Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel John Beatty: August 7, 1861

The scouting party sent out this morning were conveyed by wagons six miles up the valley, and were to take to the mountains, half a mile beyond. I instructed Lieutenant Driscoll to exercise the utmost caution, and not take his men further than he thought reasonably safe. Of course perfect safety is not expected. Our object, however, is to get information, not to give it by losing the squad.

At eleven o'clock a courier came in hot haste from the front, to inform us that a flag of truce, borne by a Confederate major, with an escort of six dragoons, was on the way to camp. Colonel Wagner and I rode out to meet the party, and were introduced to Major Lee, the son, as I subsequently ascertained, of General Robert E. Lee, of Virginia. The Major informed us that his communication could only be imparted to our General, and a courier was at once dispatched to Huttonville.

At four o'clock General Reynolds arrived, accompanied by Colonel Sullivan and a company of cavalry. Wagner and I joined the General's party, and all galloped to the outpost, to interview the Confederate major. His letter contained a proposition to exchange prisoners captured by the rebels at Manassas for those taken at Rich mountain. The General appointed at day on which a definite answer should be returned, and Major Lee, accompanied by Lieutenant-Colonel Owen and myself, rode to the outlying picket station, where his escort had been halted and detained.

Major Lee is near my own age, a heavy set, but well-proportioned man, somewhat inclined to boast, not overly profound, and thoroughly impregnated with the idea that he is a Virginian and a Lee withal. As I shook hands at parting with this scion of an illustrious house, he complimented me by saying that he hoped soon to have the honor of meeting me on the battlefield. I assured him that it would afford me pleasure, and I should make all reasonable efforts to gratify him in this regard. I did not desire to fight, of course, but I was bound not to be excelled in the matter of knightly courtesy.

SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 46-7

Diary of 1st Sergeant John S. Morgan, Wednesday, January 4, 1865

Still on sick list. Flag of truce at Picket port, News (?) 2,000 Rebs outside the lines desiring to come in and take the Oath.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 570

Diary of Private Edward W. Crippin, Monday, October 14, 1861

morning clear air and bracing. Drilling from 6 to 7 O'clock. to day is Pay Day Comps. A. & E. are paid first—as they are going off on a scouting expidition—To-morrow we get paid, the boys are over joyed at getting their pay, have been disappointed so often that they had no confidence any more as to the promised pay day. Have no Battalion Drill to day. A stern wheel Boat came up the River this afternoon with a flag of Truce flying The purport of her visit is no known This Brigade was ordered down town on Double Quick this evening and paraded about an hour on the levy

SOURCE: Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1909, p. 228

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, December 14, 1862

Sunday morning opened finely; and after a quiet night we were up bright and early, starting at half-past seven for another day's tramp, which we are in good condition to do, having rested well yesterday. This is our fourth day from New Berne, and by the road we marched it is a considerably longer distance than by the Neuse Road, which, it is rumored, is heavily barricaded, and would have delayed us much.

We marched pretty steadily till about nine o'clock, when we heard firing ahead; and the artillery of our brigade went through the lines at double quick. Then we were drawn up in line in a field at the right of the road, piling up our knapsacks and leaving a man or two to guard them. We had an idea there was fighting ahead of us, but thought it quite a way off, until a few shells whistled unpleasantly near. Soon we had orders, "Forward!" We entered a swamp where we saw a number of the 45th M. V. wounded and many dead. Guns, knapsacks, and accoutrements scattered in all directions. It almost beggared description. Col. Lee was leading the way: our duty was to follow. We would have preferred going round that swamp. And such a place to drop in! Anyone shot there, took a chance of being drowned also. Up to our hips in water; strangled or tripped up by the grape-vines. Sometimes two would jump for the same hummock, and, striking midway, both would drop into the water. It was our “Slough of Despond;” and we were expecting each minute to receive a volley, and be served as the other regiments had been, but we were agreeably disappointed. There was plenty of shot and shell which went over our heads. When we were clear of the swamp we could see a building on top of the hill. It turned out to be a church. We arrived there just in time to see two or three hundred rebels being led to the rear, and another lot just coming in with a flag of truce. Our forces also captured a battery which the rebels could not carry off. We went back on the road to get our knapsacks, and then took our position in line. While waiting to move on, we saw a lot of muskets and rifles piled up beside the road. A splendid double-barrel gun took the eye of many, but it looked heavy, so it was left.

The enemy did not succeed in burning the bridge, although it was loaded with tar and cotton. The man detailed for this work started the fire, but probably his clothes, becoming saturated with spirits, took fire, as when we crossed we saw him lying in the mud under the bridge, badly burned and dead. The cotton was thrown overboard and the bridge saved.

We crossed about two o'clock P.M. After passing a formidable looking water-battery, just at the right of the bridge, we marched about two miles to Kinston, which was deserted, except by the darkies and occasionally a poor white. At the junction of the streets cotton was piled up and on fire,—a great waste of batting, but they probably thought it would impede our progress. If it had been the cause of the destruction of the place, Gen. Foster probably would have been blamed. We marched across the town, and while we saw most of the regiments bivouacking and getting their supper, we kept on about a mile, to drive the rebels from a hill from which they could shell the place. After losing two hours, we countermarched, camping close to the railroad station and a large corn elevator, where we had a good supper; after which, instead of turning in, some of us started on a "lark." We went through the post-office and other buildings, but were finally driven back by the cavalry. After visiting the corn elevator, which was on fire, and filling our canteens with water for morning, we tore down a fence back of the station, making some very nice beds, and turned in.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 25-6

 

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel John Beatty: July 13, 1861

Six or eight hundred Southern troops sent in a flag of truce, and surrendered unconditionally. They are a portion of the force which fought Rosecrans at Rich mountain, and Morris at Laurel Hill.

We started up the Valley river at seven o'clock this morning, our regiment in the lead. Found most of the houses deserted. Both Union men and secessionists had fled. The Southern troops, retreating in this direction, had frightened the people greatly, by telling them that we shot men, ravished women, and destroyed property. When within three-quarters of a mile of Huttonville, we were informed that forty or fifty mounted secessionists were there. The order to double-quick was given, and the regiment entered the village on a run. As we made a turn in the road, we discovered a squad of cavalry retreating rapidly. The bridge over the river had been burned, and was still smoking. Our troops sent up a hurrah and quickened their pace, but they had already traveled eleven miles on a light breakfast, and were not in condition to run down cavalry. That we might not lose at least one shot at the enemy, I got an Enfield rifle from one of the men, galloped forward, and fired at the retreating squad. It was the best shot I could make, and I am forced to say it was a very poor one, for no one fell. On second thought, it occurred to me that it would have been criminal to have killed one of these men, for his death could have had no possible effect on the result of the war.

Huttonville is a very small place at the foot of Cheat mountain. We halted there perhaps one hour, to await the arrival of General McClellan; and when he came up, were ordered forward to secure a mountain pass. It is thought fifteen hundred secessionists are a few miles ahead, near the top of the mountain. Two Indiana regiments and one battery are with us. More troops are probably following.

The man who owns the farm on which we are encamped is, with his family, sleeping in the woods tonight, if, indeed, he sleeps at all.

SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 27-8

Diary of Private William S. White, June 17, 1861

A Dinwiddie trooper was shot to-day by a Georgian, through mistake, wounded slightly. Sent a howitzer with mounted men and a strong guard of cavalry to New Market Bridge, near Hampton, to reconnoitre. Saw a small body of the enemy, but too far off to get a shot at them. The enemy, under cover of a flag of truce, sent for the bodies of Major Winthrop and Lieutenant Greble, who fell in the battle of Bethel. The body of the former was found, and of course their request granted, but the body of the latter could not be found.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 101

Diary of Major Frank S. Bond, September 27, 1863

At 7 A.M. started for Rebel lines with flag of truce. Colonel McKibbin and Captain Swain. Spent day there. Subject: endeavor to get our wounded. Did not get inside Rebel lines. Met Major Dorn, Colonel Hutchins, Captain Wooley, and Lieutenant Haskett, of General Wofford's staff.

SOURCE: Archibald Gracie, The Truth about Chickamauga, p. 386

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: May 22, 1864

To-day Lieutenants Sullivan and Rowett are sent with a flag of truce into North Alabama, to negotiate an exchange for our men who were captured on the seventh. Upon promise that our men would be sent to Decatur the following day, Lieutenant Sullivan surrenders up to Colonel Johnson the rebel prisoners captured by us in North Alabama, and returns to Athens.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 242

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, January 2, 1863

Yesterday passed off in comparative quiet; a few shot and shell thrown from our batteries into the lines of the enemy, and a few rounds from their sharp-shooters in return, was all that disturbed the Sabbath-like stillness of the first day of the year. The enemy were engaged in burying their dead, under flag of truce, and I understand that they have a big job of it. In Sunday's and Monday's fighting we killed, wounded and captured near fifteen hundred,* and sustained a very slight loss. The Third and Thirtieth Tennessee and the First Louisiana regiments were the troops who bore the brunt of the fight, and right nobly did they do their duty against the fearful odds.

_______________

* U. S. Official Report, 1929.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 17

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, November 28, 1863

November 28.

My decision to resign my commission was a little depressing, and may have had some influence in bringing on the attack of vertigo, but once decided upon and another surgeon found to take my place it has given me no more trouble. When a surgeon has not enough physical vigor to meet the ordinary exigencies of a regiment in the field, it is clearly his duty to resign, regardless of personal attachments or his own choice. After five months of struggle for strength to endure work in this climate, I take this step. To have sustained the relation of surgeon to the 1st S. C. Vols. and to have found in these brave freedmen, the noble, soldierly qualities which history will celebrate, and, above all, to have found such an unlooked for wealth of intellect, music and religion, is not this experience running over with compensation? As I think of it I am ashamed of any regrets at leaving and filled only with gratitude that I have been permitted to help this race begin to assert its rights to freedom. .

Since our skirmish with the rebels the other day they have condescended to ask a flag of truce with the Major of our regiment who was in command at the picket. The regiment returned to camp today. This is peculiarly gratifying since it indicates that they are compelled to respect the bravery of negro soldiers. They evidently mourn over the loss of their dogs a good deal more than over the loss of an equal or greater number of officers and soldiers. Uncle York says he "sposes ebery dog's wuth mo'n ten mens to de revels."

Capt. Rogers prepared the skin and bones of one of the dogs and took it North to be set up. His good boy "Si" for whom he risked his life at the Ferry, last summer, was followed by some of this same pack of hounds while escaping from bondage. He has gone to New York with the Captain.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 396-7

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 19, 1863

April 19.

Yesterday the rebels at the Ferry made arrangements for Col. Higginson to meet General [W. S.] Walker this morning under a flag of truce. The request was that the Colonel in command here should send over a boat to bring the General across. But the Colonel concluded to go over to them at the hour appointed. I would have gone with him but for my lameness, a wrench to the knee from the Quartermaster's poor horse falling upon it. The Colonel was met by the General's staff with an official letter, but when informed what regiment he represented, they replied that their orders were to hold no official Communication with officers of such regiments. The Colonel learned that General Walker is the W. S. Walker of the regular army, who was under my care in Worcester in the autumn of 1852, and who subsequently in 1856, at the head of a company of dragoons, was sent by Gov. Geary to meet the Colonel on the plains of Kansas while he was at the head of an armed emigrant train. The meeting then was one of mutual surprise, and instead of arrests being made and the train stopped, they went together to the Governor, and the affair took a less stringent turn than had threatened. Yesterday the Colonel took especial pains to send him word that his old acquaintance, T. W. H. would have been happy to send his compliments, had he been treated with due respect, and that his old medical friend, Dr. R. was also here.

In the absence of the Chaplain today, Thomas Long of Co. G held the divine service. His prayers were so deep and simple and touching that we all found our sight somewhat dimmed by tears. In the course of his sermon he said; "If each one of us was praying men, it appears to me that we could fight as well with prayers as with bullets, for the Lord has said that if we have faith, even as a grain of mustard seed cut into four parts, you could say unto that sycamore tree, arise, and it will come up."

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 389-90

Official Reports of the Destruction of steamer George Washington, near Beaufort, S.C., April 9, 1863: No. 2. — Report of Col. Joseph R. Hawley, Seventh Connecticut Infantry.

No. 2.

Report of Col. Joseph R. Hawley, Seventh Connecticut Infantry.

HEADQUARTERS U.S. FORCES,        

Hilton Head, S.C., April 10, 1863.

GENERAL: I have the honor to report certain facts concerning the loss of the armed steamer George Washington.

I most respectfully declined obeying the peremptory order of General Saxton to send the Washington to Beaufort before she had completed the task assigned her by yourself, as I supposed, in protecting Captain Graef's operations. General Saxton, on board the Flora, went to Seabrook's and commanded the Washington to follow him to Beaufort, and Lieutenant Blanding felt obliged to obey.

On the 8th the E. B. Hale and Washington started to go around Port Royal Island on a reconnaissance, conducted by Captain Briggs, Third Rhode Island Artillery. Before reaching the ferry the Hale got aground. At night she got off, and about 4.30 a.m. of the 9th started, without the knowledge of the officers of the Washington. The latter started about 5 or 5.30 a.m. to follow her, and had proceeded a mile or two when a turn in the channel revealed a rebel light battery directly astern, perhaps a mile distant, which instantly opened fire. The Washington had only a howitzer astern, and could not turn to reply. The second shot exploded the magazine, which was in the afterpart of the vessel, unshipped the rudder, broke the steering gear, ripping up the deck, tumbling the howitzer into the hold, and destroying all the ammunition for the James rifle forward. The vessel took fire and began to fill rapidly. The master backed her toward the marsh on our side. Captain Briggs ordered a white flag raised—against the protests of the master, Campbell, who continued his attempt to escape. They put the wounded on the marsh and all scrambled off. The rebels, seeing this, resumed their fire, of course, and with great accuracy, though it is not known that any were struck while crossing the wide marsh. The wounded lying on the bank were captured by a boat party of rebels.

The E. B. Hale, somewhere near Broad River, was informed by some one (she having heard the firing, it is said) and went back and sent or received a flag of truce and took the wounded. The Washington burned to the water's edge.

The total loss is 14, all, it is supposed, from the explosion. Two were killed instantly; 2 seriously (probably fatally) wounded, 8 slightly, and 2 missing. Some of the men were hours scrambling through the marsh. No officers were hurt.

No unusual movements of the enemy have been perceived. All is quiet.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOS. R. HAWLEY,

Colonel Seventh Connecticut Volunteers, Commanding Post.

Brig. Gen. T. SEYMOUR,
Chief of Staff, Department of the South.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 281-2

Official Reports of the Destruction of steamer George Washington, near Beaufort, S.C., April 9, 1863: No. 4. — Report of Capt. Stephen Elliott, Jr., Beaufort (S. C.) Artillery.

No. 4.

Report of Capt. Stephen Elliott, Jr., Beaufort (S. C.) Artillery.

HDQRS. ARTY., THIRD M IL. DIST. OF S.C.,        

 April 14, 1863.

 SIR: I have the honor to submit a report of the capture of the armed steamer George Washington by a portion of the artillery of this command on the morning of the 9th instant.

At 5 o'clock on the 8th instant a gunboat and a steamer were reported near Chisolm's Island, the former aground and the latter making efforts to get her off. The following artillery forces were ordered to report at the causeway leading to the island, viz: Beaufort Artillery, Lieutenant Stuart, six guns; Nelson Artillery, Captain Lamkin, four guns; Cooper's North Carolina battery, three 10-pounder Parrott guns, and Company I, Eleventh Regiment South Carolina Volunteers, Captain Campbell, two guns.

While the batteries were being brought into position the gunboat, which had now been set afloat by the rising tide, moved off toward Port Royal Ferry. General Walker then directed me to divide the guns and to take one portion to the ferry with the view of intercepting her, and to order the other portion to open fire on the steamer as soon as she should attempt to move. I directed Captain Lamkin with two guns and Lieutenant Stuart with four guns to remain, and sent forward the rest to the other point. At 5 o'clock a.m. the steamer gave indications of moving, and these guns were rapidly placed in battery by their commanding officers and a brisk fire opened upon her with 6-pounder shot and 12-pounder shell. After two rounds it was evident that she was disabled. She raised a white flag and drifted up the river and across to the opposite shore.

Upon hearing the firing I returned, and observing that her crew were attempting to escape into the marsh opposite I directed the commanders of batteries to reopen fire upon them, and continued it until they had disappeared. She was now evidently on fire, and as soon as the explosion of shell and powder on board had subsided I boarded her and found that she had sunk in 4 feet of water, was burnt to the water's edge, and had carried two 24-pounder howitzers aft and 20-pounder Parrott pivot gun forward. There were 3 men in her yawl, which lay astern, 2 of them severely wounded and the third dead. They were taken ashore. Efforts were made to bring off one of the howitzers, which from want of proper means were unsuccessful. Attracted by the cries of wounded men in the marsh I entered it, but the reappearance of the gunboat rapidly approaching rendered it unsafe to remain any longer. As the wounded men had been left where they would not be perceived by the enemy and could not be assisted by us, I rode back with a flag of truce and directed the attention of the captain of the gunboat to them, and after some unimportant conversation with him returned. No information of importance was elicited from the prisoners while in our possession.

The practice of our batteries reflected great credit on the gunners, conducted as it was at early dawn and at a rapidly moving object half a mile distant.

The expedition sent down two days afterward succeeded in getting off from the wreck a 24-pounder howitzer (which was buried on shore until it could be brought off with safety), the bell, and a small kedge anchor. A heavy and continuous shelling of the wreck from the opposite shore forbade all further attempts to secure the pivot gun. The enemy had already moved the other howitzer.

My thanks are due to Captain Earle, of the Furman Light Artillery, a volunteer, who rendered efficient aid during the attack upon the boat, and also to Captain Barnwell, of General Walker's staff, who upon both expeditions afforded me the most valuable assistance.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

STEPHEN ELLIOTT, JR.,        

Chief Artillery, Third Military District of South Carolina.

Capt. JAMES LOWNDES,
        Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 283-4

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 18, 1863

March 18.

This morning a message came in by flag of truce from Camp Finnegan, giving us 24 hours to send out the women and children to the brick church, where the skirmish was yesterday, and their teams will meet them there.¹ The message was signed by Lieut. Col. [A. H.] McCormick. This afternoon another came from Col. [Duncan L.] Clinch [of the Southern army] repeating the former and adding that we should be held responsible for what might happen to those left in town. This looks as if they intend to approach the town with artillery and set it on fire with shells. This is feasible, in spite of our gunboats. If there is any pluck in them the attempt will be made. Many of our officers think the message a mere flourish for intimidation, but I do not and shall hold myself in readiness to send my sick and wounded to the steamer at short notice. Meanwhile we look for reinforcements by the Boston. Her delay is unaccountable.

Owing to hard fare and excessive fatigue, several of our officers are quite out of health. I am satisfied that the blacks have too much credit for good cooking. I have yet to find one who knows how to make bread or cook meat. If we hold this town we shall have a "post" and good bread, getting rid of the villainous fried dough which is bringing dysentery into camp.

_______________

¹ It was the Brick Yard Church. The order is in 1 Records of the Rebellion, XIV. 839.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 376-7

Diary of Private Louis Leon: April 8, 1863

This morning Tom Tiotter, Katz and myself went with Captain White to meet three Yankees with a flag of truce; but they would not come half way, so Colonel Owens ordered us back. We then we three—went to our siege-gun and saw the town very plainly. They fired at us while we were there. The fire was returned, and we could see the Yankees dodge.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 22

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 18, 1864

Cloudy and pleasant.

Still we have no authentic account of the details of the fights on the north side of the James River. We know we lost two brigadier-generals, and that we captured some 600 prisoners. Of the number killed and wounded on either side is all conjecture, although a semi-official statement makes our loss but "light.”

Nevertheless, I happen to know that the President rode out yesterday, and remained until late in the night: for Mr. Craddock, his special detective (and formerly his messenger), whom he sent for to accompany him, assures me while on the field there was a flag of truce to bury the dead, and that the slaughter had been large. Our cavalry had suffered; but he thinks the enemy's infantry lost many more men than all our slain together. He says, moreover, that only one negro prisoner reached the city. The rest, thrust forward, being killed on the field in action, I suppose.

At 2 P.M. a rumor began to be expanded that a terrific and probably a decisive battle was going on at Petersburg. One report says the enemy assaulted our lines, the operations on this side of the river having been more a feint to draw our forces away; another that Gen. Beauregard attacked the enemy, finding their troops in large force had crossed over to this side, and this in the absence of Gen. Lee, he taking the responsibility. Be this as it may, some stir was in the cabinet: and the Secretary of War was with the President from 11 A.M. till 3 P.M. This might be on "appointments and promotions," and it might be on Beauregard.

About 5 P.M. brisk artillery firing was heard in a southeast direction, which increased in rapidity, and apparently became nearer the city, until musketry could be distinctly heard from all parts of the city. My daughter Anne and her younger brother, Thomas, had walked out to Hollywood Cemetery, where they could not only hear the firing, but could see the lines of smoke below the city, on the left or north bank. Between 6 and 7 P.M. the sound seemed to recede, indicating that the assault had been repulsed; and finally all was silent again. It is probable the battle raged likewise on the south side of the river, and it may be hoped the assault on Petersburg was similarly repulsed. We shall know to-morrow.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 265-6

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 225. — Report of Lieut. H. Milo Torrence, One hundred and fifteenth Ohio Infantry, Assistant Inspector Railroad Defenses, of operations December 4-17, 1864.

No. 225.

Report of Lieut. H. Milo Torrence, One hundred and fifteenth Ohio Infantry,

Assistant Inspector Railroad Defenses, of operations December 4-17, 1864.

OFFICE ASSISTANT INSPECTOR RAILROAD DEFENSES,                

DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND,        

Murfreesborough, December 28, 1864.

SIR: I have the honor to report that on Sunday, December 4, at about 11 a.m., the enemy opened three pieces 12-pounder artillery on block-house No. 7, at distances of 500 and 800 yards, throwing seventy-two shot and shell, thirty-one of which struck the building, five in the lookout and twenty-six in the main building and its entrance way. Of the twenty-six, six were thrown into the inner casing at loop line. It will be remembered that the outer casing of this house is supported above the loop line by pillars twelve to fifteen inches long. The shot were thrown in between the upper and lower logs of the outer case and the pillars. Some of the pillars were struck and shattered but none knocked entirely out. No shot penetrated the main building; no shot struck, however, directly on the loop, the bearing of the guns being such as not to admit of it except at the corner. No shot penetrated the timbers of inner case sufficiently deep to distend the timber on the inside. About 2 p.m. Major-General Milroy engaged the enemy and relieved the garrison. On Monday, the 5th, about 2 p.m., the enemy again opened three pieces on house, at distance of 800 and 900 yards to the northwest, and fired five or six shot and shell, one of which only struck the building, doing but little damage. The garrison were ready for the attack, and had seven or eight loops bearing on the battery. I required them to fire by rank, which was done, and done with such precision as to compel the enemy to limber up and get away at double-quick, with the loss of one horse, and, I learn from rebel authority, three or four wounded men; their sharpshooters left with them. We took advantage of the dark to get more wood and water, and some timbers, with which the floor of tower was made bomb-proof. About midnight a Federal soldier came to garrison, saying that General Bate had sent him to say to garrison that if they would surrender that he (Bate) would parole the whole garrison, respect private property, &c., and that he would send in flag by 6 a.m. or sunrise. At 12 the promised flag came, by order of General Hill, asking surrender upon terms offered by General Bate; was answered that "We would hold the block-house." This morning a picket-line was put out around us, the sharpshooters looking after also. On the 7th flag came in, by order General Forrest, giving ten minutes to surrender or be burned with Greek fire, etc. Four flags came in during the thirteen days. On Friday, the 16th, the pickets were called in. On 17th all disappeared except a few stragglers, who evinced no disposition to molest.

The garrison did not have one man hurt, nor did the house sustain any serious injury.

The deficiency in the block-house, as developed in this case (and as far as I can learn in that of No. 2), is in the staunching supporting the ceiling and in the horizontal bracing at the cap plates. In No. 7 the girder spanning the south wing commenced to give way while the house was bombarded in the opposite side or wings. I had temporary posts put in and other like improvement made as circumstances suggested. I am of the opinion that the rectangular building, properly constructed and located, is the better plan for the blockhouses. I have increased confidence in block-houses as means of defense, from my experience, and believe that they can be so constructed as to resist any artillery that is ordinarily brought to bear against them.

Allow me to recommend to favorable consideration Lieutenant Glosser and his command; they behaved nobly during the siege of fourteen days.

Respectfully submitted.

H. M. TORRENCE,        

First Lieutenant and Assistant Inspector Railroad Defenses.

Maj. JAMES R. WILLETT,
        Chief Inspector R. R. Defenses, Dept. of the Cumberland.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 635-6

Major-General Edward O. C. Ord to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 3, 1863

ORD'S HEADQUARTERS, July 3, 1863.

General GRANT:

In reply to your intimation that if General Pemberton wished an interview he would show a white flag at some specified point, General Bowen stated to General [A. J.] Smith that he knew General Pemberton would be glad to meet General Grant; and General Bowen, on the return of General Smith from you, appointed the point where the Jackson and Vicksburg road crosses the rebel trenches as the place where the white flag would be raised at 3 p.m. This point is in front of General McPherson's. The rebel time is forty eight minutes faster than mine. I will send you my time.

E. O. C. ORD.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 460

Major-General Ulyssess S. Grant to Major-General John G. Parke, July 3, 1863

NEAR VICKSBURG, July 3, 1863.

General PARKE:

Flag of truce only covered bearer of dispatches; firing was continued by balance of the line.

U. S. G.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 463

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Friday, April [24], 1863

This morning at the first tap of the drum we are up, and soon on the move. About noon we arrive at Tuscumbia; the enemy having all retreated before the Union army's advance. This is a beautiful town in Northern Alabama, noted for its beautiful springs of water, that leap from the rocks like gushing and swelling fountains. How well do the weary soldiers love to kneel down by these flowing streams after their hard day's march, and drink of their refreshing waters. After arriving at Tuscumbia, the Seventh is ordered to South Florence on the Tennessee River, six miles distant. We arrive about four o'clock, finding Lieutenant Colonel Phillips, with his Ninth Illinois mounted infantry, occupying the place. Soon after our arrival, a flag of truce is sent across the river to Florence, demanding the surrender of the city. On its return we are informed that the rebels have all fled and that no satisfaction could be obtained relative to the surrender, the civil authorities refusing to act. We go into camp to-night on the banks of the Tennessee.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 150-1