Cold. The boys have turned over most of the stolen goods. Gen Smith's division started on its way down this afternoon. Gen. Grant is concentrating troops rapidly, the grand issue must be approaching, and the sooner the better. This afternoon we drew the old fashioned wedge tents, one for every four men.
SOURCE: Seth James Wells, The Siege of Vicksburg: From the Diary of Seth J. Wells, Including Weeks of Preparation and of Occupation After the Surrender, p. 50
Frank, Newt, Jim Sweeny and I comprise our newly established household, and we were busy until afternoon raising and settling our tent, and building our bunks. We went out foraging last night and made a raise of boards enough to put up our tent, build our bunks, etc. This afternoon the little tug came out of the lake into the river. We are having very cold weather for the place and time of the year. We hear that Gen. McArthur has acquitted the 17th Ill. of the raid. One year ago tonight the 12th Ind. was camped at Bristo Station, and I made my unsuccessful search for Uncle Lebbeus.
SOURCE: Seth James Wells, The Siege of Vicksburg: From the Diary of Seth J. Wells, Including Weeks of Preparation and of Occupation After the Surrender, pp. 50-1
Near Oxford.
Pleasant and sunny. Health never better. Lost my needle book, very sorry. Received
three days' mail; had two papers and a letter from home.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 19
Near Oxford. The day
was spent in the common routine of camp duties; drill in the afternoon by
infantry and artillery, presenting a lively scene. Received a [Madison] State Journal from
T. L. Jones.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 19
Near Oxford. Warm and pleasant. Health excellent. Dr. Miller returned from Wisconsin in the afternoon, much to the satisfaction of all. After roll call in the evening, he appeared before the Company and made a speech, after which three cheers were given to him. Seventy-five loads of cotton brought into headquarters.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 19
Near Oxford. Bright
and sunny. The delightful weather succeeded in enticing most of the boys from
their well worn decks and cribbage boards, bringing them out in ball
playing, pitching quoits, etc. Tallied for an interesting game of base ball.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 19-20
Near Oxford. Weather
still warm. Several of the boys went to Oxford in the afternoon with Captain.
Returned with eight new horses, also with the report that the Rebs were in
possession of Holly Springs, with 5,000 cavalry. Had taken several prisoners,
one of whom was Colonel Murphy, 8th Wisconsin; fears also were entertained that
the paymasters had been captured with their capital.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 20
Oxford. Reveille
earlier than usual; orders to hold in readiness to march, such orders being
anticipated. 7 A. M. the whole Division took up the line of march back toward
Oxford. Hitched up. The caisson fell in the train, but the pieces with the 59th
Indiana, Colonel Alexander, were left for a rear guard. The Division passed by
9 A. M. but as the train could not take all of the commissary stores and cotton
at headquarters, we had to lay there all day hitched up, waiting for the trains
to return from Oxford. They arrived at 4 P. M., loaded, and started back as
soon as possible. We were ordered to hitch up, as we could hear the drums beat
for roll call on the right of us; supposed to be Logan's Division. We fell in
rear of 59th about 8 P. M., leaving the place all quiet, the Rebs making slight
demonstrations upon the infantry during the day notwithstanding. Pushed
silently along towards Oxford, proceeded toward our old camping ground. Brought
into line by Lieutenant Clark on the right of the road in the flat. Captain
Dillon went up to the old camp. The caisson drivers being already on the start,
after pitching their tents and again striking, we passed up the hill again, on
the top of which, countermanded again, unhitched and left the horses at the
bottom. Laid down at 1 Α. Μ.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 20
Oxford. Awakened by Sergeant Hamilton, while the
stars were yet bright, with orders to feed. I, unsatisfied with the short
sleep, again laid down till daylight, until the orders to water aroused me.
Hitched up, drank a cup of coffee, ate hard bread. The blankets were ordered
off the guns and put in the wagon. Expectations of a fight somewhere, but I
know not where.
The troops were
moving out all night.
Evening. At 9 A. M.
the troops that had been called out in the night returned to their old camp
with the intelligence that it was a false alarm of the enemy advancing upon
Oxford. 12 M. we unhitched, unharnessed and pitched our tents.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 20-1
Enroute. Struck our tents and took up the line of
march northwards at 8 A. M. Followed the same road as that which we came in on,
passed through Abbeville at noon, recrossed the Tallahatchie at night, coming
into camp on the same ground as on the 2nd inst. To-day we passed the 23rd
Wisconsin Regiment, many of the boys met old acquaintances; reported occupation
of Jackson, Tenn., by the enemy.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 21
Lumpkin's Mill. A day of fasting to Quinby's Division, the
rations having run out yesterday and none having arrived. I ate parched corn
and drank coffee. Marched to Lumpkin's Mill, went into camp 1 P. M. Drew
rations in the evening. A heifer found.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 21
Lumpkin's Mill. Christmas! Christmas! resounded through the
camp this morning; everyone turning the gay reminiscence of the past in their
minds and hoping again to enjoy. Laid quiet during the day. Ate a Christmas
dinner of dumplings and unleavened bread. The howitzers ordered to prepare to
march, going in charge of a provision train to Memphis. Troubled with bad cold.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 21
Tallaloosa, Miss. Aroused early to prepare to march. High wind,
appearance of a storm. We were hitched up with the rest of the Battery by 7 A.
M., when it began to rain heavy. The howitzers, under charge of Lieutenant
Clark, with two Parrott guns of the Regulars, two howitzers of the 11th Ohio,
started out with four teams on the guns, two on the limbers of the caissons,
the hind wheels having been sent to Holly Springs the night before. We passed
on towards Memphis with the infantry of Quinby's Division paddling on the best
they could; marched on through very rough country till 4 P. M. Came into park
at Tallaloosa, a God and man forsaken place. Rained nearly all day. Supped on
confiscated chickens, geese and fresh pork.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 21-2
Byhalia, Miss. Rained nearly all day. Hitched up in the
morning. The other sections took the road, but as we were to be the rear guard,
and the roads were so bad that teams could not all come on for some time, we
again unharnessed, laid in a good supply of disloyal pork and beef and a few
rebel chickens. 3 P. M. again hitched up and fell in the rear of the train. It
had cleared up and the roads considerably improved. We were enabled to travel
at very good time. Travelled till 10 P. M. Came into camp at Byhalia, Marshall
County, Miss., having travelled about ten miles on a most beautiful evening. A
woman drew a pistol on one of our boys, driving him from the yard.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 22
Near Memphis, Tenn. Slept out-doors. Awoke at 5 A. M. A beautiful
morning. Byhalia, unlike Tallaloosa, was a bright and lively little village, with
a large school house, church, lodge room, with a scientific laboratory, out of
which the boys jay-hawked numerous books, writing utensils, etc. etc. Picked up
two horses and two mules. The owner of the horses came and pleaded hard, but
could receive no other satisfaction than a receipt from Lieutenant Clark. He
was reported to be a rank Secesh, as well as everybody else.
We started with the
1st Brigade in rear of the train at 9 A. M. Twenty-eight miles from Memphis,
passed a house where a woman stood in the yard, bravely holding the Stars and
Stripes in her hand (to protect her chickens I suppose). Marched along quietly;
nothing of importance save the appropriation of considerable molasses along the
road until half an hour of sundown when a small party of guerrillas dashed up
in our rear, discharging some fifteen or twenty pieces, then legging it before
their fire could be returned. We halted, the cannoneers sprang to their posts,
got their equipments, when the 48th Indiana formed their line. But it was all
over with. They were gone, and we started on.
Two of the balls
took effect, wounding two boys of the 48th Indiana in the arms. An assistant
adjutant general and surgeon [who] had wandered a little from the train, were
taken also by a few of Jackson's cavalry, divested of their accoutrements and
horses, then paroled.
7 P. M. Drew up
three-fourths of an hour to feed our horses, then started on, travelled till 10
P. M. Came into camp seven miles from Memphis.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 22-3
Memphis. We passed into Memphis as fast as the
necessary detentions would permit, through a very beautiful country and
handsome buildings. Passed through the town at about sundown, came into park
alongside of the other sections on the south of the town. Watered our horses at
the wharves about one and one half miles north, passing through the town.
Memphis presented a more lively appearance than I expected under the present
circumstances.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 23
Memphis. Awakened by the morning gun at the fort; fell
in for roll call, Sergeant Hamilton acting orderly. Saw a Memphis Bulletin of
the 30th, the first newspaper since that bearing the date of the 12th. Watered
my horses, then rode into the fort with Colburn. Met Milton Campbell of the
23rd Wisconsin Regiment. The Regiment had gone down the river, leaving
twenty-nine convalescents behind. The boys were furnished with a pass to go to
town, others taking leg bail, by night. Several heavy heads. Drew six days'
rations.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 23
Germantown, Tenn. The train took up the line of march back. Our
Section being in the center started at 9 A. M., passing through town up Main
Street. It was an amusing sight, nearly two-thirds of the soldiers were drunk,
having run Memphis as they pleased almost for the last twenty-four hours. We
followed the Memphis and Charleston R. R. Came into park at Germantown at dark,
having travelled fifteen miles. Partook of a soldier's supper, made our bed
neath the starry canopy of heaven, and laid down, ending the year as we began
it, by sleeping. Thus endeth the year 1862.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 23-4
I visited Washington
to-day, through such rain and such mud, as no civilized country, save this, can
sustain, and preserve its character for purity. Am back to-night. On my return,
I find on my table the following:
"General
Order No. 11.
"HEADQUARTERS, &C.
"When
the time arrives for the troops of this Brigade to move, the following
will be the allowance of the means of transportation:
"Five
wagons to the companies of a Regiment (two wagons to each company); one wagon
to the Regimental Hospital.
"Each
wagon will carry the forage for its horses. The sixty rounds of reserved
ammunition will be carried in extra wagons. In the company, wagons will be
carried rations for two or three days, company mess equipage, and officers'
baggage, which will in no case exceed the amount by regulations for baggage in
the field. The forage for horses of regimental and field officers will have to
be carried in their wagons. This notice is given so that soldiers and officers
may be aware, that all property not above mentioned, to be preserved, had
better be removed, for if the troops march, it is probable the first notice given
will be the presence of wagons for loading,
“By order of Brig. Gen. ———.”
Now that begins to
look like business, and if our General means to put us in the way of doing
something if it will only not prove another counterfeit cry of "wolf"—we
shall be pleased. Gen. McClellan has already grown several inches in the
estimation of those whose confidence began to get shaky. I do not like that
expression of "for if the troops march." It looks a little wolfy. But
I shall try to think it means "go in."
SOURCE: Alfred L.
Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of
Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B.
McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day
January, 1863, pp. 75-6
I confess to myself
to-night, that deeply as I am interested in the cause for which we fight the
question of government against anarchy—what I have witnessed today has cooled
much of the enthusiasm with which I entered the service of this government,
which I find so tardy in doing justice to those who are fighting for its preservation:
This is a stormy day in mid-winter. Whilst going my rounds of camp to see what
was needed for the health and comfort of the men, I passed the guard house of
the regiment, and stepped in to see the condition of things. I there found
soldiers—formerly my neighbors—sons of my friends, imprisoned in a pen where
pigs could not have lived a fortnight without scalding the hair off them, (this
is not figurative language) and in which these men had been kept for three
months, awaiting the decision of a court martial which had tried them for some
trivial offence, the extremest penalty of which would have amounted to some
three to six days' confinement! at all events, under the extremest limit of the
law, its punishment could not have exceeded in severity a sentence of three
days' imprisonment in this vile hole of filth and water! Yes, they had been
tried, and for three months had been kept, not only in this vile hole, but
under indignity and disgrace, awaiting the convenience of gentlemanly officers,
to send them word whether they were honorably acquitted, or that they must be
imprisoned for two or three days. When these men, who, perhaps, have never been
guilty of offence besides being suspected of it, are released from this
disgraceful punishment, will they not feel indignant at hearing the justice of
their government questioned, and be ready to rush to arms again to defend it?
If scenes like this are necessary to the preservation of a government for my
protection, then in God's name let me be untrammelled by
conventional forms, and left dependent on my own powers for my protection. I
assumed a prerogative; I pronounced most of these men sick, and ordered them
sent to my hospital. They will hardly be pronounced well before the gentlemanly
members of the court get ready to inform them of their sentence.
From this last scene
I passed on to look up a party of our Regiment, who had been detailed to guard
the General's Headquarters. I found them; and, my God! what a sight! Around the
house occupied by the General was a large ditch, some five feet deep, and some
ten or twelve feet wide, dug as the commencement of a fort. In this ditch, over
which a few evergreen boughs had been thrown as a covering, stood a well
dressed Lieutenant, (from my own county) with a squad of soldiers guarding the
General's house—the Lieutenant trying to infuse into the men a little warmth of
patriotic feeling, whilst the winter torrents poured through the evergreen
branches, and their whole frames shook with cold in this sentry house,
charitably built for them by orders of the General, who at that moment was
being joyful over his wine, and with his friends!! And is this the REPUBLIC,
the government of equality for which I am fighting? If we were men,
this would be pitiable, but we are only soldiers, volunteer soldiers at that;
and what right have we to be cold, when our services are wanted for the comfort
of a General? But these are only thoughts; should I write or speak
them, it would amount to shameful insubordination, and I should be
disgracefully dismissed from the service of the country which tolerates it. I
am too honorable a man to permit myself to be disgraced, even for the privilege
of uttering a truth. I therefore decline to say, or even to write, what I have
seen.
This afternoon I
received an order to be ready to move at a moment's notice, and to give no more
certificates for furloughs, as the applications would not be entertained. I
have lost faith in the idea that the authorities have the slightest intention
to move. They have seen our impatience to do something, and this order is a
mere dumb-watch thrown us children to amuse us with the old promised hope that
"when it gets a little older it will keep time."
SOURCE: Alfred L.
Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of
Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B.
McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day
January, 1863, pp. 76-9
The whole atmosphere
to-night vibrates with the sounds of preparation to advance. The new Secretary
of War says "advance." We are getting daily dispatches from Gen.
McClellan, asking, "Are you ready?" I have no faith We have received
too many dumb-watches, which "will run when they get older."
SOURCE: Alfred L.
Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of
Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B.
McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day
January, 1863, p. 79
Expectation is still
on the strain. How long it has been kept up! But no order to move, and I doubt
whether we get any soon. Indeed, I think now that we should not move. 'Tis too
late. The roads are excessively bad, and for a long time we have been having an
almost continuous storm of freezing rain and snow. An army could not lie out
over night in this terrible weather, and be in condition next day to fight
against those who had slept in good quarters and been well fed. The time has
passed to move. But why are we not ordered to winter quarters? There seems to
me to be great recklessness of the soldiers' health and comfort in this army.
There is wrong somewhere.
A sad case has just
passed under my notice. Three days ago, as I was busily engaged in attending to
hospital duties, I entrusted, necessarily, the light sickness of quarters to
others. As I passed out just after morning call, I heard one of my nurses say
to a man, "You look sick; why do you not come to hospital, where we can
take care of you?" "That is what I came for, but the doctor says I am
not sick, and has returned me to duty." I passed on, but
notwithstanding that there is scarcely a day that some "shirk" who is
pretending to be sick to avoid duty, is not treated thus, that voice rang sadly
in my ears. In ten minutes I returned, and inquired after the man. The drums
had beaten to duty, and he was on parade. I followed to parade ground,
found him endeavoring to do his duty, on a "double-quick." I took him
from the ranks, examined him, and sent him to hospital. Before they got him to
bed he was delirious. He has just died. 'Twas a case of typhoid fever, of which
he had been sick for two days before I saw him. I ask of army Surgeons, Had you
not better excuse ten "seeds" who are worthless, even when in rank,
than sacrifice one good man like this, who believes he is not sick, because you tell him
he is not?
SOURCE: Alfred L.
Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of
Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B.
McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day
January, 1863, pp. 79-80
To-day I was admitted
as a witness to the arcana of a field Court Martial, and of all the ridiculous
farces in the name of justice, to excite mirth, indignation, pity, and disgust,
commend me to a field Court Martial. I will not spoil the ludicrous impression
left on my mind, by any attempt to describe the scenes I witnessed to-day. The
grey goose has yet to be hatched which can furnish the pen capable of even
approximating it. Oh, talent of Barnum! How does it happen that in all your
searches after the wonderful and the curious, you have overlooked that
nondescript of wonders, a field Court Martial? Strike quickly on this hint, and
there is a fortune ahead.
SOURCE: Alfred L.
Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of
Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B.
McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day
January, 1863, p. 80
* My quarters are
now, an old farm house with one room, with an immense rough stone chimney, and
a flag-stone hearth.
SOURCE: Alfred L.
Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of
Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B.
McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day
January, 1863, pp. 80-1
MY DEAR SIR, — I
hope you did not think the two queries which I put to Mrs. Mann imposed any
necessity on you to write an answer; though I am so glad to hear from you, that
I might be tempted to use means a little irregular for that end.
I sent the question
about Gen. Scott's supposititious policy because I think justice to
be the highest policy. I know you think so too. It being my belief that Scott
is an anti-war man and an anti-annexation man, I think it wrong, or rather it
would be very wrong in me, to intimate the contrary. Besides, the tendency of
all such statements is to put the two Presidential candidates, Scott and
Pierce, upon the same ground; whereas I think their principles, desires, and
purposes are very diverse. I know there is little if any difference in the
platforms; but there may be all the difference there is between life and death
in two pilots, though both profess to steer by the same chart. One may wreck
you, while the other may get you safely into port.
A strong effort is
made, by men who care more for democracy than for antislavery, to make it out
that freedom has more to hope from the success of Pierce than from that of
Scott; but this I believe to be a great mistake, and I do not think the
argument ingenuous.
As to the amount of
the Free-soil vote, it must be remembered, that, in 1848, New York alone gave
one hundred and twenty thousand votes for Van Buren. Now, if she gives fifty
thousand, I shall be agreeably disappointed.
Our loss of Rantoul
is very great. I am also struck with exceeding sadness, because this is the
second blow that our cause has received. Taylor's death let in the whole pack
of slavery bloodhounds, and they have wantoned in their power ever since. Will
not Rantoul's death unleash another pack? I fear so. Nothing but my faith in
God saves me from despair; for just now I can hardly "walk by sight."
H. M.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, pp. 373-4
WASHINGTON, July 15, 1852.
I walked an hour
yesterday, including sunset-time, on the southeast terrace; and a greater
variety and variegation of the "fields of air" I never saw. There was
no wind; so that the changes were merely atmospheric and chemical. But such
rapidity of scene-shifting I never before saw. At every turn I took, a new celestial tapestry was
displayed. There was no noise of ropes and pulleys; but the change was
complete. The Gobelins could make nothing finer; but oh! for extent and
rapidity of production, what are the Gobelins to the great Manufacturer? How I
longed for you and the children! own personal pleasures or sufferings. But
this summer there is nothing to engross me, and my thoughts fly home, morning,
noon, and night. I see nobody, and live a lonely life, and, I fear, an
unprofitable one. I am thinking all the time that it is the last summer I shall
ever spend in Washington.
I see that Mr.
Tallmadge of New York comes into direct collision with Mr. Webster's
"retainers" in Boston. He made a public speech in New-York City the
evening of the day that Mr. Webster passed through there. In that speech, he
said he had seen Mr. Webster that day, who told him there was nothing to be
done but to support the regular nominations. This statement the "Boston
Journal" says it is "authorized directly and authoritatively to
deny." This brings out Mr. Tallmadge, who re-affirms his statement. The
truth is, Webster is so deeply wounded he cannot get cured. He would rather
defeat everybody than be thus set aside himself.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, pp. 374-5
JULY 16.
Miss Beecher prays,
if I want any more comfort in this life, that I will not try to build up a
college at the West, and says Mr. Stowe held up his hands in deprecation at the
thought. So you see what persons who know about things think our prospect would
be.
I should like to see
Father Pierce anywhere, even in a picture; but still think that he and I, and
such looking people, ought to let those who don't know us inquire how we look,
rather than show our faces.
I see that some one,
in a Maine paper, says he wanted to nominate Ralph Waldo Emerson for President,
and Nathaniel Hawthorne for Vice-President; but, seeing they have such good men
as Scott and Graham up, he concludes not to do any thing more about it. Wit
ought not to run its head against a stump of any kind. That man forgot that
both President and Vice-President cannot come from the same State.
I do feel homesick
here. When I was here in the summer of '48, I had so much to do, that I had no
time to think how I felt: I was still Secretary then. The next summer I spent
here (1850) was the year of the slavery controversy; and I was too much alive
to the immense interests at stake to have any consciousness of my
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, pp. 375-6
JULY 27.
. . . I should like
to see Rev. Theodore Parker move a table without touching it, directly or
indirectly. Suppose what we call electricity is the motive power of the
universe, embracing magnetism, caloric, gravitation, &c.; suppose the vital
principle in us—at least the principle of mere physical life—is electricity
too: may not an organized possessor of this principle be able to exert a force
stronger than that which operates upon unorganized bodies, or one organized
being be able to exert a controlling influence over another organized being? If
so, why may not the battery in a man's brain overcome the natural gravitation
of a table? I have seen a magnet, that could lift but a few pounds when acting
alone, lift seventeen hundred-weight when a current of magnetism was poured
through it. Now, if the brain could evolve this amount, why should not that
lift according to its size, structure, &c.? This is all I have to say on
the subject.
Kossuth designed to
leave, as I suppose, in a way to secure privacy. As for his going incog.
for any bad purpose, I do not believe a word of it; nor have I heard a lisp, to
prove it, of any credible testimony. A report was sent abroad that he had gone
without paying his debts. There could not have been a word of truth in it: a
regular Hunker lie.
I agree with you
that history is bad reading for children. What, then, must be thought of a
great part of the Old Testament, which records as terrible crimes as any to be
found on record? It is too terrible a world to make children acquainted with.
It is said we must look back to get wisdom to direct us when going forward. I
hope we shall soon get wisdom elsewhere, or be so far advanced as to need no
past warning. Biography of the right sort of lives is the
better reading for children. And science, and the elements of science, what can
be better than that, where we do see God in his works? Here the mind will find
its true discipline.
I send you a
"Liberator," which has a communication from the reformed John Wesley,
on the last page; also a speech of Mr. T. Parker's, on the inside. What can Mr.
Parker mean by saying, that, if Gen. Scott is elected, we shall probably have
an annexation of a "large slice" of Mexico during the next four
years? Will the good gained by making a man out worse than he is repay the
evil? Mr. Parker has been so much wronged himself, that he should be careful
about wronging others.
In 1837, in a speech
delivered in New York by Mr. Webster, he said,
"On
the general question of slavery, a great portion of the community is already
strongly excited. The subject has not only attracted attention as a question of
politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned chord. It has arrested the religious
feelings of the country; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He
is a rash man indeed, little conversant with human nature, and especially has
he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country,
who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with or despised. It
will assuredly cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with; it may be
made willing—I believe it is entirely willing to fulfil all existing
engagements and all existing ties; to uphold and defend the Constitution as it
is established, with whatever regrets about some provisions which it does
actually contain: but to coerce it into silence, to endeavor to restrain its
free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more
heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it,— should all this be
attempted, I know nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself,
which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow."
What an apostasy has
his been!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 376-7
WASHINGTON, July 27, 1852.
MY DEAR DOWNER, —
What is said about the Pittsburg Convention? From what I see and hear, I
apprehend the current of feeling in Massachusetts sets in favor of nominating
Hale, rather than Chase. For any genuine Free-soiler this would be the worst
policy. That nomination should be such as to cut into the Democratic party.
Notwithstanding all that some of the Free-soil papers say about the equal
proslaveryism of Scott and Pierce, it is not at all improbable there is the
whole difference between the annexation and the un-annexation of
Cuba, between the division and the non-division of California, in these
candidates. How, then, can any real lover of liberty fail to give the scales
such a turn as shall check slavery, and hold it at bay? Are not our Free-soil
friends, in their zeal to help the fortunes of the coalition, misled on this
point? You, who have great influence with them, ought to make that influence
felt. I wish you were to be at Pittsburg. The nomination there made may bar
slavery, or help it on. To-morrow, Sumner means to speak. He needs
combativeness, which he has not got. Don't you think I could spare him a little
of mine, with advantage to us both? He will make a great speech, be assured of
that. He has all the material of all who have hitherto argued the question;
and, besides, the greatest speech can always be made on the right side.
I am awfully
homesick. The summer is dull: nothing is upon the tapis in
which I take any special interest, and my heart is with my family.
With affectionate regards to you and yours,
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, pp. 377-8
Knoxville, Tenn. Once more have my eyes been gladdened and my
heart made to rejoice by the reception of love's sweet messengers—letters from
home. How anxiously have I watched and waited, and what a load has been removed
by those grateful words, "Well as usual."
But eighteen days is
a long time to await tidings of those we love. Arrangements are being made to
have our mail carried over the mountains on pack mules. When these arrangements
are completed I think there will be more regularity.
We are encamped
again near the city, awaiting whatever may turn up. The regiment is in
excellent health and spirits. We have become accustomed to soldiers' fare;
nothing seems to affect us. There is a striking contrast between old troops and
new. When in pursuit of the Rebels beyond Greenville, Wilcox's men tired out
and were withdrawn from the chase, while we pursued ten miles further. They are
six and nine months men from Indiana.
I see by Northern
papers that Rebel sympathizers hope to carry Ohio, New York and Pennsylvania in
the coming election, and this hope nerves the Rebel leaders to make the most
desperate efforts to hold out yet a little longer. They are doomed to
disappointment.
These states will
give an overwhelming majority for the Union.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 107
Loudon, Tenn. We left Knoxville yesterday at 3 a. m. and
took up our line of march for Kingston, forty miles distant, expecting to make
it in three days. We took it leisurely and halted at 1 o'clock for dinner,
having made twelve miles. We rested two hours and dined on hardtack and coffee.
In the afternoon we marched six miles further and encamped for the night. The
weather is delightful and roads good, which makes eighteen miles a day only
gentle exercise. Very much depends on this. It is more tiresome to march ten
miles when the roads are wet and slippery than twice that distance when dry and
firm. We had hardly arrived in camp before the report of a dozen rifles told us
the work of slaughter had begun.
Before dark good,
fat beef was issued, and we supped on coffee, hardtack and beef. We have drawn
nothing else, except sugar, since leaving Crab Orchard, and now we are getting
only half rations of coffee and sugar. This morning we were aroused at 3
o'clock, two hours earlier than the usual time when on the march, but we
"tumbled out," made coffee, fried beef, ate our breakfast, dried and
rolled up our tents and blankets, and at 4 o'clock were ready for business. At
5 o'clock the bugle sounded "fall in," and in fifteen minutes the
whole division was in motion. But not toward Kingston. I soon learned that
Colonel Wolford was in a "fix," and we were on the way to help him
out. Cannonading could be heard in the direction of Loudon Bridge, which served
as a stimulant, and away we dashed, making fifteen miles by 11 o'clock. We
were now within two miles of the bridge, and halted in a piece of timber. Here
we learned that the crisis had passed, and Colonel Leisure told us to make
ourselves comfortable as possible until morning.
Loudon bridge
crosses the Holston a short distance above its junction with the Clinch. These
two form the Tennessee. The railroad from Bristol to Loudon is entirely in our
possession. From this place to Cleveland the rebels have small forces at
different points. We have strong fortifications on this side the river,
occupied by the Twenty-third Corps, who have just completed a pontoon bridge.
Wolford, with a brigade of cavalry and mounted infantry crossed this bridge,
advanced about six miles and began to fortify. One regiment was sent out to
look for the enemy. Forage being scarce and hard to get, another was sent off
with a train to gather forage. Just at this critical moment, when he was least
prepared, the Rebels threw a force of five thousand troops between him and the
bridge, thus cutting off his retreat, and summoned him to surrender. To oppose
them Wolford had two regiments of cavalry, a battery of six pieces, but no
ammunition. What was to be done surrender? His case looked desperate; some
might have considered it hopeless; but "Wolf" was only indignant. He
bared his teeth and growled, "What! me surrender? Why, man, I'm here to
fight. Go back and tell your people I'll call on them directly." He spiked
his useless cannon and abandoned them; put himself at the head of his brave
followers and hurls them like an avalanche upon the enemy's center; cuts
his way through their line, taking ninety prisoners, reached the bridge with
little loss, while our artillery on this side made pursuit impossible. This
took place yesterday. This morning, having been reinforced, he crossed the
river to offer them battle. He found them but two miles away, and immediately
engaged them. When we arrived here the roar of artillery could be distinctly
heard, but gradually it grew faint and fainter, until at sundown it had died
away in the distance.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 108-10
Active warfare is
said to be like a game of chess, and it is sufficiently active in West
Tennessee just now. An unexpected counter move has brought us to this place. The
force that attacked Wolford turns out to be the advance of a large army under
Longstreet. Strange that, after marching so many thousands of miles, as we have
done this summer, the fortunes of war should again throw us together.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 110
Loudon. This has been a dismal day. It reminds me of
the day we crossed the Potomac last fall. It began to rain at 5 o'clock this
morning, and has rained all day, and there is every prospect of a wet night.
I never think of
that fearful night without a thrill of horror. I marched all that day in the
pelting rain, soaked to the skin, and when night came, weary as I was, I faced
the fierce northern blasts until morning. I date all my suffering from that
dreadful night.
Although this storm
reminds me of that day, and, under similar circumstances would have been quite
as unpleasant, yet I have passed it quite comfortably. My comrade and I have a
good tent, each of us a blanket and rubber ponchos, which enables us to keep
dry and warm. These rubbers are very useful. If overtaken by a storm while on
the march, not only is the person kept dry, but his blankets and haversack. At
night we spread it on the ground, and no moisture can reach the person.
But this storm; what
will be its effect on military operations here? I confess to a feeling of
anxiety; 1 fear we are to be again "stuck in the mud," as at
Fredericksburg. If this is really the beginning of the rainy season, we can do
but little more. And so much remains to be done. We must occupy and hold this
railroad, or evacuate East Tennessee, and that right speedily. We can get
supplies in no other way. There are not mules enough in the United States to
haul our supplies over the mountains in the winter. In fact, now, when the
roads, are comparatively good, it cannot be done. We have been on half rations
ever since we crossed the mountains.
But away with such
gloomy thoughts, and let faith and hope prevail. Tomorrow may bring forth light
from this pall of darkness.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 110-1
The storm has passed
away, and the sun shines out warm and genial. The roads are in fearful
condition, but getting better.
Yesterday all the
teams, and everything and everybody that could not fight, were sent to the
rear. Every preparation was made to repel the expected attack; things packed
and we lay all day behind our arms with all equipments on, ready for instant
use. About 8 o'clock a strong force was sent out to reconnoitre. Toward night
we could hear the dull boom of distant cannon, feeling for the enemy.
Impatiently we awaited the result.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 112
Loudon. Everything remains precisely as it was three
days ago. We are not allowed to leave camp, at least beyond bugle call. Our
guns must be kept in perfect order, ready for instant use. Artillery horses wear
their harness night and day. In fact, we are ready for attack, advance or
retreat at a minute's notice. Each morning the cavalry goes to the front,
skirmish with the enemy, watch their movements through the day and return to
camp at night. Matters wear a strange aspect; the Rebels seem playing with us;
now advancing, now retiring. I know not what to think of the way things
are working.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 112-3
Lenoir, Tenn. I said yesterday that I was puzzled. I am
more than ever today. I am confounded, disappointed, chagrined.
Our forces evacuated
Loudon early this morning. The Rebels took immediate possession. Everything of
value that could not be removed was destroyed. Only last night a locomotive was
run across the river to be used on that side as we advanced. Four cars had been
left there by the Rebels when they evacuated. As we had no time to remove them,
the engineer put on steam and ran them off the embankment into the river. The
Union people left with us. We have fallen back six miles and encamped for the
night. A strong force is posted on the heights to prevent surprise.
I am simply stating
facts as they occur. Of course, I cannot know the whys and wherefores of these
movements. Perhaps they are part of the "original plan," and not a
retreat. We all have confidence in Burnside, but, if we do not see Knoxville
between now and Sunday I am much mistaken. To my heated imagination the
Cumberland Mountains loom up with wonderful distinctness.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 113
Lenoir. Another letter from home last night, dated
October 16th. Only four letters in two months; I find, too, my letters are
quite as irregular.
I have just learned
that Lieutenant Miller starts for home at 6 o'clock tomorrow morning. He will
visit my loved ones and tell them all the news. I know not how to express
myself in regard to our present situation. I am glad we were not forced to
retreat. Still, I am certain we could have held those heights, and to leave
without firing a gun! Oh, for a few Wolfords and Grants—men who are "here
to fight."
All sorts of rumors
are afloat. "Bragg, with all his army, is advancing." Longstreet is
crossing the river six miles below Kingston to flank us on the right. Another
heavy force is on our left, making for Knoxville. "Wilcox has been driven
back from the east," and a hundred others equally encouraging. We know not
what to think of it, and yet must criticise and form conclusions. But it is all
explained at last. We fell in at 1 o'clock today, marched about a mile to a
beautiful grove near a large spring of never-failing water. Here our division
formed in line and stacked arms, with orders to remain in line until further
notice. Lieutenant Colonel Comstock soon called our regiment to
"attention," ordered company commanders in front of center, and then
and there revealed to them the long-wished-for intelligence. All officers and
men were taken by surprise. We were prepared to hear of some great calamity,
but not for this. Nothing like it had ever before happened to the Ninth Army
Corps. "Our fall campaign is closed. Prepare for yourselves comfortable
quarters for the winter." For a moment there was a silence that could be
felt, then a shoat went up that "rent the heavens and shook the
everlasting hills." Not simply because we were ordered to prepare winter
quarters, but a mysterious movement had been explained a weight of anxiety
removed.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865,
pp. 113-5
Lenoir. We are working like beavers, building our
little houses. They are to be eight feet by ten, and will accommodate four
persons. Nothing can be heard but the clatter of axes and the crash of falling
timber. Only the First Division is stationed here. This is said to be the lower
extremity of Burnside's department. It is something like Fredericksburg, in
this: Our pickets are stationed on opposite sides of the river within hailing
distance. Colonel Leisure says a supply train is almost here. When it comes,
our empty haversacks are to be filled and our rags exchanged for clothes.
Everything is to be very precise and regular, as becomes an army of veterans.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 115
The result at which
you arrived is not in the least surprising to me. You are in your nature more
trusting than I, and therefore expected more. Where slavery is concerned I have
not a particle of confidence in the courtesy, honor, principles, or veracity of
those who sustain it, either directly by reason of selfish interest, or more remotely
through the servility learned by political associations. In all other cases I
should yield them a share of confidence. I should not, therefore, had I been in
your place, have predicated any action of mine upon the grant by them of
any favor whatever. They cannot afford to be generous or even
just. If you can get even that to which you have a clear right, you will do
pretty well; but to get it you will have to fight for it.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 290
Parker is too
impatient. If by chance or ignorance of the currents here I have got into the
rapids, my friends should not abandon me. In any event, my course is a
difficult one. A Hunker politician told me that he thought I assumed a greater
responsibility than any other person here. I know this; but I know also my
singleness of purpose, and I know that I am in earnest. The 'Atlas' is false
when it says I could have made the speech, — utterly false
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 291
I value your
friendship, and am glad of your frankness. From other sources I learn the
prevailing distrust with regard to me. Thus far, in the consciousness of
absolute rectitude and with a soul that never fears, I have been indifferent to
such reports; but they come upon me now to a degree that gives me pain. Believe
me, I know my rights and duties here, and shall vindicate the one and perform
the other. Thus far in Massachusetts I have not spoken often, but my words have
been timely and effective. I trust not to lose this character here. All the
Democratic leaders and most of the Whigs desired a hearing for me. Cass,
Atchison, Soulé, Bright, Norris, and many others told me so before I tried. My
remarks were conceived so as to give them an opportunity of granting me the
privilege. But after the call of ayes and noes, and the springing of the rattle
from those new Union members, they did not dare to vote for me. It is difficult
for people at a distance to understand the scene. Many in ignorance think I did
not take the right course, or that I did not maintain my position in the proper
way. Here on the spot, familiar with the requirements of the occasion, I am now
satisfied that under the circumstances I acted for the best. Had I introduced a
bill, I could not have spoken except by unanimous consent. Any single person
could have stopped me. My first purpose was to try this; but I finally
preferred to throw myself upon the majority, and to compel them to the ignoble
position before the country of suppressing debate. This has been done, and they
are exposed.
1 Editor of the Roxbury Gazette.
Left Rapidan Station this morning for some point near Manassas. What a beautiful sight it is to see the long columns of troops fording the stream! Each man seems eager to push on until we reach the goal of our desires, and that is Washington! Nevertheless, I fear greatly that we will never be able to accomplish that, although it is within the range of possibility.
Another great battle has been fought at Manassas, and we have again been victorious. Our troops are rapidly pushing on after the enemy, and it is very probable that we will cross the Potomac into Maryland; then the Marylanders will have a chance to rid their soil of Yankee soldiery, if they desire it.
Marched all day and halted for the night at Culpeper Courthouse; had a drenching rain in the afternoon and slept on the wet ground. All this region of country has been utterly devastated by the vast quantities of troops passing through it. For miles you scarcely see a white inhabitant, and there are not a hundred barrels of corn from Rapidan Station to Manassas. The churches are defiled by the sacrilegious Yankees, who scribble and write all sorts of blasphemous epithets on the walls of buildings consecrated to God.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127-8
After a hard day's march through mud and mire we halted at Jeffersonville (or ton), a small, dilapidated village in Culpeper county. Our provision wagon broke down to-day, and will not reach us until to-morrow. We have had nothing to eat since this morning, and, of course, cannot get anything until our wagon reaches us.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 128
Our wagon reached us this morning and right glad were we to see it. Reached Warrenton, Fauquier county, to-day, and remained there several hours.
This village is crowded with the wounded of the late fights, and the streets present a horrible aspect. About sun-down we moved a few miles from Warrenton and halted for the night.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 128
Reached Gainsville, Fauquier, about 1 o'clock and as it was a good place for our horses we halted for the night. This village being only some two and a half miles from the battlefield of Manassas, and as I had an abundance of time, I rode over to the battlefield. Oh, what a scene of horror it was! Hundreds and thousands of dead and dying Yankees strewn all over the field—the dead, putrefied and swollen even to bursting, made the air redolent with a smell so nauseous and disgusting that it seemed to thicken the very air. Although nearly a week had passed since the battle, the wounded were still lying on the field, and none were buried save our own men. This seems, at first glance, wholly unchristian, yet one must remember that we are contending against a powerful enemy and for our very existence; therefore, we cannot spare the time to bury the enemy's dead, nor care for his wounded, when all medical stores have been declared "contraband of war" and we are destitute of them. Ten thousand Yankees lie unburied upon the field, and every moment of time is worth millions of money to us. The wounded, we have cared for as well as circumstances would permit, though we are much in want of proper stores for our own men.
General Lee most humanely allowed the Federal Government permission to send an ambulance train from Washington City, attended by proper surgeons, to look after the Federal wounded and give them proper treatment.
I conversed for some time with a citizen of Washington and he seemed very sanguine of the ultimate success of the Federal arms—by this time, however, he has found out how terribly in earnest we are. In this Second Battle of Manassas the positions of both Federal and Confederate armies were almost exactly reversed from that of the First Battle of Manassas of last year, and yet we whipped them again. Our left wing under Stonewall Jackson, swung around upon the Federal right and struck the mighty Pope en reverse before he was aware of the Confederate movement. But, danger of dangers, Lee's army was separated and if Pope could succeed in keeping Longstreet south of Thoroughfare Gap, Jackson would be isolated and would fall an easy prey to the countless thousands of that boasting Army of the Potomac, "the finest army the world ever saw." The vainglorious boaster who had never seen anything but the "backs of his enemies," and whose "head-quarters were in the saddle," was not equal to the emergency and Longstreet quietly and easily drove away the Federal brigade guarding a gap that a corps ought to have held, whilst he, hurried on to join that Achilles of the South, the ever present Jackson, and all the while Fitz John Porter doubting whether or not he must fight or wait. He who doubts loses, the combined corps of Jackson and Longstreet make one grand dash and the dismayed Federals were swept from the field.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 128-9
Started this morning at 6 o'clock, and marched to within six miles of Leesburg, where we camped for the night. A portion of our forces have crossed the Potomac, and are now in Maryland; we will cross in a few days.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 129
Reached Leesburg, Loudon county, to-day and camped near the village; presume we will remain here a few days, in order that our broken down horses may recuperate. We have had only one feed of corn for our horses since we left Rapidan station.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 129-30
Left Leesburg this evening at 5 o'clock, crossed the Potomac River and marched eight or ten miles into Frederick county, Maryland.
'Twas a beautiful night; the crystalline waters of the lovely Potomac danced and sparkled in the soft moonbeams of that autumn night, whilst the neighing of horses, the clanging of sabres, the gleaming of muskets, the artillery's rumble, and the merry jest of many a careless soldier, made it a scene ever to be remembered. The "die is cast," the Potomac is crossed, and Maryland is invaded or aided, just as she may see fit to call it. If she fails to join us now, let us hear no more about oppressed Maryland, but let the proud land of the Carrolls, the Howards and the Cecils be known to us of the sunny South no more forever.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 130
Marched to within four miles of Frederick city; here we have an abundance of food for our half starved horses.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 130
Remained quiet all day; many of our boys went to Frederick city and remained several hours. According to some reports, the people of Maryland are overjoyed to see our troops, but as I have conversed with only a very few Marylanders, I am not able to judge. Some few recruits have been secured in Frederick city.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 130
Our battery is hitched up, and we are now awaiting orders to move. Our destination is unknown, but it is thought we will go to Hagerstown. About 5 o'clock we commenced moving slowly along the road to Frederick city. Although many of the houses were closed—this being a strong Union city—yet a goodly number of Southern ladies appeared upon the balconies and at the windows, waving their handkerchiefs and wishing success to our brave troops. Camped near Middletown.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 130
Passed through the villages of Middletown and Boonsboro'; halted within six miles of Hagerstown. A great many ladies wear the Secession badge, but most of the people seem afraid of us, and seem to look upon our troops as invaders.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 130-1
Moved to within a mile of Hagerstown, to the little village of Funktown—not a very euphonious name.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 131
Heavy firing in the direction of Harper's Ferry; many camp rumors afloat concerning it.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 131
Firing to-day towards Middletown, in our rear. Left camp to reinforce our troops, who are sharply engaging the enemy at Boonsboro'. We moved on towards that place when we met a portion of our troops returning; they report the enemy to be falling back.
Camped near Boonsboro'. The Yankees now begin to understand our plans, and are making strenuous efforts to save their troops penned up in Harper's Ferry by Stonewall Jackson, but "Old Jack" is bound to "gather them in."
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 131
In some way McClellan succeeded in getting his hands upon one of General Lee's orders, which gave him a pretty correct idea of the disposition of our forces, and thinking he could throw a heavy force upon D. H. Hill, at Boonsboro', cut our army in two and get to Harper's Ferry in time to save the Federal forces stationed there and now penned up by Jackson, he made a heavy attack upon Hill. Hill made a desperate resistance with his gallant troops, but it remains to be seen whether or not he held out long enough.
Certain it is that Hill has had to fight against very heavy odds, and has lost many men.
The Yankees having pushed us so closely at Boonsboro' it becomes necessary for us to gather up our forces before we can offer McClellan battle. The larger portion of our troops moved last night, and this morning, towards Sharpsburg, whilst my artillery command moved on to Williamsport, on the Potomac, to guard the ford—had neither infantry nor cavalry support, and we were smartly excited on getting within a few miles of that place to find the Yankees had possession of it and had destroyed a good many of our ordnance wagons. It seems that a body of Yankee cavalry had escaped from Harper's Ferry, and from the clutches of the rapacious Jackson, and had made their way to Williamsport. Crossing the Potomac at that place they came upon our ordnance train, which being unprotected was completely at their mercy. Our artillery regiment was also unprotected, and had the Yankees been aware of it, we could have been easily captured; but war is a game of chance and I presume they concluded that they had accomplished enough for one day escaped from Jackson at Harper's Ferry and captured a Confederate ordnance train. They beat a hasty retreat, and we entered Williamsport without opposition, crossing the Potomac and bringing our guns "into battery" once more upon Virginia soil. So far, our march into Maryland has resulted in but little good to our cause, and has lasted but a single week. There is no doubt of this fact (and 'tis useless to attempt to conceal it) the people, or at least the larger portion of them, are against the South, and that, too, most bitterly.
Confederate money, in most places, was not current, and as we had nothing else, we made but few purchases.
We remained on the Potomac until dark, then marched six or seven miles and camped for the night.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 131-2
Moved on towards Shepherdstown. Having loaned my horse to a comrade to visit his home, I had a fine prospect of marching all day, but as good fortune willed it, I met a cavalryman with two horses. He loaned me one, and we started for Shepherdstown on our own hook. We reached that place about sundown, having had a splendid time on the way. We stopped at several farm-houses, and were most hospitably entertained, both in Berkeley and Jefferson counties.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 132
Camped near Shepherdstown last night. This morning we can faintly see, far over towards Sharpsburg that another great battle is commencing.
McClellan very well knew that the time to attack Lee was when Jackson was absent, and the bloody battle of Sharpsburg is the consequence.
This little village is filled with our sick and wounded, and the citizens are straining every nerve to render them comfortable. Jackson has gained a glorious victory at Harper's Ferry, and that, too, without loss. His troops have passed through Shepherdstown on the way to Sharpsburg.
This little village of Shepherdstown is the most intensely Southern place I ever saw, and what makes it more surprising is its proximity to Maryland.
Our battery has just received orders to move, not to Sharpsburg, as we supposed, but to Williamsport.
In order to relieve Lee at Sharpsburg, General J. E. B. Stuart is to recross the Potomac at Williamsport, and make a diversion. McClellan, not knowing Stuart's force and fearing a flank movement, will withdraw, possibly, a large force to watch or catch him.
Camped near Martinsburg.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 132-3
Although this place is only ten miles from Shepherdstown, its character is very different; most of the people are bitter Unionists, and show us few favors. Such I find it pretty much the case in every village situated on the "Baltimore and Ohio Railroad." Soon this morning our two Parrot guns were ordered back towards Shepherdstown, and the remainder of our battery, the two howitzer guns, together with five other guns belonging to our regiment, are preparing to move on to Williamsport. Lieutenant Paine, of my company, with two or three others and myself, were sent on in advance to reconnoitre. Went on to Williamsport, but there was no enemy on the south side of the Potomac. Our force camped at Falling Waters, about four miles from Williamsport.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 133
SKIRMISH AT WILLIAMSPORT, MARYLAND.
Moved on to Williamsport; placed our guns on a large hill on the south side of the river, and shelled the Yankees from the town, then sent a company of cavalry across the Potomac, and soon afterward our artillery crossed, taking position on the Maryland side. We left two guns belonging to Captain Dance's Powhatan battery, on the south side of the river, to protect us in the event of our being driven back. Hampton's Legion of cavalry crossed a few miles higher up the river. We have about 200 infantry belonging to the Second Virginia Regiment; in all about 1,200 men, commanded by Major-General J. E. B. Stuart.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 133
All quiet last night save an occasional picket skirmish. About 8 o'clock this morning my gun, of which I am the "gunner," was ordered about one mile farther up the Hagerstown Turnpike to reënforce our pickets, who had been driven in by the enemy. On gaining our position we found the enemy had quite a large force of cavalry, many of whom they had dismounted, and were shooting at us with long-range guns. A squad of the enemy coming in range, I fired a "case-shot" at them, but the fuse being defective I did them no damage. I then gave them another, and it exploded just above them, scattering its deadly contents into their ranks. One of our pickets told us he was hid but a short distance from them, and that shot killed and wounded fifteen. We fired several more rounds at them and they wisely kept out of reach. My gun was then ordered back into Williamsport by Major Boggs. General Stuart, seeing this ordered us to retake our former position, and sent us another gun, belonging to Hupp's Salem Artillery. The Yankees would every now and then creep up upon us and send a Minie ball whiz zing past us. How they whistled! They then brought up a rifled cannon and fired a few rounds at us, but without effect. About this time a heavy skirmish occurred on our right, and we could plainly hear the Yankee officers vainly endeavoring to rally their men, but they would not stand, and our batteries opening upon them soon sent them scampering across the field. A little later the Yankees came up in heavy force upon our right and endeavored to break our line, but our men fought too gallantly for that. A young girl came out from Williamsport and fired one of our cannon (Second Company's) at the enemy. My gun was then ordered to the right, some three miles down the road, and we started off at a brisk trot, leaving Hupp's gun in charge of a Corporal and four men. Just as my gun was about to take position it was ordered across the river by General Stuart, and he sent me back to bring Hupp's gun off the field. The fighting on the right had been quite heavy, and although we had driven the enemy back, yet we well knew that it was impossible for us to hold out much longer, the enemy now outnumbering us ten to one. It was time for Stuart to be getting on the south side of the Potomac. He had succeeded in his purpose; had drawn a full corps of the enemy from Sharpsburg, and had relieved Lee that much. Stuart had ordered Hampton to cut his way through the enemy's line and cross back into Virginia at another ford, but the Yankee force was too strong for that, and Hampton had to cross at Williamsport. I dashed off after Hupp's gun and the cannoniers were full glad to hear the order "Limber to the rear." When we had reached the river we found that we were the only Southern troops on the north side of the Potomac, for all the others had crossed over.
General Stuart had not ordered me to “cross the river," but I had no notion of being captured, so I got over as speedily as possible. In the meantime, Dance's Powhatan artillery, which had been left on the south side of the Potomac, had opened a brisk fire upon the enemy, and a very pretty artillery duel was in progress as we were crossing over to the Virginia side.
Reported to General Stuart, and he seemed much pleased that I had brought off the gun.
Moved some four miles farther back, and camped for the night.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 133-5
Moved to Martinsburg.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Left Martinsburg to-day for the little village of Darksville
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Remained at Darksville all day; good grazing.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Left Darksville to-day to join General D. H. Hill's division. Hill is stationed near Tabb's Mill, on the Opequon River, five miles from Martinsburg. After marching three and a half miles we met Hill's division coming back, and we returned also.
Camped two miles from Martinsburg.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Returned to Martinsburg.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Left Martinsburg to-day for Winchester, but halted and camped at Bunker Hill, eleven miles from Winchester. As soon as our battery halted, I rode out into the country on a foraging expedition. When I returned, I found my company had moved, no one could tell where. Supposing it had gone to Winchester, I started for that place. After riding several miles I met a soldier who informed me that my division had been ordered back to Martinsburg, and I immediately retraced my steps. Blundering about in the dark for two or three hours, I found my company about three hundred yards from where I first left it. Provoked beyond measure, I dismounted and soon found the soldier's solace in sleep.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
We expect to remain here some time. Again went out on a foraging expedition, and at a Mr. Deck's I procured a splendid supper; that took the last cent I had, and I must now remain in camp until we are paid off.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Moved camp about a mile; water is scarce, something unusual in the Valley of Virginia, and a long way off. I am so sick of beef that I really am ashamed to look a cow in the face.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 135
Dear Sir allow me to
call your attention back to the 4th of last March & also to the
conversation that took place between Your Honor & myself, then a prisoner
on the cars from Chicago, for being concerned in the American
Exchenge Bank of Georgetown D. C. I write this to you with refferance to
engageing you to obtain a pardon for me I was sentenced for 4 years, But I did
not have a fair trial nor was I allowed time to get my witnesses, I was indited
for haveing ficticious Money, But it was not such thare was such a Bank;
& no one ever lost a dollar by it. The Mayor of the City of
Georgetown D. C. will satisfy you as to that (the then Mayor)/56
further I had
nothing to do with the concern, & more I am not a Villian nor a rascall,
have always been in Mercantile buisiness & will refur you to Hon D. S.
Dickinson, of Binghamton Judson Smith Esq same place Wm Ross Wallace N. York
City Ex Governrr Wm Wood of Cleveland Ohio, & Wm H Seward — for as to my
pased life for 10 years— In Chicago to Hanson Abbot G. W. Gage Jencks &
Beers & Capt. A. Pellittere, I am here innocent. Now what will you ask to
obtain a pardon for me, cash upon my freedom, & it put in Bank
before subject to my Pardon, Wm Rutherford & S A. Buckmaster I am told will
give me a fair Bill of conduct since here 13 months, James C Brayman has
advised me to write you, he works beside me— My Brother Alvin of Brookfield
Mass will pay the fee that we may agree upon.—
I write this &
send it (Sub Rosa) & you I hope will be so kind as answer it at once &
let me know your views & then I will get permission to write you in full —
you will need only to go to Chicago once & send here to Mr Rutherford
Agent— I am anxious to be out as I am loosing money & time. You can write
me without saying you received this letter by evading it & say you have
heard from me, Pleas write me at once & I will answer fully & be much
obliged to you — while I remain here yours
Please direct care
of Mr S A Buckmaster
SOURCE: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham
Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: Alfred Hyde to
Abraham Lincoln, Thursday,Legal. 1858. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mal0074200/.
SPRINGFIELD, Ill., August 3, 1858.
SIR—In March, 1857, I saw upon the railroad train, being taken from Chicago to Alton to the Penitentiary there, a man of gentlemanly appearance by the name of [Alfred Hyde]. He accosted me, and conversed some as to the chance of obtaining a pardon. A year after, he addressed me the enclosed letter from the prison. You see he mentions your name. Do you really know him? If our Governor could learn that he has been respectable and is of respectable connections, perhaps he would pardon him. Please answer.
Pardon the liberty I take in addressing you. Several years ago, I knew you slightly at Washington.
SOURCES: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, pp. 513; for the name of the inmate see Daniel S. Dickinson to Abraham Lincoln, August 9, 1858.
Your favor of the 3d with enclosure of Mr Alfred Hyde toyou, has just been recd. Hyde was here and in business, a few years, and I know him, not intimately, but as I know men of that class who are here for two or three years. He consulted me as counsel, on one or two occasions, & I conducted some business being against him. He came here from Boston as I understood, where it is said he was well brought up & respectably active in domestic & business relations. His intercourse with me was always frank & honorable. He was connected here in a mercantile establishment, and was one of a good many free trade speculators and as it was speculating [?] their dealings were pretty miscellaneous, but I saw nothing in Hydes course but that he was as good as the average. His establishment here failed badly, as it was natural it should, and he was a good deal censured in connection with it, but I not not [sic] know that he was more censured that [??ings], [???liss] dealers generally are.
This is all I know of him personally. he went west and the stories circulated concerning him there, and among them his booking &c, were not creditable, but I know nothing of their truth He is said to have married respectably in Cleveland
SOURCE: Lincoln, Abraham. Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833 to 1916: Daniel S. Dickinson to Abraham Lincoln, Monday,Legal. August 9, 1858. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/resource/mal.0119100/.
