[PETERSBURG,
VA.?], August 15th, 1857.
DEAR SIR: Doctor Harvie sent me two letters from you to Mr.
L. E. Harvie, who is absent on a trip to the north, as he will be away from
home for some weeks, and I do not know certainly at what point a letter would
reach him, I will keep them until his return. As he is in the habit of giving
me your letters to read, I have read these supposing that they referred to your
reelection, a matter in which you are aware I feel a deep and friendly
interest. I believe now, you will encounter a violent but not a formidable
opposition as far as success is concerned. The alliance between Wise and Floyd
is at present a close one, but as neither wishes to advance the other, and can
assail you only, through your friends, I do not think they can seriously effect
your election. They certainly cannot, if Wise is your opponent, he can get a
certain but small vote. The danger is, in my opinion, that they may unite on
Judge Daniel of Lynchburg, he is strong in the section of the state where you
would get with his aid an almost unanimous vote, and he can array against us
all of the old democrats, who have not abandoned their hate of the States
rights portion of the party. The Enquirer has used its influence; and it is
still strong, to impress the democracy, with the idea that your peculiar
friends are resolved to assail Buchanan. I do not believe it has as yet,
excited any feeling against you. I wrote Pryor, as soon as this Kansas
controversy, assumed a decided character, urging him, to confine his attacks to
Walker and his action, and as far as he could to separate Buchanan from the
controversy. But Wise, who is editing the Enquirer (perhaps indirectly) has
continued to produce an impression with many, that the "South" was
established for the purpose of making opposition to Buchanan. Wise has as yet,
suffered personally, in the contest, but I think he has managed to hurt you,
and advance Floyd. In this last is our danger. I am on good terms with James
Booker, but I know he is a warm friend to Floyd, and he will be very
influential in the House of Delegates. I hear from various sources that he is
in favor of your election. If he is so, not only as against Wise but as against
any other, you will be in little danger. Your opponents, will have no really
good leader in the House, and the Senate will be safe, unless the House
overrules it.
The Northwest I hear from authority I consider good, is for
you against Wise, it will be thoroughly for you against Wise and Floyd. If Mr
Letcher can make Daniel stand firm and work and Layne the Senator from Roanoke,
is true, we have little to fear from the Valley or the Southwest. Neither of
these men can be relied on, but they have influence, and can be controlled by
men in their congressional districts. I am so ignorant of the character of
the delegation from Garnett's district, that I cannot form any opinion of the
amount of Wise's strength in it. I look on Claybrook as most dangerous to you.
Disaffection in this district and in the Lynchburg district, form our chief
source of dread in Piedmont and Tide [water]. I will write to Barbour, and ask
him frankly, what his position will be, he will tell me, I am sure; and if he
is really for you against all competitors, he will fight the contest out and
more adroitly and efficiently, than any man I know. There are men still in the
Legislature over whom he used to exercise much almost entire control, and they
are the class of men you have to dread. In reading your letter I see you
suggest a plan of contest with these men which I hope may be used most
advantageously. With it, we can certainly destroy Wise. Pryor can rally the old
democrats, easily enough, for his services against the Know Nothings, and his
difficulties as Editor of the Enquirer have given him a hold on the rank and
file of the party, which he will not have, except by open opposition to the
democratic administration. I think it would be well for the present, for him to
show that his assailants are resolved to unite Virginia to the Northern States
and sever her connection with the South. It can easily be done by extracts from
the Examiner and Enquirer. Their assaults upon "secessionists,"
"Ultras," "Extremists," "opponents of the Manouvres of
1850" &c and their effort to show that we must be dependent upon the
Northern democracy, can be so used as to show their intention to prefer allying
the democracy to the party North, to granting anything to the Cotton States. If
he would use this well, with the conviction now prevailing that Wise edits the
Enquirer, and will keep back until just before the legislature meets, the proof
he can bring to show that this is the scheme of Wise, we can utterly destroy
him. Those who remember his conduct previous to the nomination of Pierce, know
how easy it is to fasten this charge upon him.
But it is not desirable I think to kill off Wise early. When
he is found too weak, and from what his weakness proceeds, they will take up
another candidate, who is not so obnoxious. He is at present I hear sanguine,
confident of your defeat, while he is so, they can not prevent his being your
competitor. He has been all along disclaiming any intention to be a candidate,
his friends say, lately he may be forced to be one. This and the course of the
Enquirer and what I hear of Hughes lead me to believe he is more confident than
heretofore. We can always defeat him, and send you to the Senate without
disturbing the democratic party, but he and Floyd might put up another, whose
defeat would be less certain, and an election over whom might add to the number
of your opponents. There is another matter, which causes me some alarm, it is
the action of the
Southern States, in the organization of the House of
Representatives. Should the democracy of Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and
Mississippi, unite and carry off enough Southern members, to defeat the
election of the Administration Candidates for Speaker and Clerk, it may
seriously effect us here. The threat of such action may frighten Buchanan, and
its execution will prostrate him, but it will exasperate the democracy here,
and throw off many from your support. This matter, of course, you and others
better acquainted with its possible effects upon the democracy and the South,
can judge of better than myself. I am for making no move, in the South, in
which Virginia cannot be carried for her natural allies, unless it be forced
upon us. And a contest which results in the election of a Black Republican
however severe a blow to Buchanan, will react upon us not only in V[irgini]a
but in States further South. These suggestions are offered with a full sense of
my own want of information, as to the necessity, that may operate on
representatives from States further South, and as to ultimate effect on the
people there, of a conflict with the administration, which I believe by the
democracy of V[irgini]a will be deemed preventable and perhaps utterly
condemned by the mass of the people here. I have written to you hastily and
frankly, and you will I am sure believe that I write impelled solely by desire
to advance our common cause, and aid your reelection.
SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report
of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol.
II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 217-9