Sunday, July 26, 2026

Henry Clay to James Clay, January 16, 1848

WASHINGTON, January 16, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — I received this moment your favor of the 10th, and was glad to hear that all are well at home. My cause is not likely to be reached, I fear, for two or three weeks, if it be reached at all. I have not changed my purpose on the subject to which you refer. I have only suspended the execution of it in deference to some friends who fear that bad consequences to the cause and the country might ensue if I were immediately to execute it.

Mr. Jacobs is to be married to-morrow, and I shall go to his wedding.

I send a list of some plants which Mr. Prince has forwarded to me.

I am sorry that you indulge in bad spirits. You are wrong to do so, and I think you have no occasion to do so. You have much to cheer and animate you. More by far than most persons.

My love to Susan and the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 553

Henry Clay to James Clay, February 1, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 1, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — I received your letter informing me of the occurrence which has taken H. E. Erwin to New Orleans. I am deeply concerned about it; but I can not but think that Mr. Prentiss will not fight him. If he should decline doing so I hope Henry will let it drop there, without resorting to any measure of violence or denunciation.

I have some hope of getting my cause tried next week, although there is not, I regret to say, entire certainty in regard to it.

I inclose a bill of lading for a barrel of sperm oil, purchased by Mr. Coffin, which I will thank you to hand to your mother.

I adhere to my purpose communicated to you before I left home. I have suspended the execution of it for the present, in consequence of strong assurances that if I take the step now it will be ruinous to the Whig party. It places me in a state of painful embarrassment.

My love to Susan and the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 553-4

Henry Clay to Henry T. Duncan, February 15, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 15, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — I received your letter of the 9th instant and I was gratified with the proceedings in Bourbon, of which it gave a full account. I presume through other channels you are advised of the state of public affairs here. I see no prospect of peace at present. Upon my arrival here the strongest appeals have been made to me to take no step withdrawing my name from among those from which a selection is to be made of a candidate for the Presidency. I have been assured that, if I did, it would lead to a prostration of the Whig party, especially in the free States. Then they say that General Taylor can not be supported in his present noncommittal position. Some doubt, if he were to assume distinct Whig ground, whether he could obtain the Whig support. I have suspended any definitive action.

Great surprise exists here as to the hot haste of our Taylor friends in Kentucky. Why is it? I am often asked, without being able to give any very satisfactory answer. What will be the issue of the two Conventions in Frankfort next week? Nobody knows here. After the long period of time during which I have had the happiness to enjoy the friendship and confidence of that State, what have I done, it is inquired, to lose it?

Those Conventions, if they would act wisely, I think, would acquiesce in the National Convention and leave their own delegates to act freely, according to all circumstances.

My suit has been argued in the Supreme Court, and I shall leave this place next week for Philadelphia, where some business takes me.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 554-5

Henry Clay to Leslie Combs, February 18, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 18, 1848.

MY DEAR GENERAL, — I received your favor this morning. I have written this winter no letters to Kentucky on public affairs but in answer to letters which I received, and of this description only three. That which you thought ought to have been addressed to you was of that character.

I remain in my passive position in regard to the Presidency. To this course I have been strongly urged. It is generally approved. Whether and when I may change it depends on circumstances. There is no occasion for precipitate action. Mine at least shall be deliberate; having due regard to country, party, friends. If I were to credit all I hear and see, there would be no doubt of my election, if nominated by the National Convention, with my consent; but experience has brought diffidence, and I do not lend too ready an ear to even agreeable things.

I learn from New York that there is not a particle of doubt that, if I were a candidate, the vote of that State would be given me by an immense majority. The Legislature (I mean the Whigs) have had a caucus, in which they passed a resolution, with I believe unanimity, designating me, although not naming me, and excluding our friend General Taylor, though not naming him. Our Kentucky and other friends ought to know what an up-hill business that is of supporting the General in the free States; and yet I lose no suitable occasion to impress on all union, harmony and concord.

I am fully convinced that no preference will be expressed next week in Virginia, at Richmond, for General Taylor; most probably none will be expressed for any one.

I expect to be in Philadelphia the two or three last days of this month and the first week of the next. If I can give any impulse to your business there, I shall not fail to do it.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 555

Henry Clay to James Clay, February 21, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 21, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — Mr. Adams was striken to-day in his seat in the House of Representatives with paralysis, and, if not now dead, it is believed that he can not live until night. Both houses immediately adjourned.

The court has not yet decided my cause, but as it has a press of business before it, I do not draw any unfavorable conclusion from the delay. I can not lose it.

I shall leave this city the day after to-morrow for Philadelphia on Mr. Shelby's business, and shall be detained there about a week.

Mr. Trist has certainly concluded a treaty with the Mexican Commissioners, which is now in this city. I understand that it cedes the boundary of the Rio Bravo, all New Mexico, and Upper California; and that we are to pay fifteen millions of dollars, besides assuming the payment of the debt due from Mexico to our citizens. I am told that the treaty will be submitted to the Senate for its advice, etc.

I wrote to your mother that I had received the check which you sent me from New Orleans.

My love to Susan, Lucy, and your other children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 556

John McLean to Henry Clay, March 1, 1848

CINCINNATI, March 1, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — Your favor from Baltimore was lately received at this place, it having been forwarded to me by Mr. Botts.

The manifestations of confidence and affection by your fellow-citizens in your late tour must be gratifying to you, as they certainly have been to your friends. No higher honors could be bestowed than those which you have received.

No one can so fully understand and appreciate the importance of your position, as connected with the future, as yourself; and this knowledge best qualifies you to determine your course of action. Standing in the advance of all your compeers in age and in renown, you owe much to yourself. But your fame is not exclusively your own. It belongs also to the nation. No one friendly to his country could desire a step to be taken or omitted by you, which might not result, as it would be designed, for the general good.

You can not be insensible to the claims of duty, but your friends have no right to expect from you personal sacrifices. I can only repeat what I said to you in Washington, that if, on a full view of the whole ground, your friends believe, and your own judgment shall concur with theirs, that there exists the highest probability of success, you ought not to withhold your name. But, in all frankness, I will say that you ought not to enter into a doubtful contest. Your fame is of too much value to yourself and to your country to compromise it, in any degree, on a hazardous result.

Political success is no longer a test of merit or qualification. Had this been otherwise, you would long since have been at the head of the Government. If your name shall be brought before the country, with your assent, I shall feel the utmost solicitude for your success.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 556-7

Henry Clay to Samuel Haight, April 15, 1848

ASHLAND, April 15, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, I received to-day your favor of the 10th instant. Prior to this you will have received my note addressed to the public announcing my assent to the submission of my name to the consideration of the National Convention. It so fully explained my views and feelings that I have nothing to add to it. I do not see how it is possible for any exception to be taken to it.

I concur with you in regretting the course of the "National Intelligencer" in regard to the French Revolution; but I think it ought not to operate, and I hope it will not to the prejudice of the Whig party. The editors expressly disclaim being the organ of that party, and the resolutions of congratulation to the French people have been passed, in both houses of Congress, by almost unanimous votes. My own opinion is, that our sympathies and congratulations were due to the French people for the Revolution which they had effected. In expressing these sentiments, we should not have been committed to the sanction of any future excesses which may be perpetrated in the progress of the revolution, if any such should unfortunately occur. My hope is that the foreign powers, profiting by the folly of their former interference with France, will abstain from all exterior pressure upon her, and that she, profiting by the errors which were committed in the former Revolution, will peacefully establish, without the spilling of blood, a free Government upon the basis of popular representation.

No one can doubt my feelings and sympathies who has any recollection of the course which I took in regard to the Spanish American Republics, and to Greece. While France has my cordial and hearty wishes for the triumphant establishment of liberty, I shall be ready to express the deepest regrets, if the Revolution should take an unfortunate turn.

I request you to present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Haight.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 560

General Zachary Taylor to Henry Clay, April 30, 1848

BATON ROUGE, La., April 30, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — Your highly esteemed letter of the 4th inst. was duly received, for which you have my best thanks. It was highly gratifying to me to hear from you, and to learn you had returned to Ashland, after so long a travel during the most inclement season of the year, in good health, which, I flatter myself, you will long continue to enjoy. Your views, as regards our respective chances to succeed to the Presidency at the coming election, are entitled to the greatest respect and consideration, as your opportunities of knowing the opinion of the people generally throughout the country, as regards that matter, are much better than mine can possibly be, having recently made a visit to the seat of the General Government, to three or four of our largest cities, and passed through, into, and along the borders of several of the strongest States in the Union; while I have, since my return from Mexico, for the most part remained stationary at an out-of-the-way place, where I see or hear but little of political movements or matters, save through the newspapers and letters, for the most part written and published by politicians, the editors and writers of the same are sometimes mistaken in their views on the subject of President-making, as other people.

I conceive I am, owing to circumstances which I could not well avoid, placed in rather a peculiar situation, as regards my being a candidate for the Presidency. It is well known to those who had my confidence, that I was very much opposed, when the matter was first agitated in several of the public journals, which was soon after the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, to my name being used as a candidate for that office, which I resisted as far as I could well do so, stating to those around me that I had no aspirations for civil office of any kind; that my greatest ambition was to bring the war we were engaged in to a speedy and honorable termination; that by being considered a candidate for that situation, would have the effect to make the President hostile to me even without his being aware of it, and in such a way as to impair my usefulness in the field, if not to destroy it, as regarded the object I had nearest my heart, which has been realized to the full extent of my expectation; for ever since the battle of Monterey, until I left Mexico, the hand of the Executive was laid heavily on me.

My name continued to be constantly referred to through some of the newspapers, from the time previously mentioned, as a candidate for the Presidency, until the battle of Buena Vista, soon after which I began to receive many letters from some of the first political men of the nation, and from several States, in which they stated that it was in contemplation to bring my name before the country as the Whig candidate for the Presidency, in November, 1848. In reply, I frankly stated my objections to their doing so; among others, that I was no politician, and that it might be considered presumption in me to aspire to that high station, when there were such statesmen who might be elevated to it as yourself, Mr. Crittenden, Judge McLean, and John M. Clayton, and hundreds of others unknown to me, who were, I conceived, much better qualified to preside over the destinies of the country than I was; that you were my first choice, nor did I wish to be in the way of any prominent Whig who might be brought out for that office. To which they replied some of whom were your warm political and personal friends that you would not again permit your name to be brought before the country as a candidate, and that they did not believe any other Whig, owing to events which had taken place, was so likely to be elected, in opposition to the party in power, as myself; and that I owed it to the country to permit my name to be used for said object; that I "could not avoid being a candidate if I would, and ought not if I could." Under this state of things I reluctantly yielded to their wishes. About the same time, I informed a distinguished member of Congress, that the arrangements for the next Presidential campaign were to be made during the approaching session of that body, which would shortly meet; and if, after consulting the members of both branches of the same, it was thought advisable to take up some other individual of the party who was more available, he was authorized to withdraw my name from the contest, and if it was you who was fixed on, so much the better. After writing said letter, I received the proceedings of the people called together in primary assemblies in several of the States, nominating me as a candidate for the Presidency at the next election, and in several instances stating it was understood that, in the event of any distinguished Whig being brought out as a candidate, I would at once withdraw my name; but urging me not to do so, but to continue as a candidate under all circumstances, on the grounds I had taken, which was not to be the exclusive candidate of any party, etc.; and on reaching New Orleans many friends called on me to let it be publicly announced that my name as a candidate for the office in question would not be withdrawn, let who would be in the field, which I consented to, and advised my friends in Washington of my change in that respect, without delay. I therefore now consider myself in the hands of the people, a portion of whom have placed my name before the country, for the highest office in their gift, without any agency of mine in the matter, and if they should think proper to drop me and take another, which they ought to do, provided they can fix on a more available candidate, and one better qualified to serve them, and cast their votes for him at the proper time, and should succeed in electing him, it will neither be a source of mortification or disappointment to me. On the contrary, if he is honest, truthful, and patriotic, I will rejoice at the result. And I can say, in all sincerity, that should you receive the nomination of the Whig National Convention, which is to meet in Philadelphia in June, and should be elected in November, but few of your friends will be more gratified than myself. And should you be unsuccessful, and should it be thought your being a candidate had the effect of preventing my election, it will not produce the slightest feeling of unkindness toward you, but I will continue to cherish those kind feelings which I have entertained for you for many years, which I hope are reciprocal.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 557-60

Friday, July 24, 2026

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop, Saturday, August 20, 1864

For nine days I have been prevented from making usual notes. Little passed I care to recall; I force myself to write today. I know no one who takes a general note of things; it is with hesitancy as well as difficulty, that I do. I cannot say that mine is more than meager penciling. They are samples of the best and some of the worst things that I note. Two of the sick mentioned the 11th, died the 13th; the others on the 15th. One had turned gray since I first saw him. He had money but could not save himself. His was the common complaint. He died within four feet of me suddenly falling; was from Pennsylvania. Another old prisoner died today of squalor within a few feet of us. The mortality, notwithstanding the removal of so many of the worst cases, has increased. The average is over 100 per day this month. On the 15th, 140; the 17th, 128 died. I am told by a man who is on duty at the hospital. The sick again admited to the gate for prescription; but three taken to the hospital out of several hundred applicants. It is the most disagreeable task one ever had to do, to cary a sick man before the doctor and then it amounts to nothing.

H. D. Merritt of our company was taken out in an awful condition on the 14th. He is from Sodus, Wayne county, N. Y. Fourteen of Company F have died; eleven more are in bad condition. (This does not include myself.) Madison hurt his foot a few days ago; his blood is so weak that it does not heal. Gangrene set in; it has eaten to the bone. The limbs of others are so affected as to be unable to walk. Most of them were strong heavy men, but we have to carry them to sick call. Gangrene is one of the frightful phases of these diseases. W. M. Townsend of the 111th N. Y. received a slight scratch on his thigh which has spread to a large and painful sore. It is by great precaution it is kept from being maggoty. The 12th I accidentally found Hanson, a young German of our company whom I had not seen for a long time, he belonged to another detachment. He was helpless but could talk; had fallen in the swamp, was completely daubed. His gums are rotted with scurvy; the backs of his hands and feet raw from sunburn; maggots actually crawling in his flesh. I got Sergeant Burton and went to the gate begging aid. At last got the answer, "You Yanks do something for your own selves." We returned to Hanson, lifted and gave him water, cleansed his wounds, found his detachment sergeant, borrowed a ragged blanket to cover him; could do no more. He died August 16th.

Tunnel was discovered not long since this way: It had been completed to the point where they wished to come out. The head man was pulling down the dirt when suddenly it broke away covering him, and down came a gray jacket with a Rebel in it, gun and all. The relief guards were just being mounted and one of them stepped upon the exact spot where they were to escape.

A Rebel paper I saw today spoke of Major Currill, Commissioner of Exchange, visiting our fleet in Mobile Bay, having reference to sending packages. Fighting at Richmond and other places, and close work at Atlanta. They abound in speculations on the Presidential campaign, and in extracts from the New York World, Herald, News and Albeny Argus and from their view argue the South's success. The World has an article on "The Failure of Grant," denouncing his whole course; and claims that "Grant is played out," though he has punched Lee back into his Richmond ditches and is still operating. Southern Rebels do not claim Grant is a failure. They keep up a bold front which they consider a political as well as a military necessity; but their own admissions, in general tones, are evidences of their strait. To me it seems they have ceased to hope for that degree of success from their armies that can save the little prestige they have abroad, much less secure their recognition, so turning to political bickerings, presenting their armies in the feigned attitude of triumph and strength but base their hope on the election. They believe that a party that could expiate their crimes in the past, would do even more in the future, if raised to power to look down on a forest of Rebel bayonets instead of threatening, sophistical politicians to whom they had succumbed. But they are a mere shell full of dead and rotting strength that has passed its zenith. The Southern heart is burning to ashes; they would negotiate for a respite to replenish the flame, not for Union. Oh, let the North be true in this crisis! Rebels would despair of success before January.

They do not give wood enough to ten men for one. Men go to extremes to obtain it, stealing dead men from their friends to carry out with the hope of getting it. Four men are permitted to go and can bring in quite a jag. Then some will trade half of their scanty rations for a stick to cook the other half. A few will trade a day's rations for a ten cent bit of tobacco. A few so far lose their reason as to throw clothing away, becoming disgusted with lice; add themselves to disgusting sights by going naked. All capable of being degraded so as to lose self respect, become so. God only knows the wickedness and woe of such a state!

I wandered to a locality new to me, a few days ago. I came to a quartet of Tennesseeans who told their war experiences; of persecutions their people suffered for being Unionists; how they fled from home to escape Rebels who were savage against all who refused to support secession. Their madness knew neither law nor friendship; their frenzy neither justice nor mercy. They, with a hundred others, armed themselves and one day cut their way through an armed mob claimed to have been sent by Governor Isham Harris, who designed to massacre or capture them. They marched many miles to join Buell's army, and had several fights with gorillas. They were captured in Rosecrans' operations near Chattanooga, in 1863; wintered at Danville, Va.; came here in March, seven stopping together. Three have died. Prison hardships affect them severely. The character of these sturdy mountain people, their honest, intelligent patriotism in connection with this crisis, also their general history, inspire these lines:

THE MEN OF TENNESSEE.

 

God save from woes of Anderson

  The men who bravely stayed

By Lincoln's flag, for country one,

  Where slavery's power had swayed;

Eschewed the leaders of the South,

  Of low and high degree,

And deemed the flag ensign of truth,

  Brave men of Tennessee.

 

They lived upon their native soil;

  They loved it well and true;

They lived by faithful, honest toil;

  They loved the peace they knew.

But they were those who weighed events

 As they should pondered be;

They saw conflicting sentiments

  Distracting Tennessee.

 

And when the Union of the States

 Was threatened by its foes,

With the Union they allied their fates

  Secession to oppose.

When driven from their homes away,

  By the powers of slavery,

They joined the Union's armed array,

Grand men of Tennessee.

 

They spurned the rule that would disrupt

  The Nation's life they loved;

They spurned the rule, wrong and corrupt,

 As patriots true behooved,

And leaving homes they loved behind,

Engulfed in war's red sea,

They showed great strength of heart and mind,

  These men of Tenneessee,

 

They nobly tendered strength and life,

   If human blood must shed,

Against secession's valorous strife

  By Southrons madly led,

And side by side with Northern men

  They fought most valiantly-

Here brook the ills of prison pen

  Brave men of Tennessee.

 

Behold them suffer here and die

  Within dark Sumter's walls!

The earth their bed, the roof the sky,

  Where woes their hearts appal!

And yet all offers they resent

  That promise them to free;

By loyalty invite torment-

  True men of Tennessee.

 

O, hail the men who know the right

 And for it stand and fall;

Who will not swerve at Treason's might

  Though death may claim them all;

And here in prison pine and rot,

  Though today they could be free!

No truer men have ever fought,

  Than men of Tennessee.

 

The valor of some Spartan band

  From ancient time men laud;

But the acts of these, of Jackson's land,

 Who will their deeds applaud?

I see them dying day by day

   'Mid scenes of misery;

No voice to praise, where death has sway,

  These men of Tennessee.

HOSPITALS, THEIR HISTORY.

Noting the indisposition or inability of doctors to clear the stockade of sick—victims conspicuous for their wretchedness—I have applied my mind to learn facts regarding so-called hospitals. It is no mystery that men sicken in the stockade. Coarse, unpalatable food, a mixture of meal containing cob and bran doctors call it meal and husk—often musty and bitter, stirred in filthy water in large batches, often souring before baking or while baking with green wood, no salt, no yeast, no soda, often partially raw, often over-roasted with a crust hard and tasteless. If changed to rice, that is colored with the dirty water and often uncooked. Exposed to all weather and until some wells were dug, all drank and washed in the same small stream, always roiled and more and more, night and day, being poisoned by drainage from without and within. Thirst becomes feverish, unbearable; to drink is to pollute our bodies with the offal, intermixed, made more stenchful and rotten by heat and rain. Nothing could be more unsanitary, more conducive to disease. What are the hospital facilities to cope with rapidly developing conditions absolutely adverse to health in strongest men? I find these facts, attested by appearances and results. No Confederate doctor or officer pretends to dispute.

This is the history of so-called hospitals here to date and they must continually grow worse. When the prison was built most of its early prisoners were from prisons farther north, Danville and about Richmond, where they were under roofs. Coming here in February and March they readily chilled through. Some refuse of the timber from which the stockade was built was appropriated by prisoners for fuel and shelter, and before hot weather and an increase of prisoners, both air and water might have been an improvement on their former abode. But old prisoners broke down and the first hospital was erected inside of poles and brush. This was the best hospital the place has ever had. The poles or logs were left several inches apart, and as sickly men were put in them the place became as odious and no more commodious than a backwoods hog-pen. A portion had a lose floor, no beds, no bunks, no blankets, no straw. The storm and wind beat through the space between the logs and rendered patients that retained sensitiveness or desire to live, uncomfortable. A few prisoners had threadbare blankets, or remnants, with the U. S. brand, but no other was provided whether prisoners had a U. S. rag or not.

This was the original provision and remained the only hospital until the middle of May, or a few days later, when prisoners began to come from the spring campaigns and were so packed about this hospital pen that the air was infected and it was removed to its present locality to make room. We arrived here from the Wilderness fields in Virginia just two days after this change; but even then the place where it had been, was covered with men fresh from our armies little heeding that the very earth which they had been forced to accept as their abode, was soaked with the filth of the lately removed wards of death, for, then as now, there was no means of disposal of excreta of men who were slowly wasting and unable to seek the swamp or stream, except in illy provided open excavations within the 'hospital" or death-pen. The hospitals now simply consist of old canvas appropriated from other use, ragged or patched, open at the sides, without floors, beds, bunks, stoves or straw. Men lay on the earth in ghastly rows. The ground where they lay is saturated with offal of wasting bodies. The sickening exhalation is constant. Patients have no clothing except that worn during their imprisonment and in active service, never but a single suit, in many cases not much of that, no blankets, except where prisoners happened to retain them on coming to prison. Patients are sickly visages of squalor, decaying bodies, while yet their minds retain dreary existences. There are fleshless skeletons with skin drawn over them; on some bones have broken or worn through the skin. Limbs of others whose flesh has not vanished, are swollen with dropsy and scurvy, discolored, yellow and brown. In many cases ulcers appear—sores from wounds that never heal, and gangrene is having an unchecked if not undisputed reign. Myriads of lice and flies swarm over helpless men; maggots infest gangrenous sores that may have originated from a scratch, a sunburn or from ulcerous eruption caused by corrupted blood.

These matters, seemingly, have reached an uncontrollable stage. There is scarcity of medicine, scarcity of physicians. Nurses are dumbfounded; if they have any sense of the situation they are in despair; can do little to comfort and it seems that those detailed have no adaptation for the work. Except now and then one, would they be retained and for just that reason, in a hospital well ordered for work. From first to last there is nothing provided, nothing arranged, nothing expected but death, and the quicker the better. If doctors had ordinary skill, and nurses had any idea of sanitation, some police regulations would be visible. If this were so and the Richmond government had meant to do anything but murder, better facilities would be provided. I have met a doctor or two apparently of skill, good sense, and humane intent; but they seemed to have despaired of doing justice to their profession or to patients, lacking means and having to contend against conditions which no skill and no medical supplies can meet until conditions change. They have no hope of that. There are some bunglers in charge with a slight knowledge of surgery ready to improve their quack skill by revolting practice. Amputation has been performed where no hope was possible or expected, and in cases where there was a lingering hope, yet the bodily condition of patients did not justify amputation. In no case as I can hear, has gangrene been cured by amputation. Slight wounds are not healable owing to weak blood. Some of these fellows are perfectly brutal, and enlisted in this capacity rather than be conscripted and carry a musket. These conditions are known at Richmond. The prison has been inspected by military and civil officials of high rank. Reports of surgeons, Drs. Reeves, Pelot and Thomburg in preceding months expressly stated not only general conditions but that there were men that were living masses of putrifaction; hospitals without bunks, beds or straw; as above stated, speaking of corn bread raw and sour and the effects of such diet on sick and well that they could not practice successfully, that sickness could not be prevented nor patients cured until made comfortable; appealing for "beds if any in Dixie." All was unanswered. Confidentially these facts are told me by a doctor.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 107-13

Thursday, July 23, 2026

Senator John C. Calhoun to M. A. Allan Brown, April 9, 1847

Fort Hill 9th April 1847

DEAR SIR, Regarding you to be one, entertaining strong political attachment to me, as you state yourself to be, I answer you as a friend.

If to be devoted to popular institutions; if to believe in the principles and policy, which brought the Republican party into power under Mr. Jefferson; if to prefer country to party, and dare to oppose party, when party deviates from its principles or policy, is to be a Republican, then am I one, and ever have been, and never more so than now. I had supposed, I had given too many and trying proofs of my Republicanism judged by these tests, to have my Republicanism doubted at this late day. I have often before opposed the party when in power, to save both it and the country. I have often before been denounced by partisans and party papers for doing so; but time has ever, as it will now, prove me to be in the right. It has been my fate to oppose the party, when in power and full strength, and to come to its rescue, when fallen or out of power. It is again in a fair way, I apprehend, to lose power, because it has greatly departed from its original faith, and embraced the principles and policy of its opponents to a far greater extent, than is supposed, by those, who have not carefully watched the course of events. The Republican party would ever triumph, and never be in danger, if true to its principles and policy. I would say to you, and other political friends, who may have given too hasty an ear to the abuse of mere partisans and party papers who go with party right or wrong, wait and see. To time I always appeal against their clamour.

I enclose you a copy of my address to the citizens of Charleston.2

_______________

1 Of Wilkesborough, N. C. Text derived from a copy kindly furnished by Mr. F. E Shoup, of Columbia, Tenn.

2 Of March 9, 1847; Works, IV, 382-395.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 725-6

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, April 11, 1847

Fort Hill 11th April 1847

MY DEAR SIR, . . . The spring has been very backward; but the weather has been warm and dry since the commencement of the month, and vegitation has pushed forward with great rapidity. The woods begin to assume their summer garb, and every thing seems gay and cheerful. This morning is a lovely one, of the most agreeable temperature. The birds are sending up their joyous notes in every direction. We, however, begin to want rain, to bring up our corn and cotton, and give vigour to the growth of small grain.

As to politicks, things as yet, continue much as they have been, when I last wrote you. Ritchie continues his abuse, to which I have no objection. He has been long my secret foe, he is now an open and bitter one. Whatever impression he may make against me for the time, will in a short time react. I do not think, that there is the slightest prospect, that the old Hunkers of which he is the Organ, can ever again be resuscitated. They are incredibly corrupt; — alike destitute of honor or honesty. They know, that I have sustained the democratick party for the last ten years, and that without my support, they would have been prostrated forever by the explosion of 1837. They know, that my support has been of the most disinterested character; and yet they hate me, with a deeper hatred, than what they do, their professed opponents, simply because of my opposition to the spoils principle and the caucus Machinery, the only cohesive power, that holds them together. But their days are numbered, and they see it; and hence the gnashing of the teeth, and bitter curses. I take it with perfect calmness. They shall have more cause for Wailling before I am done. The last session is but the prelude to the next, when the day of reconing will commence.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 726

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green, April 17, 1847*

Fort Hill 17th April 1847

MY DEAR SIR, The mistake, which I think you and the most of my friends make in reference to myself is, that you do not fully realize how completely I hold my own advancement subordinate to what I deem my duty to the Country. Even in the ardour of youthful aspiration, when the Presidency was an object of desire, I never could bring my mind to yield to a measure, or course of policy, which I thought wrong, to obtain that high office; much less can I now, when it is no longer to me an object of desire. Had I arrived at the Presidency by any other way, than an upright, and fearless discharge of what I conscienciously believed to be my duty, I would have been much more flexible, and under the influence of friends; but as it is, when I do not agree with any one portion, they have been too apt to suppose, that I had been influenced by those, with whom I happen to agree. You make this mistake as to my course in 1840. It may be, that the motives of those on the occassion, to which you refer, was such as you suppose; but, be that as it may, in making up my opinion, I had no consultation with them, nor had their opinion in relation to the subject to which you refer, the least influence with me. I am always happy to hear the opinion of my friends and often avail myself of their suggestions, in modifying my course; but rarely ever in taking it. I have said thus much, because, I think, you not infrequently fall into error, in attributing, what is the result of my deliberate judgement to the influence of others.

I entirely agree with you, that the Presidential election ought to be held in reserve, with the restriction, that no one of the old hunkers or their nominee by the Baltimore convention, shall get our support. I regard that portion of the party, as incurably corrupt. In their folly and profligacy they made the Mexican war, without seeing, that the successful general will ever be sure to turn the party, in this country, out of power, which makes a war. They began to see it, when it was too late, and hence their desire to have a Lieut General and to strike a blow at Genl Taylor during the last session. And hence, also, the sending of Genl Scott, in the hope of exciting their mutual Jealousy and dividing their political friends on the Presidential question. Indeed, the movements, on the part of both parties, have looked to that exclusively. It is to be hoped, that the very few, who look exclusively to the country, by taking an independent stand, and keeping in reserve their influence, may finally throw it, where something may be done to advance the publick good.

I am glad to learn, that you have closed a satisfactory arrangement, about your mountain property, and I hope that your expectation will be realized, but let me repeat my hope, expressed on a former occasion, that you will not engage in publishing a paper, unless you can see your way clearly. Your first duty is to your family.

My Charleston friends appear disposed to make an effort to raise the necessary funds to establish a paper for the support of the South, on a solid basis, provided the other Southern States will cooperate, or at least a part of them. But, I fear, that their attention is so much absorbed in the events of the Mexican war, and that they are so much entangled by their party connections, that nothing will be done.
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* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 727-8

 

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 6, 1847

Fort Hill 6th May 1847

MY DEAR SIR, I am very happy to hear by yours by the Cambria, that you are all well.

The views you take in reference to Ritchie, and the position in which it has placed me in reference to the hunker portion of the party are perfectly correct. They are incurably corrupt; and I am glad to be seperated from them by their own act. It places me on ground perfectly independent of either party; to act according to the dictates of my own judgement. The days of hunkerism is numbered. Mr Polk is the last of the dynasty. It never can rise again to power. The folly and the vice of the party have destroyed it. He sought by the Mexican war to perpetuate the power of the party, but it will prove the means of his and their overthrow. As things now stand, he will make Taylor his successor by making the war. It has made him the available candidate, and that of itself will be sufficient to rally a majority around him. Indeed, it would seem to be an established principle with us, that the party in power, which makes war, will be sure to be turned out of power by it; — if successful, by the successful General; and if not, by the opposition. When that comes to be understood, as it will be, if Taylor should be elected, we never again shall have a war, when it can be averted. Had the administration had sufficient sagacity to see it, Taylor never would have been ordered to the del Norte, and there would have been no war. As much as I am opposed to military chieftains for presidents, I shall, thus thinking, be content to see him elected against Mr Polk, or any one, who contributed to make the war; and, let me add, against the nominee of a convention, either democrat, or Whig. But I go no farther. I shall stand fast on my own doctrines, and act in conformity to them, in any emergency, including the Presidential. It is the only way, by which I can serve the country and preserve my character. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 728-9

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, June 10, 1847

Fort Hill 10th June 1847

MY DEAR ANNA, If I have not written you more frequently, it is because Cornelia and your Mother write you constantly, and that for the last several packets, it has been necessary for me to write to Mr Clemson, in reply to his letters and on business.

It happens, for the first [time] for a considerable period, that there was no subject, which required I should write to him, and that your letter to me, was the only one received from Brussels by the packet before the last. The last steamer which sailed took no letter from us to either of you, as we were absent in Abbeville in attendance on Kate Townes Wedding. I think she has done well; but as Cornelia sends a long letter to you, in company with this, I take it for granted, she will be very full in her narative about the wedding and all that relates to our visit to Abbeville, so I shall pass them over. I am happy to hear, you are all so well, and that the children are making such progress; not in what is called learning only, but what is vastly more important at their age, in good sense and habits. I hear such favourable accounts of them, that I am extremely desirous of seeing them again, as well as yourself and Mr Clemson; and sincerely hope, the time is not distant, when he shall think it for his interest to return to the U. States. If cotton should ever rise to 8 or 9 cents, steadily, as I hope it will, now that the immense stock, which had accumulated will be reduced to nothing by the end of the year. The present crop, thus far, is by no means promising. It is generally very backward, small and not a good stand. Besides, that planted on the Mississippi bottom has been in a great measure ruined by the Fresh. I saw not more than two tolerable crops on my visit to Abbeville, and neither of them much, if any more forward, than mine. With their exception, mine is the best by far I have seen this season. The weather has been unfavourable, and insects have abounded. We have not had since the 1st Week in April a single day that could be called warm, and are yet sleeping under a blanket, and 'till lately under two. We have rains now, but it is still too cool to give any great impulse to the growth of cotton.

I met in Abbeville Hammond at Mr McDuffie's, and spent a night with him there. He gave the same account of the crop, as low down as his residence, and I do not doubt it is much the case over the whole cotton region. He speaks very favourably of his experiment in marling and the use of plaster of Paris; and enthusiastically of his efforts in reclaiming the swamp land on his tract. From what he states, they must be equal to the best lands in the Union, while the expense, is far less than it was supposed it would be at first. Should Mr Clemson return, it would be worth while to look at the lands adjacent to him. The situation has great advantage in climate and position.

I am not at all surprised, that the state of things in Belgium and Europe, generally, should excite the feelings and sentiments you have so strongly expressed; and yet, bad as is the state of things there, it must, with the exception of this year of famine, be vastly superior to what it is in any other part of the old continent. We are for the present far better off; but it may be doubted whether we are not treading the path, that will lead in the end to a similar or worse state. Certain it is, that the preservation of our institutions and liberty oссиру but little of the attention of our Government, Federal, or State, or that of the people. Wealth and power engross the attention of all. We act, as if good institutions and liberty belonged to us of right, and that neither neglect nor folly can deprive us of their blessing. I almost stand alone, in taking a different view, and soon I fear shall be entirely out of fashion.

We have a most uncertain future before us. It began with the Mexican war. It has reached a critical point. I see nothing that can prevent us from taking the city, but what is to be the end of that, no one can tell. The present indication is, that we shall go on and subject, and hold in subjection, if we can the whole country; and who can tell to what that may lead? The only thing that seems probable is, that the Army and Navy are to become the controlling influence in the country, at least for another Generation.

I am looking on calmly, but with deep interest, with the fixed resolve to do my duty, regardless of all consequences. The next session must be one of the most important, that has yet taken place. It will lead to many developements, and give us a glimpse of what is to come. My position is one of entire independence of party, and of great command; but it will require much firmness, prudence and foresight to meet its duties, and responsibilities. I hope I will not prove unequal to the task it may impose.

We are all well, and all join their love to you and Mr Clemson and the children. Kiss them for their grandfather and tell them how glad I am to hear they are so well, and behave so well.

Willie has not yet returned, but we expect him next week.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 729-31

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green, June 10, 1847*

Fort Hill 10th June 1847

I received your two last letters, the one written at New York and the other after your return from Washington, in which you urge me to attend the Convention to be held in Chicago on the 4th July.1

After giving the subject the most deliberat consideration, I cannot concur with you in opinion as to the expediency or propriety of my attending.

My opinions in reference to internal improvement, both in reference to the Lakes and the Mississippi, have been fully expressed in my remarks at Memphis and the report on the proceedings of the Memphis convention. I have seen no reason since to change, or modify my opinion on any point. If I were to go to the Chicago convention, it would only be to repeat them, and to expose myself to the attack of those, who may be disposed to go farther than I can go, with my views of the Constitution, aided and backed by all, who may be politically opposed to me; while I would expose myself to the imputation of the very motive you assign for my going, and would lose more weight with the South, than I could possibly gain in the West.

Such are the objections, which occur to me, regarding the subject in the light you do, in reference to myself and my political advancement. But political advancement has ceased to be for a long time any object to me, personally. I would accept the Presidency on no condition but to reform the Government and carry out the principles and policy with which I am identified; and I have no idea that it will ever be tendered me for that purpose. All that remains for me is, to finish my course with consistency and propriety, and that I can only do, by an honest and manful discharge of my duty, while I remain in publick life. I am thankful to my friends for the interest they take in my elevation to power. One of the strong motives I would have to accept should it come to me, in a manner I could accept, would be to serve those, who have stood by me through so many trying scenes. Their attachment to me, has been the result of a community of sentiment in reference to the principles and policy of the Government; and, as such, I have ever regarded it, as alike honorable to them and me. Many of them, you among the others, overestimate the chance of my elevation, by not taking the proper view of the nature of the difficulty in my way. It may all be summed up in one, that I am not in favour of the spoil's policy. They who seek them are for the present masters of the country; and so long, as they continue to be so, ever will resist successfully my elevation. Nothing but a reaction, which shall rouse the country to a sense of its danger, which may not occur, until too late, can ever elevate me to power. That such should be the case, I have no reason to complain. I selected my course with a full knowledge, that such would be the case; and so far from regretting it, I would do it over again, if it was in my option to choose. I am not disappointed, and have none of the feelings belonging to the disappointed. But, I must say, that I am occasionally mortified, at seeing how little I am understood by some of my oldest and most faithful friends, and you among them, as I infer from some of your remarks in your letter from N. York. It is a grave charge to say, a man is unmindful of his friends. If I know myself, I would rather injure myself than a friend; and have ever been more unmindful of myself, than of them. It is I, who head without hesitation, or dread of consequences every assault on our common principles, and, if I have been careless of them, I have been much more so of myself. It would be a much truer estimate of my character to say, when duty is concerned, I am not only regardless of friendship or enmity but of myself. As to the case of Morton, my impression is, that I neither took part, nor voted. When I saw how badly the democratick party was acting on the Wilmot proviso, I saw little choice between one, or another of the party, or between a democrat, or a Whig. Besides Williams, whom he turned out, gave a statement in his favour; and yet, it seems, this miserable affair, is the proof that I am not mindful of my friends. It had nothing to do with any friend. If he had been rejected it would have only made room for some other, equally objectionable.
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*  Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

1 The Northwestern Harbor and River Convention.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 731-3

Wednesday, July 22, 2026

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Sunday, March 1, 1863

I fixed my post returns for colonel. I sent stilletto to Sally Ann and Hannah, pen holder to Moses and Carrie, the latter to be kept for me. Paid $3.00 for them. Snowy in the evening.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Monday, March 2, 1863

A fine morning. Writing paper 25, washing 20 (Jones). I showed the colonel my burlesque of my company and the fort generally. He laughed quite heartily.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Tuesday, March 3, 1863

Lieuts. Randolph and Norton spent an evening in my room.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Wednesday, March 4, 1863

The colonel invited me to play a game of cards with him. I replied: “I never play games of any kind." He sneeringly replied: "Virtuous young man you are." Lieut. Randolph asked: "Does thee think there is any harm in it?" I said: "Every man can do as they please. I would not play a game for a farm."

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Thursday, March 5, 1863

Very snowy. The Sibley D. T. relief train arrives with news of the fall of Vicksburg. Rumor that M. T. Thomas, our colonel, is enroute for Ft. Abercrombie. I cut my wood. I got out five lines of Virgil, commencing 75, book 2.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Friday, March 6, 1863

I got out lines of Virgil. A nice day. Collins scared about his drum. Gets up in a hurry for reveille. Lieut. Col. sick.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Saturday, March 7, 1863

I wrote to John C. Haradon and copied letter to Sibley. Lieut. W. Kinney and I examined the report of hospital. Artillery and horse power arrived. Fire in the hospital kitchen.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Sunday, March 8, 1863

I made out returns and wrote two letters. An awful snow storm came up just in the evening. Hospital walls caving in. Private Small, Co. D of the Seventh, died about noon; lung fever. Battalion drill. Lieut. Col. gave me five stamps, 15.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Tuesday, March 10, 1863

We had battalion drill.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Wednesday, March 11, 1863

Very nice day, I wrote some on Burlesque Military School. I wrote our blanks in guard book.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 13

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Thursday, March 12, 1863

Three dog trains arrived, one from Pembina, one from Goose River and Georgetown. I finished burlesque, 23 pages.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Friday, March 13, 1863

Messenger arrived. Furloughs for Corporal Jos. E. Faverow and Corporal Benj. F. Rawalt.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Saturday, March 14, 1863

Nothing of special importance occurred except the arrival of train and last supplies from Alexandria and mail. D. Phelps, Co. D, Seventh Minn., died of inflammation of the bowels.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Sunday, March 15, 1863

Very busy as usual getting out reports. Faverow gone home with messenger. Tarbell, McCoy's Co., relieved from guard. Corporal Daniel Phelps buried.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Monday, March 16, 1863

Wrote a letter to father. Train went below. Norton and I went to Slabtown after Jos. Demarais, interpreter, to go to Georgetown. My skull which I sent to father was Brave Buffalo, of Standing Eagle Red Feather's tribe. There was ball playing upon the west camp.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Tuesday, March 17, 1863

Capts. McCoy and Tyler, with one howitzer and 36 men, started for Georgetown after settlers. Fine weather.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Wednesday, March 18, 1863

Cloudy and some colder.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Thursday, March 19, 1863

I studied Virgil and did my usual official duties. Could not make out much translation until after supper.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Saturday, March 21, 1863

I got out 18 lines of Virgil; 27 refugees came up from Georgetown with Capt. McCoy and Tyler. Warm and snow melting. An old squaw 120 years old among the Chippewas.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Sunday, March 22, 1863

I wrote to father, Sibley 2, Col. Cleary 1. Made out two returns weekly; 22 doz. eggs without express. Pay for shoulder straps. Doughnuts, biscuits and turn-overs for supper. Warm.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Monday, March 23, 1863

Warm. Capt. Tyler and four mule teams gone below. Dress parade.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Tuesday, March 24, 1863

Very blustery and cold, and occasional snow squalls. Dress parade.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Wednesday, March 25, 1863

Sergeant Deutsch appointed post quartermaster sergeant; private Fred Mack, commissary sergeant; myself, post sergeant major.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Friday, March 27, 1863

We had our usual duties. Fine bright day, with wind. Tarbell, the messenger, came back with the letter which he took. Lieut. Col. Peteler is admonished with "repetition of such disrespectful language will not pass unnoticed." (Mem.).

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Saturday, March 28, 1863

Very fine day, rather cool. Seven teams arrived from St. Cloud bound for Georgetown. The mail from below St. Anthony was left at St. Cloud. One pound of candles, 30 cents.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 14

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Sunday, March 29, 1863

Mack, orderly, and I took a walk to grave yard. Very bright, pleasant day.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 15

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Monday, March 30, 1863

Our company moved into new quarters. Very blustery. Some corrections in letter copied, I forgot to copy another.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 15

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Tuesday, March 31, 1863

I make out post returns. Frank Shepard and Lewis Judd got their discharge papers signed, ready to go down tomorrow.

SOURCE: Lewis C. Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 15

Tuesday, July 21, 2026

Colonel Jefferson Davis to Governor Albert G. Brown, September 20, 1847

(From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.)

Govr. A. G. Brown,

Sir,

From the preceding report much was omitted which would have been supplied had it been originally written for one who was not himself an actor in the events described. Some portion of the facts thus omitted I deem it proper here to append.

Having as stated in my report of the transactions of the 21st been marched at the close of that day to our encampment at the Walnut Springs, the regiment was dismissed to its quarters for the night. In the morning of the 22d I was warned that our regiment was required for field service. The Companies were formed and marched to the regimental parade. The severe service of the previous day had reduced the number, but had in no degree impaired the ardor or energy of our men. I announced the duty for which the regiment was drawn out and marched it from the encampment. The report that we were off for another fight brought out all who were able to march, and I have often recurred with pride to the recollection, that when I subsequently counted the files for the issue of ammunition, we had forty seven men more, than when we formed on our Regimental parade.

By directing our march through some fields which concealed us from the view of "the Citadel," we reached the plain above "fort Teneria", the work which we had taken on the previous day, before we came under the enemy's fire. Here his artillery in the fort "el Diablo" opened upon us, and before we reached fort "Teneria," one shot took effect, killing Private Dubois and wounding Private Gregg of Company "H."

In conjunction with the Tennessee Regiment, under the command of Lt. Col. Anderson, we relieved the guard found in "Fort Teneria," and under the assignment of Brigadier Genl. Quitman took post for further orders. This work, "La Teneria", was composed of two field entrenchments and a stone house; the salient, was a circular redoubt, mounting four guns, one at an open embrasure, and three in barbet; the next, was an irregular redan resting on the stone building; on the top of the stone building was a breast work of sand bags, from behind which the defenders had an upper tier of fire against their assailants, and at the last moment a plunging fire into the interior of the works below.

The Tennessee Regt. was placed in the round work, the Mississippi Riflemen with Major Ridgely's battery in the redan and stone building. From the top of this house I made frequent observations during the day upon the positions and movements of the enemy at the east end of the town, without acquiring any other valuable information, than that he had a large force at the north east angle of his defences.

Working parties were detailed throughout the day, and under the direction of Maj. Mansfield and Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers, threw up a traverse to connect the round work with the redan, and made some additions to the more defective part of the breast work. From the fort "el Diablo" and "the Citadel", the enemy continued throughout the day to throw shot and shells at us; by constant vigilance we avoided injury from them, though the walls of the intrenchment were much too low to defile the interior of the work. At the approach of night Capt. Taylor's company was posted in the north-west part of the stone building, the same in which we had taken the prisoners on the preceding day, with instructions to defend the gates in the event of a night attack, and by sentinels on the roof and at other suitable places to keep vigilant watch upon

the enemy. The other companies were distributed along the breast work of the redan.

We had left camp without preparation, were in light clothing and entirely without food. Our Quarter Master had been directed to bring out the blankets and the day's rations for the companies, he informed me subsequently that he made several ineffectual attempts to do so, and failed from being unable to get an escort for his wagon, across the plain, where it would have been exposed to attack. Thus unprovided, rain and a norther came together upon us. The work which we occupied was rudely constructed and unfinished, earth had been taken from the inside of the parapet, the rain collected in holes and men already shivering with cold had to stand in the water when called to the breast work. We were so near the enemy as to hear his guard calls, and the turning out of his cavalry patrols. His signals indicated that some concerted movement was to be made during the night; as he ought to have attacked us it was therefore to be expected, and we remained at the breast work, though the exposure was extremely severe.

Thus passed the night of the 22d. At dawn of the 23d our sentinels on the house top reported that very few persons were visible in the fort "el Diablo," my own observations connected with the events of the night induced me to believe that the greater part of the garrison had been withdrawn. I communicated these things to Genl. Quitman, Commanding the post, who authorized me to make a sortie with four companies, two of Missi. riflemen and two of Tenn: Infantry. We entered the suburbs of the city, and saw the enemy retreating rapidly before us. Having passed on sufficiently far to secure an approach on the gorge of the fort, and thus to avoid the fire of artillery if that arm had not been removed, the column was headed to the left and marched rapidly upon the fort. We found it's garrison and armament had been withdrawn, the traverse at its gorge had been dug down so as to render it more untenable by us, and the men who had been seen in it claimed to be noncombatants. With a small party of Riflemen commanded by Lieut. Hampton, I then proceeded with the assistance of Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers to examine the ground and a redoubt upon our right. It had been also evacuated, and the houses in it's vicinity, which had been pierced with loop holes, were generally abandoned. In this reconnoissance we took some fifteen prisoners who informed us that the enemy had retired to the main Plaza. Lieut: Scarret proposed to report these events to Genl. Taylor and to apply for sapping tools to advance into the city. For this purpose he soon after left us, and circumstances prevented his returning, as was desired. With the prisoners taken we returned to the fort "el Diablo."

I next proceeded with a few riflemen commanded by Lieut. Moore to reconnoitre the positions to our left. The first was a tenail connected by a line of abattis with a stone wall, in it's rear, thence the defences were continued along the bluff of the city, by houses, the stone walls of yards, and the barricades constructed at the ends of the streets, to the South-eastern angle of the Town, where an old Hospital, standing out in a salient position to the rest of the line, had been fortified and garnished with guns, to command one of the principal entrances to the Town, that by the Cadareita road. All the works along this line had been abandoned except the last mentioned, and from the obstinacy with which it was maintained, it is probable that the enemy then had in contemplation a retreat by that route, the only one then open to him on which he could have carried artillery.

When returning from this reconnoissance to the fort "el Diablo" I saw Lieut: Greaves with his Company, on the plain below the City, the facts connected with the duty he was performing will be found stated in Lieut. Greaves' report.

After our return to the fort "el Diablo" one of the Missi. Companies "G." was relieved by Company "B." and returned to the "Teneria." Company "D." was then ordered up, and my original command was changed, as noticed in my report to Genl. Quitman of the operations of the 23d. With Companies "B." Capt. Cooper & "D." Lieut. Russell & "H." Lieut. Moore, and one company of the 1st Tenn. Volunteers, I advanced under Genl. Quitman's orders. As the line, upon this side of the enemys defences, was a system of detached field works they were each of course untenable by us as long as the enemy could hold those in their rear, we therefore proceeded, over the ground I had reconnoitred, to the block of the city, where the enemy first contested our progress, and the action commenced, as described in my report of the 23d.

The chief preparations of the enemy had been made against an attack upon the northern and eastern side of the Town. We were expected to approach by the Marin or Cadareita road, and from the enceinte of outworks to the main plaza, nothing had been omitted to increase the resistance upon these approaches. Barricade, succeeded barricade, along the streets; the dwellings were supplied with ammunition, and prepared for its use. Infantry posted on the tops of the houses were securely sheltered by the stone parapet which surrounds their flat, roofs, and though forced from these positions it must be conceded that they firmly resisted. The Mississippi and Texas Riflemen were vastly their superiors at sharp shooting and drove them back but they slowly retired from house to house and from square to square, obstinately defending the crossing of every street. We continued to advance until abreast of the Cathedral of the main plaza, here we seized a two story house, and maintained a contest, under the converging fire of the enemy, which lasted several hours, he was finally driven from every exposed position within the range of our rifles. The command at this position consisted of the advance of Col. Woods Texan Rangers, under Genl. Henderson; and the advance of the Missi. Riflemen.

The prisoners taken in our reconnoissance of the morning, and a Mexican found in our second reconnoissance, to the left, concurred in stating that the Main plaza was a square to the right of the Cathedral, but we now found that the Cathedral was upon one side of the plaza, and that our direction had been too far to the right. On the next square, immediately before us, was an unusually high house, from which it seemed a plunging fire could be thrown into the Plaza.

To this house, after consultation with Genl. Henderson, it was decided to advance, and secure it as a position to be held through the night. The task was more difficult than any we yet had performed. Throughout the day we had been under the fire of the enemy's artillery, generally throwing shells, but now we were close upon his field guns, which covered by a permanently constructed barricade swept the narrow pebble paved street over which we had to pass. The deadly efficiency of artillery in such a situation rendered it necessary to construct a shelter for our men whilst crossing the street. For this purpose we had to rely on such material as the neighboring yards and houses contained, of which we were fortunate in getting enough and in form as convenient as would probably be found among articles not designed for such use.

Whilst engaged in this construction, I dispatched Sergeant Major Harlan to the rear, to inquire of Genl. Quitman what had become of the field piece which he had said would cooperate with us; and to direct Major Bradford, with the portion of the Regiment under him, to join me. Sergt. Maj. Harlan returned and informed me that all the troops in our rear had retired, and that he was told the order to withdraw had been three times sent to me. He also informed Genl. Henderson that a like order had been sent by the commanding Genl. to him.

This intelligence was received with regret by all. As the resistance of the enemy became more obstinate, as the danger and difficulty of advancing increased, the energy and resources of our men rose with the demand, and all their views were onward. To none is this remark more applicable than to those who had encountered the greatest hardship, the men of Company "H." This company after the exposure and fasting of the previous day and night had marched out with me early in the morning, before the supplies had been received from our encampment, and had been actively engaged ever since. I regret that, their gallant leader, Lieut. Moore had not made a report of this day (23d Sept. 1846) when he fell in the Battle of Buena Vista.

As we retired the enemy who had passed to our rear, kept up a constant fire upon us, especially at the crossings of the streets. We found no support in our rear until we reached the suburbs of the city, the first was Capt. Bainbridge with a company of the 3d U. S. Infantry and a piece of light artillery.

About five o.Clock having been actively engaged the whole day, we rejoined the other part of our Regiment, at the Fort we had left in the morning, and the whole were soon afterwards ordered to the encampment at the "Walnut Springs."

Early in the morning of the next day, a flag was sent out by the enemy, asking for a truce, and a conference, from which followed without further hostile operations the "Capitulation of Monterey."

Very Respectfully,

yr. obt. svt.
Jeffn. Davis.
Brierfield
        20th Sept. 1847.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 109-14

Saturday, July 18, 2026

Diary of Major Joseph Stockton, July 6, 1863

Had a terrible storm of wind and rain. Moved our camp to a bluff overlooking the Mississippi river.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 20

Diary of Major Joseph Stockton, July 7, 1863

Weather very hot. Our men and Rebs mingle fairly together; they frequent our camps, eat with our boys.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 20

Diary of Major Joseph Stockton, July 8-11, 1863

McPherson's army corps guard this place (Vicksburg) while Sherman has gone after the rebel General Joe Johnston who is reported as being in the neighborhood of Jackson, Mississippi, with an army. The prisoners here are to be paroled and sent into the Confederacy. My time is taken up with visiting points of interest, particularly the caves in the sides of the hills where the citizens took refuge when they had a bombardment and where many of them slept at night. Many houses show the marks of shells, some being completely riddled, yet I am surprised to see so little damage is done. Some of the caves were made very comfortable, people living in them almost altogether during the whole siege.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 20