Senator Charles Sumner to George Sumner, April 23, 1852

You are right in regarding both the old parties as substantially alike. I do not think that one who looks at principles and seeks to serve his fellowman can have much satisfaction in becoming the hack of one of these combinations; nor would I recommend you to enlist in any public efforts unless for the sake of a cause which you have at heart, or under an impulse too strong to resist. The consciousness of duty done must be your support under the load of misrepresentation and falsehood which are the lot of all in conspicuous stations. I have been tempted to say this by your note. I could not say less; I have not time now to say more.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 280

Senator Charles Sumner to George Sumner, April 26, 1852

If you are conscious that you can speak an effective word for Kossuth's Hungarian career, I should regret not to have it done, though I commend you to the prudence of careful preparation. Boston society, to which you allude, is of course the other way; but your point of view will enable you to look with indifference upon its criticisms. Remember this: while I counsel all caution and a proper reserve, particularly at the beginning, I would not have you sail by the meridian of Boston. Your own soul would rebuke you if you did.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 280

Senator Charles Sumner to John Bigelow, June 9, 1852

I longed to see you. When you called I was at Eames's, discoursing on Baltimore and its scenes. This nomination¹ makes me lament anew the fatal '49, when the Barnburners and the Hunkers coalesced. Had they kept apart, we should all have been together,—perhaps in a minority, but powerful from our principles and character. For myself, I am left alone. The political fellowships I had hoped to establish are vanishing. Of course I can have nothing to do with Pierce or his platform,—probably nothing with Scott or his. How I wish we had all stuck together! Should Pierce be elected, with a Democratic Senate and House, we should have the iron rule of the slave-power.

_______________

¹ Of Franklin Pierce, as Democratic candidate for President.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, pp. 280-1

Senator Charles Sumner to Charles Francis Adams Sr., June 21, 1852

We hear that Scott is nominated at last. I tell you confidentially how Seward regards it. He thinks that his friends have been defeated, that Scott is made to carry weight which will probably defeat him, and that the campaign can have little interest for the friends of our cause. He will take an opportunity, by letter or speech, to extricate himself from the platform. Seward's policy is to stick to the Whig party; no action of theirs can shake him off. But the cause of freedom he has constantly at heart; I am satisfied of his sincere devotion to it. Major Donaldson says that there is now no difference between the Whigs and Democrats; their platforms, he says, are identical. This is the darkest day of our cause. But truth will prevail. Are there any special words of your grandfather against slavery anywhere on record, in tract or correspondence? If there are, let me have them. I wish you were here.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 281

Diary of Private William S. White, July 1, 1862

We remained in position all night, and a more uncomfortable night I never spent; 'twas almost a matter of impossibility to sleep, but nature must at length claim its own, and so we slept at last as only broken down soldiers can.

This morning the enemy threw a few shell toward us, but we made no reply.

Longstreet's division has been relieved to-day by Magruder, and my company has been ordered back to the rear. As we moved back the terribly bloody and disastrous was commencing, but we did not participate in it. Here Lee's army received a check which enabled McClellan, who conducted his retreat in masterly style, to make good his escape.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 124

Diary of Private William S. White, July 2, 1862

We moved back a mile or so to the rear, and as we considered this a safe place our horses were "unhitched, unharnessed," etc., for the first time since the morning of the 26th, and we prepared ourselves for a good sleep—something we had not enjoyed for nearly a week. Towards morning it rained very hard for about three hours, but being so nearly broken down it did not even arouse me. It is a great wonder that this did not again cause a relapse, as I was still badly salivated. However, the excitement kept me up, and that being over I begin to feel the effects of my imprudence.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 124

Diary of Private William S. White, July 3, 1862

There was no fighting anywhere near us yesterday, though the occasional boom of a heavy gun reached us, and it is now pretty certain that the Yankees have, by extraordinary exertions, made their escape to the river.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 124

Diary of Private William S. White, July 4, 1862

To-day we have been ordered back to the old camp of the First Virginia Artillery, and a lovely spot it is. In front of us is an open field, whilst in our rear is a sloping hill covered with magnificent oaks; at the foot of this hill meanders through a grassy dale a silvery stream, and its soft ripple is music sweet to the ear so long wearied by the continued crash of cannon and the roll of musketry, mingled with the cries of the wounded and the dying.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 125

Diary of Private William S. White, July 5, 1862

One year ago to-day the lamented Dreux fell at the head of his battalion. He was the first officer of high rank that fell on our side. Alas! how many kindred spirits have joined him ere this!

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 125

Diary of Private William S. White, July 6, 1862

Having a day's leave granted me I saddled my horse and wended my way towards the devastated fields of old Hanover; passed through Mechanicsville and viewed with sorrowing eye the destruction caused by the late bloody battles. Houses, churches, and buildings of every description torn to pieces by artillery, and every vestige of grain trodden under foot by the tramp of soldiery. A wealthy old farmer by the name of Hogan made me a present of a ten dollar note to be invested in a new pair of pants: and I was not too proud to take it.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 125

Diary of Private William S. White, July 11, 1862

Raining very hard all day; 'tis extremely dull in camp. As is the weather so is the spirit; the sombre clouds of a gloomy day often cast an equal gloom over our spirits. Though McClellan's army has been seriously defeated, and his vain boastings brought to naught, yet he has succeeded in gaining a very strong position on the James River, near Charles City Courthouse, where he may now safely reorganize his army. Beyond a doubt, he displayed great Generalship in extricating his army from the perilous situation in which it was placed after the battle of Gaines's Mill.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 125

John B. Fry to Daniel S. Dickinson, January 17, 1858

NEW YORK, January 17, 1858.

MY DEAR MR. DICKINSON—Upon taking up this morning's Herald I was deeply pained to learn that by being thrown from your carriage on Friday evening you had received serious injury; and yet I am heartily rejoiced (if the despatch be correct) that your condition is not regarded as dangerous.

Though not always sympathizing with your political views and feelings—as, candidly, I do not in respect to the administration of Mr. Buchanan—I am nevertheless warmly, sincerely, and devotedly your friend; and I beg you to believe that I feel most keenly every occurrence, whether of a personal or political nature, which can possibly affect you injuriously.

I am in the habit of thinking and speaking of you as I thought and spoke of Mr. Clay while he lived. He was "wounded in the house of his friends;" so have you been in the house of yours.

But my only object now is to express sorrow at the untoward event that has happened to you, and an ardent hope that you may be speedily restored to health and happiness. I am, my dear Mr. Dickinson, always

Yours faithfully,

JOHN B. FRY.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 506

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 24, 1863

The time for the last two weeks has been used up with drill, quinine, and getting ready for the ball last night. It was ahead of anything yet. The partition between "D" and "E" was taken down, and about all day spent in fixing up our hall. The bunks were hidden by the shelter-tents festooned, and scrolls underneath, with the names of the officers on them. The card of the managers was as follows:

GRAND MASQUERADE BALL.

Sir, The pleasure of your company, with ladies, is respectfully solicited at a Grand Bal-Masque, to be given under the auspices of the 44th Regiment Dramatic Association, at the Barracks of Companies D and E,

On Monday Evening, February 23d, 1863.

Floor Managers.
William Howard,		J. B. Rice,			Jr.,Harry T. Reed
"D."		"E."			"E."
Committee of Arrangements.
Sergt.	G. L. Tripp,		Co. D.		Corpl.	C. E. Tucker,	Co E
"	H. A. Homer,		E.			H.	Howard, D.
Corpl.	Z. T. Haines,		D.			J. H. Waterman,	D.
"	J. B. Gardner,		D.			A. H. Bradish,	E.
"	J. W. Cartwright,		E.			C. H. Demeritt,	D.
"	M. E. Boyd,		D.			D. Howard,	D.
	F. A. Sayer,		D.			E. L. Hill,	A.
Tickets, Ten Cents, to be had only of the Managers. _______________ Masic by the New Berne Quadrille Band. Five pieces
ORDER OF DANCES.
1.	March			Lee's Quickstep.
2.	Quadrille			Sullivan's Double Quick.
3.	Lancers			Richardson's March,
4.	Contra			Skittletop Galop.
5.	Redowa			Odiorne's Choice.
6.	Quadrille			Surgeon's Call.
7.	Polka			Mary Lee's Delight.
8.	Contra			Stehbins' Reel.
INTERMISSION.
9.	Quadrille			Ham Fat Man.
10.	Waltz			Pas de Seul.
11.	Quadrille			Dismal Swamp.
12.	Contra			Friends at Home.
13.	Polka			"Long Acre."
14.	Quadrille			Dug-Out Race.
15.	Military Quadrille			Newell's March.

Generals Foster and Wessels, besides other officers of note, were there, and seemed to be much pleased. Some of the costumes were good. Deacon Foster (H. W. Johnson) walked about the barracks as natural as life. Patten, made up as a Howard-street Sport, was so good, that Capt. Richarson did not recognize him. Among others, Chum Ward showed to advantage as a lady, having borrowed a complete outfit for the occasion.

Promenading and flirting wound up the affair about eleven o'clock.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, pp. 39-40

Joseph Lea, of Hecker, Lea & Co. to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 23, 1857

PHILADELPHIA, [PA.], February 23d, 1857.

ESTEEMED FRIEND: Permit me to remind you, that four years since, at your request, the Senate amended one of the Bills, by which the small amount of duties collected on Flax Machinery, within a specified time, was to be refunded, and such machinery subsequently admitted free for three years. Kentucky, Virginia, Penns[ylvani]a, and Ohio, raise more flax than all the other States together, and we cordially concur in the Free admission of machinery, wh[ic]h will thus assist those States in the more rapid development of their agricultural resources, and add immensely to the national wealth. We have associated with some of the most intelligent merchants of other cities in the first attempts at manufacturing Linens. At great expense have sent Agents and Circulars, thro' the South and West; employed the public journals and spared no pains to direct attention to the best methods now adopted in Europe for the culture of flax. These efforts have not been fruitless, and we believe that Kentucky and Virginia will in a few years largely export flax, of wh[ic]h they are already the chief producers.

The manufacture of Linen goods has encountered at the outset great obstacles; our planters being unable to furnish the staple of proper quality, must gradually acquire the knowledge of preparing it, while the blockade of the Baltic during the late European war, greatly enhanc[e]d the price of foreign supplies, and entailed upon this infant interest, struggling for existence, serious and disheartening trials.

The Tariff which has just passed the House, and ere this may have been placed in y[ou]r hands, admits flax machinery free, hereafter, but we hope it will strike your honorable mind, that simple justice should at least be extend[e]d to those who have pioneered this branch of industry, by a refund of the trifling duties collected on flax machinery since Jan[uar]y 1st, 1850, to those now using the same; thus placing us on equal terms with our subsequent competitors.

I beg leave to assure you, that the refund of those duties, would in the present exigencies of the trade, do more to sustain and encourage the demand for American flax, than the remission of all future duties on flax machinery, while the suspension of this enterprise, and change of those mills to Cotton, must put back the developement of flax cultivation for several years, and long preclude our planters from realizing very profitable returns from their hitherto worthless fibre. The propriety of placing the first spinners of flax on as good terms as the last, we trust will obtain for them and this growing interest, your renewed favor, and if it be improper to give a Retrospective feature to the present Tariff Bill, may we ask you to make such amendment to one of the Appropriation Bills, as will authorize the Sec[retar]y of Treasury to refund to parties now in use thereof, the duties collected on Flax Machinery since Jan[uar]y 1st, 1850, the amount of which might be limited to the sum of $100,000 dollars?

We beg y[ou]r further consideration of the very great importance of having the new act, go into effect on April 1st next, so as to obviate an immense warehousing of goods imported for the fall trade. The postponement of the Act until July 1st, will make the market bare of many articles, now proposed for the Free List, and enhance prices to the detriment of the consumer, whilst its early enforcement will secure more regularity in the business, of the Customs, and occasion the least disturbance to commerce.

The policy of Sec[retar]y Guthrie, of approaching Free Trade by removing the imposts on all raw materials, meets the approval of all intelligent minds, and if now adopted must give the new administration a positive assurance of prosperity and success. To you, in the distinguished and most important position in which we now address you, more than to any other member of the Senate, is the public attention directed, relying on y[ou]r wisdom and experience to dissipate those clouds wh[ic]h now darken the financial affairs of our country.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 203-5

Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, March 11, 1857

DYKELAND, AMELIA CO., [VA.], March 11, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: Supposing that you will be at Washington during this week I address to you there. Pryor is very busy getting his paper under way and I confidently believe will get a large circulation very speedily. It is important that he start right and honestly. You should write to him or to me as to his course and particularly as to the Land question, about which his mind is considerably "exercised." It is Banquo's ghost to him and especially since the vote of some of our friends on distributing or depositing the surplus in the treasury. He desires conference with you on that subject and it seems to me important that his views and committals should be well digested before he breaks ground. I write to bring this about. Tell me what we are to expect from this administration. If coming events cast their shadows before I augur the worst. I am however for waiting for overt acts and against any such judgments founded upon conjecture or distrust, because of injudicious or distasteful appointments. I was almost led into opposition to Pierce by that and I am getting to be wary and cautious as my head is growing gray. Buchanan had no especial reason to confide in us that I know of and therefore we have no ground to complain that he didn't. At all events we can't make other people think so and there is no use in opposing him in anticipation, when in all human probabillity we shall be fully justified in it by his future conduct. He has been leading a loose life too long to become chaste all of a sudden. Tell me about the Cabinet and other appointments. I don't hear of or dread any opposition to you hereabouts. I got my Delegate to commit himself publicly and take some credit to my tact for it. You ought to write to Mallory. I did and found him true but not advised and I think sore over it.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 205

Francis Mallory to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, April 21, 1857

NORFOLK, [VA.], April 21, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: I have just received your letter of the 15[th] and expecting to leave town in the morning I thought I would drop you a line before doing so to keep you advised of the state of things down here. And perhaps advices from this quarter may not be altogether without value being, as it is, one of the strongest outposts of your enemies. Their strength induces less of caution than may be observed elsewhere, and I know as well the condition of things at head quarters as if I were in communication by electro magnetism. Not that names are mentioned but from the tone of remarks indulged in by the initiated. You may prepare for War next winter. It will I fear be fastened on you and a few silly speeches of honest, but imprudent friends, will be the pretext, not the excuse but the justification. I cannot repeat all that I hear because of my peculiar relation to the two parties nor would I make mischief or widen the breach between those who stand towards me in the attitude of personal friendship. I am a well wisher of both and would hate myself could I be guilty of injustice to either. No selfish purpose have I to promote for declining health and energy forbid all aspirations. I aided somewhat in putting you in the way of going to the Senate and I am unwilling to see you "crushed out" without cause and guiltless of offence. Booker, who is really your friend, paid a visit to Richmond and when he returned I was on a visit to my farm. He rode over to see me and as I learned after he went away, for the purpose of consulting with me in order to try (if possible) if we could not bring about a reconciliation and better understanding between you and W[ise]. But several gentlemen were present and he left without the opportunity. This occurrence caused me to fear that hostilities which I had hoped were at an end, were about to be placed on a serious and enduring footing. Since then the weather together with my railroad engagements have prevented me from visiting the County.

Booker I suspect heard in person remarks which have been used in my presence here by W[ise]'s particular friends. Some of them speak freely before me and some half confidentially which embarrasses me much because while I am at liberty to speak or write of the first the last I would not communicate; and yet I may blend and mix them up together so as to be suspected of treachery where I am acting or mean to act in good faith. I have sought no mans confidence but sometimes it is thrust upon me, as if it were meant to commit me in a direction the very opposite of that I desire. To W[ise]'s more confidential friends my preferences are known, and his most intimate one in this town remarked to me the other night that I was the only man in Norfolk who could go to the Legislature by his consent who would not be required to pledge himself to go for W[ise] for the Senate if his name was brought forward. "His obligations to me personally would induce him to let me of all men in the city be a candidate of the Democracy without committing myself." They talk, freely in this way: "If H[unter]'s friends keep up their war on W[ise] we must carry it into Africa." "W[ise] is not to be driven off by threat." W[ise] says he dont want the place but, "by God, he will not yield an inch now." They (Hunters friends) will not let him (W[ise]) alone but force the issue on W[ise] and he and his party are ready to meet it. In other words they are determined not to be satisfied and will act over if they can the fable of the Lamb and the muddy water below the drinking place of the monarch of the forest. I write you about the imprudent speeches of your friends in Richmond I might have added Washington too. There is a constant fire kept up on Wise by certain parties in both places who chase him to madness and I do not blame him as much as I do them. I do not allude to Floyd for of his movements I know nothing. But maybe those whose peculiar relations to both parties should make them ministers of peace and not stirers up of stife and jealousy. A remark of Bocock in [the] presence of an M. D. in Washington reached Wise's ears and was repeated here in my hearing. This is a delicate subject to write about for I know not your feelings or relationship to the party and what I say is strictly confidential for I do not desire to be connected with that affair. I do not want to make mischief but to put you on your guard and thus checkmate those who would. How to remedy this state of things I cannot see. Peace could be restored if there was a desire for peace really entertained. When one is bent on insulting another it may be postponed but will come sooner or later.

How far an organized effort has been made to secure the Legislature I am totally in the dark but when men of a certain stamp could be secured without noise it has been done. Your opponents however feel secure and speak as if your destiny was in their keeping. Their forbearance alone, they think, can save you from annihilation, and if you go into the contest, you rush on certain defeat. They "cant sacrifice W[ise] for you." I know not what advice to give for I am not master of the ground but if I can in any manner be instrumental in bringing about a good understanding between you I should be most happy to do so. I hope the bitter cup of choosing between you and him will never be presented to my lips. I held no familiar or intimate correspondence with him. He understands me well and I do not know that he takes it unkindly. He has never sought to advance me, holding my abilities in low esteem but he is not I think unfriendly. I am not in his way and would not if I could harm him. If your positions were reversed I would vote against you to keep him in the Senate. I will see Booker and will write to you on my return. If not too late we may, if any party can, reconcile the difficulty. For the present you can only remain perfectly silent but if hostilities continue you and your friends have to enter on an active campaign. Mix about among the people in different portions of the state, accept all invitations to make public addresses. You have hitherto kept too much aloof from the masses relying on the leaders. The people dont know you. Your love for retirement has caused you to neglect those small attentions which tell among them. Travel to the springs, come down to Old Point and make yourself busy for you have work before you if these complaints of the other party break out into open war. There is something going on here about office. Loyall and Sawyer are in imminent danger. You have done enough for them. Let things take their course. They would not risk any thing for you, one because it is his nature, the other because he is afraid. Their removal will do you no harm and you could not prevent it. There are influences working against them at Washington which you cannot counteract. I should not be surprised if the next mail brought Simkins app[ointment]t as Navy Agent. W[ise] is in Washington and the first roll of Floyd's thunder has been heard. I mean to take no action on the subject and you as I said have acted your part. Strange to say the K[now] N[othings], if opportunity comes, will sustain W[ise] against you on the principle that the Dog licks the hand that flays him. Dr. Robinson an old tool of Floyds and a dirty one at that will be supported here for the Senate by Wise men, tho' master and men have scorned him as the vilest scoundrel in the land. He will vote for W[ise] against H[unter]. Robinson after being refused admittance time after time into the K[now] N[othing] Camp as too mean for their association crept in thro' a North Carolina lodge, was ruled off in all his attempts to obtain position, voted for Flournoy &c, apostalized and is now to be a candidate of the Democracy of Norfolk and gentlemen have publickly vowed to vote for him in the issue between Wise and Hunter. But let him alone. I dont think he can be elected and if he could his vote will go with his interest and no where else. His opponent McKenny is at least doubtful tho' I think I could control him. Segar will go from Elizabeth City County. But on him no sort of reliance can be placed. He speaks against you. I hear nothing from Muscoe or of him. I think his election very safe. He will get the vote of the W[ise] party but not their hearty support. They never speak of him and seem indifferent about his success. I have written you Hunter a long rigma role letter which when read burn. It is for no eye but for your own. I have written freely and perhaps my letter may prove an unwelcome messenger. It is kindly meant however and I thought it due to our former relations. My own career has been unfortunate as a politician. I never had the education or industry to entitle me to a high position and I never aspired to one. As Wise remarked of me "I have had quite as much as I could expect." But if in quitting the field for ever I can be the means of contributing but a mite towards rescuing an old friend from a conspiracy I shall at least have accomplished one good act.

[P. S.] Pardon this long letter. I will not soon repeat the dose. Of McClean I know nothing. Sawyer wont give him a place. He dare not. His paper could not succeed unless he bought one of the Demo[cratic] papers now established. Then it might. Both are for sale.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 205-9

Congressman William O. Goode to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 21, 1857

BOYDTON, VA., July 21, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: I send herewith a letter to our friend Montague, which I must ask you to direct properly and commit to the mail. I do not know his p[ost] office. I very sincerely congratulate you on your speech at Lexington. I have read it with pleasure and admiration. I had occasion to pay a very hasty visit to the Rockbridge Alum (to take a daughter there and leave her) a few days after you left, and from all quarters your effort was greatly extolled. I hope I shall have it in pamphlet form.

What is to be the end of the Walker movement in Kansas? Will it not be made the issue next winter in the General Assembly of Virginia? or rather is it not designed to make it affect the election of Senators? I should like to know your position and views on the subject. In the present aspect of affairs, what should we do?

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 210

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 9, 1863

Left Indiana hospital No. 6 and came to Louisville Exchange barracks the same day; a stay of two months and three days in this hospital, making a march of 4 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 25

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 10, 1863

Changed across the street to No. 1 barracks, the barracks being moved to this place the evening previous, remaining two days in these barracks, making a march of ¼ mile.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 25

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 12, 1863

Left Louisville barracks and came to Portland the same day, making a march of 3 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 25

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 13, 1863

Entered on board the steamer ''Lady Franklin," detailed for guard down the Ohio river and around up the Cumberland river, with a fleet of twenty-seven steamboats and two gunboats, carrying provisions up to Nashville, and came to Leavenworth. A march of 60 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 25

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 14, 1863

Passed down the Ohio river safely and arrived at Evansville at 12 o'clock at night, making a march of 140 miless [sic].

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 25-6

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 15, 1863

Passed safely down the Ohio river to the mouth of Cumberland river at Smithland. A march of 140 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 26

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 16, 1863

Passed up the Cumberland river all safe, and arrived at Fort Donelson the same day, making a march of 85 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 26

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 17, 1863

Moved slowly and cautiously, feeling our way up the Cumberland river, arriving at Clarksville in the afternoon, capturing one rebel major and horse on the right of the river opposite the said town, and shortly afterward saw some rebel cavalry skulking in sight on the same side of the river above spoken of, when we ran four batteries of our forces down to the river out of Clarksville, and opened upon them .making them skedaddle. Making a march of 35 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 26

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 18, 1863

Moved up the Cumberland river from Clarksville to the shoals, where three of our boats were captured two weeks before, and all the negroes who were on board shot and the whites paroled, and the boats fired and burned. We passed safely on up until our two last boats were about over the shoals first spoken off, and the “Mary Franklin” and “Woodside” were fired into, wounding one colonel, but we escaped being captured.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 26

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 19, 1863

Came to Nashville, our place of destination, at 12 o'clock and put up in the rebel Zollicoffer's house, used as barracks by our forces, making a march of 60 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 26

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 20, 1863

Left Nashville on foot to join my company and regiment again. Came twenty-three miles through rain, and the roads being very muddy, we encamped for the night in a cedar house, used by our videttes or dispatch carriers; a march of 23 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 26-7

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 21, 1863

Came seven miles to Murfreesboro', Tenn., and joined my company and regiment again, having been absent from my command on account of my wound four months all but ten days, making a march of 7 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27