers, he can do that. I have written to the Editor of the “Springfield Republican” to send me the manuscript, that I may find out who has taken this liberty with my name.

I leave for Washington this afternoon. I have had a very pleasant week here, and am much better than when I left home. I shall see General Augur tomorrow. He was going to see Halleck when I came away, with what result I do not yet know. Will write you from Washington. Love to all.

In haste,

W. F. B.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 103

Colonel William F. Bartlett to Colonel Francis W. Palfrey, June 19, 1863

Baton Rouge, June 19, 1863.

. . . . You needn't let them know, if you can avoid it, that the wound in my wrist-joint is worse than I knew of at first. If I had been told just how bad the wound was that afternoon on the field, I would have made the surgeon take off the hand without a second thought. The surgeon assured me so positively that I could save the hand, that I didn't think to ask, “At how great a risk, in how long a time?” I want the surgeons to take it off now, and let me get well, instead of running the risk of inflammation, and losing it above the elbow, or worse. The surgeons say, wait. . . . .

As to the assault, Frank, it was a very nasty fight. If Mr. Banks had been, as you and I had, at Howard's Bridge and Yorktown, he would have seen what sort of things rebel fortifications were. He had never seen any of any account (nor Augur either, but he was much opposed to storming the works). I had told myself quietly, long before we had the order to storm, just what sort of a place there would be to pass over after we cleared the woods, and just about what we should catch while we were scrambling over these obstacles. I was sorry to find with how much truth I had told myself that yarn. You know, Frank, just what it was. After you got to the edge of the woods, you could see the breastworks, two or three hundred yards distant. While waiting in the edge of the woods, we were beyond reach of their musketry, but the grape was profuse. The intervening ground was, as you have seen it, covered with trees ingeniously felled and cut up, so that they afforded no shelter, but were great obstacles. It was pretty hard getting through and over it on horseback. The rest you know. It was hard to keep a line where men had to pick their way and scramble over these things. I halted them two or three times for a few seconds, just to get a formation on the colors, which were carried beautifully. . . . . We lost pretty heavily, seventy-five out of two hundred and twenty odd. Eleven officers out of eighteen killed or wounded I am glad to hear Holmes is doing well. Give my love to him. Tell him we “tie on the number of wounds; we shall both have to try it again to see who gets the rubber.” . . . .

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 88-90

Colonel William F. Bartlett to Harriett Plummer Bartlett, June 13, 1863

Baton Rouge, June 13, 1863.

Dear Mother: — I have improved very much within the last few days. My appetite has returned, and I feel much better every way. My arm is suppurating very freely under the application of warm woollen cloths, which act like a mild poultice. All the doctors who look at my arm say it is doing finely. Even those who thought it was impossible to save the hand at first, think now there isn't the least doubt. It will be a long time getting well, on account of the little pieces of bone, two of which came out this morning. I have no pain in the wrist now, except when it has to be moved. My foot is doing very well, almost all healed up. I keep simple cerate on that, some of my old supply. I had a long letter from Anna yesterday, from Baltimore. It was quite an interesting letter, — all but the writing; and that was amusing. You must write to Sallie for me a few lines. Had a letter from Little too, dated the latter part of April. Have they published the account of our storming the works? The New Orleans papers have not been allowed to mention it. Didn't want to gratify the many rebs there. General Augur told one of Banks' staff the other day, in speaking of me, that I “was the best colonel in his Division, and he had rather have lost any other!”

Talk about your one leg, I don't see but it is as good as some people's two. I have heard other things, which, as the “correspondents” say, “I am not at liberty to divulge at present.”

I don't want all those strawberries to be gone before I get there. They have the meanest strawberries and the meanest tomatoes here that you can imagine. It's a mean place anyway, the whole State, and I wouldn't live here for it.

I long to get out on to salt water; that will set me up, I expect. Well, it won't be long now, I hope. I suppose you are all worrying yourselves at a great rate, by this time. You ought to have got my first letter now.

Love to all.

Your affectionate son,

W. F. B.

The other officers, as far as I can find out, are doing very well. Ben is well, at least he was a day or two since.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 87-8

Mrs. Ann Ware Winsor* To Charles L. Bartlett, June 10, 1863

June 10, 1863.

My Dear Sir: — I have dates to-day to the 30th. I suppose you have the same, but give extracts: —

“May 28. Colonel Bartlett got a ball in left wrist, which I took out; the bone is broken, but I am sanguine in the opinion that his arm and hand can be saved. His pluck was splendid, and he thought far more of his regiment than of himself. He is on his way to Baton Rouge. Lieut-colonel got a ball in the shoulder, but no bones broken.”

“May 29. General Augur said every officer there was brave, but Colonel Bartlett the bravest, and one of his best colonels.”

“May 30, 7½ A. M. Colonel Bartlett was hit in left wrist by round musket ball, which went through from one side to the other, where I took it out. The hand will be saved.”

_______________

* Wife of Frederick Winsor, Surgeon of the 49th Massachusetts Infantry.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 86-7

Diary of Colonel William F. Bartlett: Monday, March 16, 1863

Stopped raining this morning and the sun is out very hot. I am sitting in the shade of my tent, writing up my journal. I wonder what the first reports of this affair will be in the Northern papers. They will say nothing about the order to retreat, I imagine. Colonel Clark of Banks' Staff was wounded in the leg day before yesterday, out at the front somewhere.

Over at Augur's quarters in the afternoon. They blame Farragut for stopping to fight their batteries, instead of pushing directly by. Farragut is to wait above Port Hudson until Banks communicates with him, which was the object of the expedition I was selected to command, to cross the river and go up above Port Hudson on the other side.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 78-9

Diary of Colonel William F. Bartlett: March 15, 1863

At two in the morning, I was ordered to get the regiment under arms and into line. It was now Sunday morning, 15th. We expected we were going straight to the front. The cannonading was still going on, but was on the river, down nearer to us. Colonel Chapin came to me and told me that we had been repulsed with great loss. He ordered me to take the advance, to clear the road back, with two regiments of infantry and a section of artillery. They were afraid that our passage back would be disputed at the bridge across the Bayou Montesino, by the enemy's coming down on the Clinton Road, to cut us off.

I was told to make for that bridge as fast as possible, and hold it.

Just after we started, I saw an aide of General Emory's, who told me that we hadn't “got a gunboat left, and the army was all cut to pieces.” I knew this was impossible, for we should have been ordered to the front if there had been any fighting of the land force.

At this time a tremendous report came from the river, a quarter of a mile on our right, and several shells seemed to burst directly over our heads. It was the Mississippi when she blew up, a magnificent sight. Everything seemed to give indication of a panic. Teamsters were frightened, and were rushing and crowding with their teams, blocking up the road.

I sent ahead and ordered the wagon train to be stopped, as there were gaps of a mile in some places, which I had to close up. At last I got the troops and artillery to the front. The Forty-eighth had been ordered to start ahead, and they were in such a hurry that I, not overtaking them, sent Ben ahead to stop them till we came up. When we got to the Bayou we found it all clear, the two bridges still there. The plank bridge needed some repair, and I left the Major with two companies to put it in order and make it safe for the teams. I sent one company across on to the Clinton Road to guard against any attack of cavalry on our flank. After the wagon train was well up, I kept on, intending to feel the way into Baton Rouge. After we had marched a mile or two, an order came from Banks to halt until further orders. I waited two hours, and then had orders to go on to Baton Rouge and go into camp. Meantime I heard from an aide-de-camp that, as I supposed, the report of a repulse was false. That two of our gunboats had succeeded in passing the fort. The Mississippi had got aground, been set on fire, floated down, and blown up. We had got within a few rods of our old camp, the men were tired, having been marching since three A. M., when an order came to me to turn round and march back to the Bayou again.

This was rather discouraging, but there was no help for it. I let the men rest an hour, the artillery feed their horses, etc. We got back to the Bayou about hall past four. We met Banks and his staff going into Baton Rouge as we were coming out. Charley Sargent stopped and told me that they had done what they intended to; get the gunboats by. Banks had sent despatches by Farragut to Grant at Vicksburg. The plan had been to draw the enemy out to fight us at Port Hudson, but he had refused offer. I know however that Banks was frightened in the morning, for I saw the order from him himself, ordering the trains to the rear, and back to Baton Rouge as soon as possible. I felt safe from the first, for Banks has made so many good retreats that he must understand it pretty well. We went into camp on the south side of the Bayou, in a large cornfield. I didn't get off my horse till after five; in the saddle nearly fourteen hours the second day. It began to rain now, and the field was soon two or three inches deep with water and mud. I had just got off my horse when I received an order, saying that the Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Massachusetts regiments would be in readiness to march to-night or to-morrow morning on an important expedition, under command of Colonel Bartlett. I was to report immediately to Banks at Baton Rouge, for instructions. I knew that it was absolutely impossible for the men to march in the condition they were, all used up; no chance for sleep in the night on account of the rain, etc.

I also thought it was rather “rubbing it in,” to make me ride all the way back to Baton Rouge in the rain, for instructions, after I had been on the go since three that morning, and it was by this time dark, and thence back here again, and by the time I got here, start off on this new tramp.

So I sent Ben over to Augur's Headquarters, from whence the order came, to explain that my regiment had just got in, had been marching all day, having been to Baton Bouge and back. He said certainly they need not go, that he “did not know they had been marching.” He “had designated Colonel Bartlett to go in command of the expedition as a compliment,” etc. This of course was all very pleasant, and if it had been at any other time I should have liked nothing better. But the regiment was too much exhausted, and I was tired, to say the least. I got some rails to keep us out of the water, which was two or three inches deep in the tent, and slept on these, like a log, till reveille.

I could hardly realize it when some one mentioned that it was Sunday. So different from the quiet day a week before.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 75-8

Colonel William F. Bartlett to Harriett Plummer Bartlett, Saturday, March 7, 1863

Saturday, March 7.

Order came this morning before I was up, to go out with my regiment as escort and guard to wagon train outside the lines. There reported to me quite a little force for the expedition, which I disposed of as follows: In advance I sent a troop of cavalry, McGee's Massachusetts, armed with carbines and sabres. Next, seven companies of the Forty-ninth Regiment, under Lieutenant-colonel Sumner. Next, a section of a battery of regulars, Glosson's Battery, twelve-pounders, rifled. Then came the train of seventy-five wagons, reaching half a mile. In rear of these, three companies of the Forty-ninth, under Major Plunkett, as rear guard. The whole command extended nearly a mile. I rode ahead with the cavalry advance guard. It was quite a pretty little force. Captain Hodge, Assistant Quartermaster, U. S. A., had immediate charge of the wagon train. We marched about three miles beyond the outposts, fairly into the enemy's country. The plantation where we were going for wood, dried and corded, belonged to a Dr. Laycock. It covers about a thousand acres. He raises splendid sugar, molasses, and cotton.

Just before we got to the place, the Clay Cut road, which we were on, turns to the right, and you approach the plantation through a thick belt of woods by a narrow avenue.

I sent half a dozen troopers up the Clay Cut road half a mile, to halt and keep on the look out. I sent one company of the Forty-ninth up the same road quarter of a mile, to support them, give alarm, and resist attack. I then rode through the woods with the cavalry, and found everything clear. The house stands in the middle of a large clearing of fifty acres of perfectly level land, a fine mansion, newer and in better repair than most of the southern houses I have seen. The owner was on the verandah when we rode up. He is a professed Union man, has a safeguard from the General, etc. While waiting for the column to come up, he invited me and the officers who were with me, two of General Augur's staff, Ben and Dr. Rice, to go in and take some whiskey.

The others went in; I went on with the cavalry to the other side of the clearing, where the wood of many years' seasoning was piled. It was near the sugar-house, which was filled with sugar and molasses. Here I posted the infantry and artillery, and went with a few of the cavalry to the farther sides to reconnoitre. An old darkey told me that five rebel cavalry men stopped him in the morning, a little while before we got there, and asked him if there had been any Federal pickets there lately. I divided the cavalry into three parts, guarding the three approaches to the place, and kept one squad with me. I posted the artillery where it could hold two roads, and let the men rest on their arms, while the teams were being loaded. This took about an hour and a half. When we were ready to return, I started the rear guard, now become the advance, then the teams, then the artillery and infantry, and after they were well off, I drew in the outposts and videttes and followed with the cavalry. I dare say the enemy was watching us all the time, but wisely determined not to molest us. I was rather hoping they would, for I was all prepared for it, and had a very pretty little force under my command. We got back to camp about four P. M., after a very pleasant little trip into the country, accomplishing all we went out for, and returning without loss. The men got their canteens filled with rich New Orleans syrup, and sugar enough to sweeten their coffee .for many days.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 68-70

Captain Charles Fessenden Morse, August 13, 1862

On Picket Near Culpepper,

August 13, 1862.

At last I believe I have a chance to write you an account of our doings during the last few days, and to relieve all your anxiety about myself. Last week Wednesday, our army corps marched from Washington, making about fourteen miles under a terribly hot sun; the next day, we went on five miles further to Hazel River. Friday night we made a moonlight march to Culpepper. Saturday morning, we started away again at ten o'clock towards the Rapidan River, leaving everything behind us, knapsacks and all, taking only two days' rations and plenty of ammunition.

We were ordered to the front to support General Crawford's brigade; following our brigade was General Augur's division, consisting of two small brigades, the whole making up Banks' army corps; we formed line of battle about six miles from Culpepper in a very strong position, our brigade on the right and Augur's division on the left. Nothing occurred until about half-past three in the afternoon, when a cannonading gradually began, increasing every minute until our entire left became engaged. From our position, we could see all that was taking place, and it was a sight that I shall never forget, to see two lines of infantry gradually approach each other across an almost level plain, both under a heavy artillery fire. As they drew near enough, we could see them exchange volley after volley of musketry; then everything became enveloped in smoke and we could see only whether our line advanced or retreated by watching the colors. It was easy to see that the men were falling fast by the constant lines of ambulances that we saw going and returning from the field.

About five o'clock, Crawford's brigade moved up in front of us and became engaged. The firing of musketry now became tremendous. We could see nothing of it in front on account of an intervening bill. At about six o'clock, our brigade (Second Massachusetts, Third Wisconsin, and Twenty-seventh Indiana), was ordered up on the double quick to relieve Crawford, his brigade having been literally cut to pieces by the terrible fire of the rebels. After going about a mile over the hardest kind of swampy and wooded ground, we reached the edge of the woods and came under fire. We marched steadily along, our whole flank being exposed, and took a position behind a low rail fence, the men being ordered to lie down. I will give you an idea of how things stood at the time. General Augur's division had been obliged to fall back to their original position and was now disengaged. Of General Crawford's brigade which went into the fight two thousand strong, twelve hundred had been killed, wounded or taken prisoners; the small remainder was rallying at some distance from the field, so there was nothing left to fight the rebels with but our three small regiments. Crawford met with his great loss in charging across the open field lying between the woods. General Gordon was ordered by Banks to do the same thing with our brigade; Gordon protested against it as an impossibility without supports, and finally gained his point.

At first, we sustained a fire from the rebels only in the woods, which was not very severe, but soon the enemy made their appearance in an oblique line and commenced a cross fire which was perfectly fearful. The Twenty-seventh Indiana gave way almost at once; the Third Wisconsin stood it nobly and did not fall back until the enemy was almost in their rear. In our regiment, not a shot was fired until Colonel Andrews gave the order “Commence firing!” which was not until the rebels were within two or three hundred yards of us. The effect was tremendous; we actually tore great gaps through their ranks, and their whole right was wavering; if we could have had any support at that time, we might have charged and driven their line like sheep, but that wasn't in Banks' programme. Meanwhile, the roar of musketry was perfectly deafening; the noise of the bullets through the air was like a gale of wind; our poor men were dropping on every side, yet not one of them flinched but kept steadily at his work.

Sergeant Willis of my company (I forgot to say I was in command of Company I), who was acting first sergeant, stood directly in front of me; he received a ball in his head and fell back into my arms saying, “Lieutenant, I'm killed!” and almost instantly died; he was a very handsome young fellow, and as he expired his face had a beautifully calm expression. I laid him down gently on the ground beside me and had hardly done so, when one of my corporals named Pierson, who was touching me on the left, was shot almost in the same place, but not killed. It is impossible to relate all the incidents that took place; it seemed as if only a miracle could save any one. I received two bullets through my trousers, but wasn't scratched. Colonel Andrews was splendid! He kept riding from one end of the line to the other, giving his orders coolly, as if on drill; his horse was wounded twice.

I never was more surprised in my life than when I heard the order to retreat. I did not know what had taken place on our right, and could not understand what it was for. With Lieutenant Abbott's assistance, I managed to help Lieutenant Oakey off the field to the hospital; he was quite severely wounded. Our regiment formed behind the hospital, about a quarter of a mile from the field, the rest of the brigade joining us. It was not until I saw the regiment in line that I began to appreciate our loss. Major Savage had been left severely wounded on the field; Captain Abbott, dead; Captains Carey, Goodwin, Williams and Quincy, Lieutenants Perkins and Miller, wounded and left behind; Lieutenants Robeson, Grafton, Oakey, Browning and Surgeon Leland, wounded and brought off, and Captain Russell missing, and our regimental line was not more than half its usual length. The only officers left were Andrews, Adjutant Shelton, Captain Bangs, Lieutenants Pattison, Choate, Fox, Abbott and myself. Our colors, those which the Boston ladies gave us, had five bullet holes through them; the eagle was shot off and the staff was shot through by a minié ball, splintering it into two pieces; our color-bearer, Sergeant George, brought off the whole of it. This is the second flag we have had honorably used up in battle.

Soon after forming our second line, I was detailed by the Colonel to go to the hospital to take charge of sending off the wounded. A house with quite a large yard had been taken for hospital use; the scene in and about it was very painful. Soldiers lying in all directions, with every variety of wounds. I took hold and worked hard, loading the ambulances, for about an hour, when our regiment moved and I was ordered to join it.

Our brigade now took up a position on the left of the line of battle, to do picket duty, Ricketts' division being on the right. Our sentinels were close to the rebels and we had continual skirmishes throughout the night. We had one man killed, and took several of the rebel cavalry prisoners. Once the enemy crept down on us, as they did that night at Newtown, and poured a volley over us, which, luckily, was too high and did no harm. Morning came at last, after, to tell the truth, a pretty nervous, disagreeable night. Daylight showed us that large reinforcements had arrived and that we were now in a condition to fight, but the day wore on, still no attack was made by the enemy. Banks' division was in reserve.

The battle I do not consider a victory to either side; we held our original position and they theirs, the ground between being neutral. Our brigade was withdrawn from the field about noon and bivouacked in a wood near by. I was sent into Culpepper on official business for Colonel Andrews. The town seemed to be one great hospital, every hotel and private house, almost, being used for that purpose. I saw Robeson, Grafton, Oakey and Browning; they were all suffering considerably from want of attention; the first is wounded in the wrist, the second in the forehead, the third in the hip, and last in the thigh, a very severe, dangerous wound. I got back to camp early in the evening. Soon after, Lieutenant Abbott, Mr. Quint and a burial party, left for the battle field to perform the last duties for our poor men. Abbott returned early in the morning and brought the shocking and sad intelligence that Captains Abbott, Carey, Goodwin and Williams and Lieutenant Perkins, were lying dead on the field, and that a number of our wounded were still there. I was sent right off with all our ambulances to the field. The scene there was too awful to attempt to describe; very few of the dead had been buried, and they were lying thick in every direction. Captain Carey had lived nearly twenty-four hours and looked as natural as if alive.

I had the bodies of all the officers put into the ambulances and sent them back to the regiment; the wounded also were all cared for. I then went over to the rebel lines with Bob Shaw, under a flag of truce, to see what could be heard of Harry Russell, the Major, Captain Quincy and Lieutenant Miller. We met some very pleasant rebel officers who were very gentlemanly and kind, and found out from them and some other sources, that Russell was unhurt and a prisoner, Quincy and Miller wounded and prisoners; we managed to get some money to Savage and Russell.

Our loss, as it stood yesterday morning, was as follows:—

5 Commissioned officers killed,	8 wounded,	1 prisoner.
25 Enlisted men killed,	97 wounded,	33 missing.
30 killed,	106 Wounded,	34 missing,	Total 169.*

We carried into action twenty-two commissioned officers and four hundred and seventy-four enlisted men, a little more than one out of three meeting with some casualty. In Company I, there are, one sergeant killed, one sergeant wounded, one corporal wounded, nine privates wounded and one missing. Yesterday afternoon, Banks' army corps moved back to Colpepper to reorganize. I was sent out on picket immediately after arriving last night, and am taking the opportunity to write this long letter. I have not had my clothes off since last Thursday night, so you can imagine I am not very pretty to look at. I am a full-fledged Captain now, and have got my commission. I shall be assigned to Company B, if possible.

Poor Captain Williams! I saw him standing perfectly erect only a few minutes before he was shot, and ran over and spoke to him. His was the next company to mine. He will be a great loss to us all.

_______________

* The actual loss was 58 killed and mortally wounded, 101 wounded, 15 prisoners not wounded. Total loss 174.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 75-81

Colonel William F. Bartlett to Harriett Plummer Bartlett, March 5, 1863

Headquarters Forty-ninth Regiment, M. V. M.

Camp Banks, Baton Rouge, La.

Dear Mother: — . . . .

March 5. Splendid weather still. I wish I was in the brigade of some general instead of Colonel Chapin.

Met Chapin in the afternoon. He said Augur complimented my regiment and the One Hundred and Sixteenth very highly. Went to bed before tattoo, pretty tired.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 68