Lumpkin's Mill. Awoke to find it a muddy morning, it having rained very hard in the night, blowing the fifth tent to the ground. Our tent leaked considerably. Laid quiet all day. No firing heard. Evie went foraging, gone nearly all day. In the evening ordered to have two days' rations ready to march at sunrise.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 16
Enroute. Advanced
about five miles, starting at about 8 o'clock, marched south, leaving Waterford
on our left. Halted some three hours on the road, it raining continually. We
were passed by General Hamilton and staff, also General Grant and suite. Came
into camp at 4 P. M. some three miles from the Tallahatchie in open field near
large mansion used as Quinby's headquarters. Stretched our tarpaulin and slept
sound.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 16-7
Enroute. A sunny and
bright day, dried up the mud and made things cheerful. Hitched up at 8 A. M.,
stayed harnessed until 3 P. M. We then moved out to the river and went to camp in
sight of the rebels' fortifications. Some of the boys crossed the river while
watering [horses]. Pitched our tents.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 17
Enroute. We remained
quiet all day. Rained in the evening. Pitched Quartermaster's tent. Felt
symptoms of the ague, felt rather bad.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 17
Enroute. Took up the
line of march through mud and rain early. In the morning the rain that was
continually falling made the road almost unpassable for the artillery. Crossed
the Tallahatchie with difficulty, passed fortifications which might have given
us much trouble to pass had they been held by their builders. Met thirty
prisoners. Halted at Abbeville about two hours at noon, then pushed on. Night
overtook the train while crossing a lagoon [Herrington's Creek], which was very
difficult. Stood in the road till 8 P. M., when finding it impossible to cross,
we came into park on the road-side in an old cornfield, slept on the tarpaulin,
no shelter.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 17
Oxford, Miss. Awoke
with an unpleasant feeling, a racking pain in back and head. Started out early,
the road having frozen hard enough to bear footmen, marched without much
difficulty. Reached Oxford by noon. Neat place, two-thirds the size of Holly
Springs; compared favorably with it in building but not in situation. Went into
camp on the southern limits, saw some 700 prisoners marched in from the advance.
Price still ahead. One darky reported him almost to hell.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 17-8
Oxford. Nothing new.
Laid in camp. Many rumors afloat of Richmond taken, Bragg defeated, etc. Health
improving.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 18
Oxford. A lazy day
for the Battery. Nothing transpired to excite the drowsiness of the soldier.
Received a paper of the 3rd containing the President's Proclamation.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 18
Oxford. Warm and
pleasant. Quinby's Division inspected by U. S. Grant and suite. Troubled with
diarrhea.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 18
Oxford. Warm and
pleasant. Health improving. Diarrhea checked by abstaining from all eatables
except hard crackers. All teams sent foraging. 3rd Platoon had 1 hog, 2 geese.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 18
Oxford. Rumors of
march. Logan's Division left to-day. Troops passing in the afternoon. Had
standing gun drill. Ordered to have five roll calls in a day. Order No. 1 from
Colonel Marsh, 20th Illinois, post commander of Oxford, read.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 18
Near Oxford. Orders
given at roll call in the morning to be ready to march at 7 A. M. 3 days'
rations. Took up the line of march back towards town much to the dissatisfaction
of all, which was relieved by turning south and once more on the track of old
Price, travelled six miles, then went into park. Took a team to drive, the
center team on the gun formerly driven by A. Dearborn.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 18
Near Oxford. All
quiet. Foraging party started out at 6 A. M. Gone all day. They report a poor
country, with much more loyalty apparently than could be expected. Citizens
refuse to take Confederate scrip as heretofore, many exhibiting a white flag on
their dwellings upon which was inscribed "Union". Received letters
from John from Jefferson, Wis.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, pp. 18-9
Near Oxford. A day
of excitement which came near ending in a serious affair, caused by certain
members of the 1st Missouri Regular Battery assailing the colored cooks as they
were going after water. After dinner as Anthony [the colored cook] was passing
by, he was assaulted and abused. He appealed to the boys, when a rush was made,
and in an instant a crowd was gathered consisting of the 6th and 12th Wisconsin
and 11th Ohio against the Regulars, armed with clubs, revolvers, knives and
axes. The officers interposed, which closed it with but a few bloody noses and
several knock downs. Warm and heavy.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 19
Near Oxford. It
rained nearly all day, making it very muddy, hard for our horses. No mail for
two days.
SOURCE: Jenkin Lloyd
Jones, An Artilleryman's Diary, p. 19
A great day of sport to usher in the new year. Amongst other amusements in our army, Hancock's Brigade "got up a time on its own hook." At twelve o'clock I went into the parade ground, and found about 10,000 people, soldiers and civilians, collected to witness the sport. Hancock's Brigade is composed of the 5th Wisconsin, 6th Maine, 43d New York, and 49th Pennsylvania Volunteers. The sport commenced by a foot race of one thousand yards, purse $20 for the first out, $10 for second. About twenty started. The 5th Wisconsin took both prizes. Then jumping three jumps, prize $15, won by a member of the 5th Wisconsin. Next, climbing a greased pole, first prize won by a member of 6th Maine. Second, by 5th Wisconsin. Next, a greased pig (a two hundred-pounder) with a face as long as the moral law, or as a "speech in Congress, shorn of his hair, the knot which had been tied in his tail to prevent his crawling through fence cracks, was untied, and his whole skin thoroughly "greased" with soft soap, was turned loose, with the announcement, "get what you can, and hold what you get." The holder was to have the pig and ten dollars. For this prize, there were about four thousand competitors. The word was given, and the "Grand Army of the Potomac" was at last on the move. This chase commenced a little before sun-set. Pig had one hundred yards the start. One fellow far outran all the rest, and as he drew close on to his game, piggy suddenly turned on him with a "booh," and the fellow ran t'other way as if he had seen a rebel. The whole crowd came rushing on piggy, expecting him to run; but piggy stood his ground and said "booh!" "The front line" suddenly brought a halt. But the rear, not prepared for so sudden a check, pressed forward, and the whole came down in a heap. A scream of "murder." Piggy answered "booh." At every "booh" a "line was swept away." The pile of humanity became impassable. Those in the rear, filed to right and left, and by a "flank movement" took piggy in the rear. And now came a hand to hand encounter. As the last streak of the expiring day shed its light upon the excited combatants, it revealed a living mass of four thousand people—and a pig; the pig crowning the heap at the moment when the ray withdrew its light. Night was then made hideous by the screams of murder and replies of "booh." Neither party could distinguish friend from foe; and as I retire for rest, the combat still rages. I do not permit myself to doubt, however, that the morning will bring us the news of "another great victory by the grand army of the Potomac."*
* Notice that in this athletic contest for prizes, three Eastern and one Northwestern Regiment engaged; all the prizes save one (climbing the pole, which was taken by a Maine sailor) were carried off by the one Western Regiment.
SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, pp. 70-2
I think my hospital can boast, just now, the happiest set of sick men I ever saw. I have now twenty-seven of them. This morning, as I was prescribing for them, (all sitting up) some reading the morning papers, and talking loudly over war news, some playing whist, some checkers, some chess, some dominoes—all laughing and merry, Gen. H—— walked in, and, looking for a moment along the line of sick, exclaimed, "What the h-ll have you got here?" "My hospital, General." "A Brigade," replied he in his roughest manner, "of a d----d sight better men than you have left me. Where are your sick, sir?" "All here, sir." "Well, this beats anything I have seen in the army, and if you give your men such beds and such comforts as this, you will have every man of your regiment in hospital before a month." They have had a glorious holiday. The boxes, and other presents received within the last eight days, have awakened vivid recollections of home, and of "the girls they left behind them." They are all the better for these things, and when I return them to their quarters, they take hold of their work with a will, and with a feeling that if taken sick, they have a pleasant hospital to go to.
I make here a record of some observations in relation to "hospital fevers," "hospital sores," "foul air of hospitals," and such clap-trap. I have lately visited many tent hospitals, in the open field, where I have witnessed cases of "hospital gangrene," low typhoid fevers, with gangrenous toes or fingers dropping off, and heard scientific men, in scientific discussions, attributing it all to the foul air of the hospital! And this, too, in the open field, where not more than thirty or forty were together, and where the wind swept past them, free as the fresh breezes on the top of the Alleghanies!! 'Twas a gangrene of the mind, for want of free ventilation of the brain. There is no disease so contagious, or so depressing to vital energy when taken, as inactivity and gloominess of mind. Introduce one such temperament into your hospital, without an accompanying antidote, and the condition will be communicated to all others in the hospital, with as much certainty, and with greater rapidity, than would the infection of small-pox or measles. Let the admission of such a patient be accompanied by the presence of a long, sour-faced hospital steward, who keeps in the hospital tent a table covered with cups, and spoons, and vials, and pill-boxes, and syringes, and who mingles with every potion he gives a homily on hospital sickness, on fatality in the army, on the number of deaths from typhoid in the next tent, and my word and observation for it, though the breezes of that hospital come fresh "from Greenland's icy mountains," they will be freighted with the mephitic vapors of hospital fever and gangrene.
Instead of the above, let the Surgeon pass frequently through his hospital, making it a rule never to leave till he has elicited a hearty laugh from every one in it. For his Steward's table of mirth-repelling instruments, introduce light reading, chess-men, checkers, dominoes, cards, puzzles, their use to be regulated by a corps of jolly, mirth loving, but judicious nurses. Then let him throw up the bottoms of his tent walls, giving everything around an air of cheerfulness, and if he does not find the diseases of the field hospital milder and more tractable than at home, my word for it, it will be in consequence of the officious over-dosing by the doctor. I do not mean that cleanliness is not an essential; but I must bear in mind that a pile of nasty, out-of-place rubbish, is as incompatible with cheerfulness, as it is with purity of surrounding air. A clean bed, even, exhilarates the mind, as promptly as it corrects the foul odors of a soiled one. Since I have been in the army, I have lost all dread of the much-talked-of foul air of hospitals, only so far as it is difficult to correct the mental atmosphere about it. This is in reference to its influence on diseases. I have not yet had an opportunity of observing the effects of crowds in surgical wards—that will come before long, and I shall be greatly relieved if I find the same records applicable there.
SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 72-4
I am very hard worked just now. The Brigade Surgeon is sick, and I being the ranking Surgeon in the Brigade, have his duties to perform. In addition, I have charge, at present, of a large share of the Hospital of the 49th Regiment Penn. Vols., the Surgeon being very ill. That regiment is in dreadful condition. Very many of them are sick, and of very grave diseases. Then, my assistant is off of duty, being suspended on account of charges pending against him, in court martial. From altogether I am much worn down, and need rest.
In my own Regiment, I have none who can be properly called sick. I excuse 75 to 100 from duty almost every day, but it is chiefly on account of bad colds, chaffed feet, or some minor trouble. I have not one man confined to bed, from sickness.
There are many dark clouds hanging over the country now. Amongst them, there are evident signs of loss of confidence in Gen. McClellan. I hope he will make haste to give good account of himself, and thus regain the confidence he has lost.
SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 74-5
This has been a cold, blustry day, and the Regiment has been out skirmishing. They found no enemy; bought a little corn, and came home.
All is conjecture here as to the intention of our leaders. My conjecture is that outside pressure will compel us to do something within the next fifteen days, or lose still more confidence. But what can we do? Nothing, here. The roads are impracticable for artillery—the weather too bad to fight. If we do anything we must go south. I am getting very tired of this, and wish I could feel that it would be proper for me to resign.
SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 75
WASHINGTON, June 24, 1852.
MY DEAR SIR, — I
left home on Saturday, stopped over Sunday in New York, and came on on Monday.
At Philadelphia I heard the news of the nomination; and, when I arrived at
Baltimore, the first men I saw were some of our Massachusetts Hunker delegates.
Sadder-looking men away from a funeral I never saw. The Fillmore and Webster
men composed a majority of the convention, and therefore had every thing their
own way in the organization; in the Committee on Credentials, by which they let
in all their friends, and shut out all their enemies, without reference to the
fairness οr unfairness of their election — just as the Democrats did Rantoul;
and also in the Committee on Resolutions.
But, when they came
to the nomination, the antislavery and anticompromise portion of the convention
prevailed; and, if they did not win a full triumph, their enemies suffered a
terrible defeat. They withstood not only the Southern slavery phalanx, but all
the influence of the Government, and all the mammon Hunkerism of State Street,
Wall Street, and Walnut Street. . . .
H. M.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p.
370
WASHINGTON, June 24, 1852.
When the Whig
Convention nominated Scott, they killed off those who had been most clamorous
for slavery, and therefore did a great work. Though not a triumph of
antislavery sentiment, therefore, it was a defeat of Hunkerism at the North,
and of slavery domination at the South. It was the first antislavery stand in a
National Convention that has ever been successful. So far it is matter for
thanksgiving and hallelujah. But it adopted the proslavery platform. This was
effected by the union of the slavery men of the South, and the Hunkers or
Fillmore and Webster men of the North. These together made a large
majority; one hundred and forty-nine being a majority. All these men worked
together in the organization for the Committee on Credentials and for the
Platform Committee, and were, of course, successful. But, when they came to
candidates, they split. Nothing could carry enough of the Webster men over to
Fillmore, or enough of the Fillmore men over to Webster, to make a majority. A
portion of each knew of the other, what all sensible and unbiassed men knew, —
that the nomination of the other would be death to the party; and they would
not defeat the party, even for the nomination of a favorite. Thus it was done,
and thus it was not done.
There is such an
infinite difference between Scott and Pierce, that all true antislavery men
must desire the success of the former. About ten or a dozen Whigs from the
South, and about the same number of Fillmore men, went over for Scott. This is
all that could be meant by the South's supporting Scott or abandoning the
compromises. They have got them in form, but not much more. The
reason why they say Scott adopts the Southern platform is, that he accepts the
nomination of the party that adopts the platform; and, indeed, his telegraphic
despatch to the convention was, that he accepted the nomination with the
platform. But as many interpretations can be given to the platform as to the
Thirty-nine Articles. And, besides, the Whig Platform, though disgraceful to
human nature, is not so black by many hues as the Democratic.
I read this morning
the greater part of Kossuth's speech at the Tabernacle, New York. Is it not
his greatest speech?
We are now taking
the question, by yeas and nays, on the passage of a bill to give a certain
quantity of the public lands to the old States for educational purposes; and it
looks as if it would go through the House. I hope so with all my organ of hope.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, pp.
370-1
WASHINGTON, June 29, 1852.
Mr. Clay is dead: he
expired between eleven and twelve o'clock this morning. . . . Probably no
public man ever had more ardent or more numerous friends. He was a man of great
nobleness of heart. He has impressed his mind upon the policy of the country;
an impress, however, which is becoming fainter every year. On the slavery
question, he has always been far in advance of the people among whom he lived.
Had he belonged to the North, he would have become an antislavery man, and not
a treacherous or perfidious one like Mr. Webster. He has lived to see Webster
die a moral death, and Webster sees him die a natural one. I have no doubt,
such has been the secret hostility between them, that each is rejoiced at the
fortune of the other. Rivals for public favor for so many years, their
competition is now at an end. Both have failed in the supreme object of their
ambition. Would that all politicians and all men would learn a lesson from so
instructive an example!
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p.
371-2
WASHINGTON, July 1, 1852.
MY DEAR MR. COMBE, —
. . . My friend Henry Barnard, Esq., who for many years was Secretary of the
Board of Education, either in Connecticut or in Rhode Island, is about to visit
England and Scotland, partly on account of his health, and partly to see your
schools. You have always been partial enough to affix a higher value to my
services on the subject of education than I could honestly claim or fairly
expect. If you will put double all the credit you have ever given to me, and
pass it to Mr. Barnard's account, you will hardly do his extraordinary services
more than justice. His mind is full of wisdom, and his life has been full of
devotion on this subject.
You will have
learned, before receiving this, the event of our party Presidential nomination.
What an awful moral has been derived from the fate of those who have been false
to freedom! Every one of those Northern men, who, for the last half-dozen
years, have devoted themselves to slavery, have been set aside; and those men
who suffered and indirectly promoted all the atrocities of the Mexican war,
though against all their own professions, did, by that very dereliction from
duty, raise up two warriors to come in and pluck away the honors they had
forfeited their integrity to obtain. Was it not a just retribution?
There is all the
difference between the candidates that there is between a hero and his valet de
chambre. Scott, too, is an antislavery man. Pierce will be the merest tool of
slavery.
The Democratic
Convention was almost in toto a proslavery body, and the
ultra proslavery portion of it prevailed in the selection of Pierce. In the
Whig Convention, the antislavery element prevailed; so that, though the contest
is implicated with other matters, and its real issues are somewhat obscured,
yet, if Scott is elected, it will be a great antislavery triumph. It was the
first time that the antislavery element ever prevailed in any national
convention.
Mrs. Mann and the
children have gone home. I live here alone, and, of course, forlorn. I hear
from them every day, and they are well. With kindest regards to yourself and
Mrs. Combe,
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p.
372-3
JULY 8, 1852.
I see by the
telegraphic report, that at a meeting of the Native-American party at Trenton,
N. J., this week, Mr. Webster was nominated for the Presidency. This makes his
position supremely ridiculous. It is an insignificant party, founded on the
narrow basis of being born in America or out of
it. If Mr. Webster does not notice it, there stands the nomination to show his
power. If he declines it, everybody will laugh at him.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p.
373
We have pitched our
tents in rear of our guns and still occupy the same position. Our trap was set
for a band of guerillas who have been operating a few miles south of us. Our
cavalry—sent out to drive them in—encountered them yesterday, killed several,
took a few prisoners, and are in pursuit of the remainder. We busy ourselves by
arresting everything and everybody that comes our way. Citizens are all taken
before Acting Brigadier General Leisure, who asks them all sorts of questions,
gathering, in this way, much valuable information—administers the Oath of
Allegiance, grants protection papers, etc. Deserters are constantly coming in,
mostly from Bragg's army. I saw two North Carolinians last evening.
They say Beauregard
and Longstreet are at Chattanooga—also that the Rebels burned Charleston and
evacuated. We are kept very close, no man-not even officers' cooks-being
allowed to cross over to the city. From the best information I can get, I
conclude Bragg has sent a force to operate on Rosa's rear, threatening this
place in their course. Nine bushwhackers were brought in last night and
were taken to headquarters.
These wretches are
being hunted from their hiding places in the mountains with untiring zeal by
the Home Guards.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 99-100
Knoxville, Tenn. We are shut out from all intercourse with the
rest of the world. Even Dame Rumor has retired behind the scenes, exhausted,
doubtless, by the herculean efforts she has put forth the last few days. By the
last and only mail we have had since we came here, we received a bundle of
Detroit Tribunes, dated September 15th. Since then the silence of isolation has
enveloped us. There is a tiny sheet published daily at Knoxville. It is silent
on all except local subjects, and nearly so on them. I notice, in yesterday's
edition, a convention has been held by the people of this county to nominate
delegates to a state convention, to be held at Nashville, for the purpose of
nominating a state ticket. The delegates pledge themselves to support no
candidate who is not truly loyal. Thus, while politicians and demagogues are
wrangling over "reconstruction and territorial admission," the people
are solving the most difficult problem by the most simple process.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 101
Our trap is sprung
at last. For three long, weary days and sleepless nights we patiently awaited
the coming of that "flanking column" which we were to capture or
annihilate. First they were reported crossing at Tennessee Ford, twenty miles
below, thirty thousand strong, to sweep the "Northern vandals" from
this fair valley and open up a way for supplies to reach Richmond. Next their
advance had reached Marysville, fourteen miles from this place. Citizens came
flocking in all day Thursday, telling sickening tales of outrage perpetrated by
their "advance" on unoffending "Union people." Some
reported them four hundred strong, others fifteen or twenty thousand.
Yesterday it was
reported ten thousand of our cavalry had gone out to reconnoitre. They visited
the Ford no "raid" had been there—Rocksville; no cavalry had been
there to Loudon; no guerillas had been there. A council of war was held, and
they decided to return by the way of Marysville. There the enemy had been seen.
Cautiously they advanced to beleaguer the devoted town. A short distance from
the town a halt was called and scouts sent out to reconnoitre. They found the
city "occupied" by a force of eight bushwackers. These were captured
"without the loss of a man on our side."
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 101-2
Colonel Luce is
going home again, on furlough, to recruit. He takes with him three officers of
the line and ten Sergeants—one from each company. They are to be gone sixty
days. If enlisting is "played out," as many claim, sending men from
active service for the purpose of soliciting enlistments is the height of
folly. Perhaps there is so little for us to do just now, we may as well be in
Michigan as Tennessee. If that is so, why not send all of us home?
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 102
At daylight
yesterday we were ordered to be ready to march at 9 o'clock. It had been
rumored for several days the Rebels had possession of Greenville, seventy-five
miles up the valley, and that our forces were falling back toward Morristown.
The Second Brigade was sent that way last week. Monday the First Brigade of the
First Division moved forward to Morristown and was followed on Wednesday by the
Second. Today the Third Brigade follows.
The Second and
Twentieth Michigan Infantry and the One Hundredth Pennsylvania have gone, and
we are momentarily expecting the train which is to take us. General Wilcox has
arrived with five thousand new troops, and is at Morristown. We have, also, a
heavy force of mounted infantry and cavalry at Greenville. The Rebels are
reported eight thousand strong. The intention is to lure them on to near Bulls
Gap, and, while the mounted men work around the mountains to their rear, we
close in on them in front and grind them between us.
Burnside went to the
front today, from which I infer there is work to be done. This line of railroad
is of the utmost importance to Virginia Rebels. They cannot safely winter there
without it, and they will make a desperate effort to regain control of it.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, p. 103
We left Knoxville at
9 a. m. of Saturday and arrived within ten miles of Greenville about sundown.
The hills and valleys were covered with troops, those in front in line of
battle. Artillery and musketry could be heard about two miles in front, and we
were told there had been skirmishing in front nearly all day. It was nearly
dark, and our brigade, being in front, we marched about half a mile and
encamped for the night. Before it was fairly light the next morning we joined
our brigade, which was in the extreme front, supporting a battery. Every
preparation had been made for a "big fight," and our boys awaited the
attack with eager anticipation. Skirmishers were thrown out to ascertain the
position of their infantry, that our batteries might open the ball by a salute
at sunrise. Our skirmishers soon returned—they had found no enemy. Instantly
away dashed a regiment of cavalry in hot pursuit, followed by the First
Division—the Seventeenth in advance. We did some fast marching for about two
hours, when we halted for two mounted brigades to pass. Here we learned the
Rebels passed through Greenville about daylight, and were some ten miles ahead,
making the best time possible. But Foster's cavalry had been sent around to
intercept them should they retreat.
He was expected to
cross the river at a ferry fifteen miles above Greenville and intercept them in
a ravine about five miles beyond. But the ferry boats had been destroyed, and
he was compelled to go several miles to a ford, which caused so much delay he
did not arrive in time. We followed several miles and gave up the pursuit.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 103-4
Our part in this
expedition is done, and we are on our way back to Knoxville. Wilcox's
"baby brigade," as our boys call them, and the Twenty-third Corps,
together with cavalry and mounted infantry, are following up the retreating
Rebels. I have not learned the result of the fight, and probably will not for
some days to come. Over a hundred of their dead are buried at Blue Springs,
where our forces first overtook them, and as far as I went which was fifteen
miles—every house was filled with their wounded.
I saw some were from
Lee's army. One Lieutenant said he remembered seeing our regiment at
Fredericksburg. He had stood picket opposite our boys several times. There was
a brigade from the Rappahannock. Their force, he said, was about eight
thousand, all mounted. The facts in the case were about as follows: Burnside
had cleared his department of armed Rebels and had advanced into Virginia as
far as Salt Town, where the Rebels had extensive salt works, strongly
fortified. Before he could concentrate sufficient force to destroy these works,
word came that Rosa was in danger—that Burnside was to hold himself in
readiness to reinforce him at a minute's notice. In order to do this he must
withdraw all his forces from the northeast and concentrate them near Knoxville.
The Rebels followed
up as he fell back, and occupied the positions he had driven them from.
Before Burnside
reached Morristown, word came from Rosa that he was safe inside his
fortifications and was being rapidly reinforced by Grant. This left
Burnside free to do over again what had been undone, but through no fault of
his.
It was a touching
sight to witness the joy of these much-abused people at our return. Men who had
fled to the bush as the Rebels advanced, and dare not, for their lives, appear,
came flocking in and were welcomed with tears and shouts of joy by wives and children.
Their gratitude was unbounded.
As I witnessed the
delight of these people and listened to their tales of suffering, I felt more
than ever that I was engaged in a just and holy cause, and my heart was
strengthened to do and dare for human liberty.
SOURCE: David
Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer,
1862-1865, pp. 105-6
1 Sumner felt hurt at this phrase in the
speech; but Phillips claimed that being addressed to dissatisfied persons it
was in the connection judicious, and not open to objection as unfriendly.
2 Theodore Parker, though deeply regretting
that Sumner delayed his speech so long, nevertheless expressed publicly no
distrust of him, and made an apology for his silence at a meeting, July 5,
[1852] in Abington. His very cordial and frank letters to Sumner himself rather
imply a fear that his fibre was not quite so strong as it should be, and needed
to be stiffened.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 285-6
When by the
circumstances a speech is an act for liberty, then I trust that
you will make it. But when by speaking you feel that you would only drown your
own testimony by the sound of your own voice, then it is not such as I am who
desire you to break your silence.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 286
I like your course,
and especially that it is yours, and not any other man's. I told you at the
outset to take time, act deliberately, so as to have nothing to take back, and
not be in a hurry, and let croakers croak.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 286
Don't let the unjust
and ill-considered words said here about your tardiness to speak on this
subject press you to speak one moment earlier than your nature and instincts
are ready to the utmost to do their own spontaneous work, and upon their own
occasion. Take your time, by the force of your own nature, in your own methods;
you will have all your strength in effort, and not otherwise. Don't let hasty
requirements of those who are eager for your speech move you to utterance one
moment prematurely, as your season takes its own procession. Don't speak upon
the pressure of any opinion. William Bowditch authorizes me to say that this is
his view of the matter also.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 287
1 A reference to the Senate's refusal to hear
him, July 28.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 287
[BLOG EDITOR’S NOTE:
Charles Sumner delivered his eulogy for former United States Senator Robert
Rantoul Jr. on the floor of the United States Senate on August 9, 1852, two
days after Rantoul’s death.]
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 287
You must not let the
session close without speaking. Should you do so, you would be openly denounced
by nine tenths of our people. They say they are daily tormented about your
silence by the Whigs all over the State, and many of them think you will not
speak at all.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 288
I know too well the
strength and depth of your antislavery principles, and have been too recently
assured of your anxiety to utter your full views touching the Fugitive law to
the Senate and the country, to attribute your delay in doing so to any other
reason than your belief that an expedient occasion has not yet arrived. Others,
however, who confound you with common politicians, attribute your silence to
the Southern atmosphere of the Capitol, and profess to believe either that your
opinions have become essentially modified, or that you are fearful of
encountering the intellectual power of the defenders of Compromise, and
incurring the odium and contempt with which the chivalry look down upon an
abolitionist. I need not tell you, my dear Sumner, how warmly and indignantly I
have repelled, and will continue to repel, all such insinuations against your
honor and your integrity, and how confidently I have told your defamers to wait
a little while for the promised speech that would silence their croakings, and awaken
the country anew with strains of eloquence like those uttered by you in Faneuil
Hall. Mr. Webster's awful treachery and shameless apostasy have so weakened the
confidence of the people in the power of individuals to hold fast to unpopular
truths that the meanness of such lesser traitors as Stanton and John Van Buren
has excited no surprise.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 288
I thank you for your
watchful friendship. Had I imagined the impatience of friends, I would have
anticipated their most sanguine desires. But, with the absolute mens conscia recti,
knowing the completeness of my devotion to the cause, I have let time proceed
in the full conviction that at last I shall be understood. I fear nothing. I am
under no influences which can interfere with this great duty. From the time I
first came here I determined to speak on slavery some time at the end of June
or in July, and not before, unless pressed by some practical question. No such
question has occurred, and I have been left to my original purposes. My time
has now come. I wish I could speak this week; but I cannot. For some time I
have not been well; I have lost strength, and owing to this circumstance I have
not made the preparation necessary. I am now at work, and to this devote myself
whenever out of the Senate. Amidst these heats I am doing as well as I can.
Your appeal and the interest expressed by others in my speech fill me with a
painful conviction of my utter inability to do what is expected. But I shall
try to do my duty. As to the responsibilities of standing alone, and as to any
answers to me, to all these I am absolutely indifferent, — of this be assured.
But when I speak, I wish to speak completely.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 289
Our Parrot gun was ordered to the south side of the James River about a week since, and we, as yet, have heard nothing from it. The Second Company Howitzers left at the same time, and placed in the Third Company's charge their Rifled Howitzer. A few days since we exchanged one of our little brass boat-howitzers for another ten-pound Parrot gun, and our battery has been much strengthened by it. At 2 o'clock this morning we received orders to start by daylight for Malvern Hill, to which place the enemy have advanced in large force, driving the few troops we had there before them. We are not attached to any brigade, and are held as a reserve. Many artillery companies attached to brigades are passing us on the road, and I suppose they are to have the first show. However, I shall not grumble at that, for we had our share in the fighting around Richmond, though I do not think our small guns accomplished much.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 125-6
We camped within a few miles of Malvern Hill last night, and to-day our forces reoccupied the hill without any opposition, capturing some seventy-five or a hundred prisoners. This move, on the part of McClellan, is only a feint to hide some other move of greater importance, and it is the general impression that he is about to evacuate his position at Harrison's Landing, taking his forces nearer Washington to calm the fears of Lincoln and his Cabinet.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 126
Returned to our camp to-day; enemy certainly evacuating their position on James River.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 126
Five brigades of Longstreet's division leave today for Jackson's command, in the Valley.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 126
Yesterday afternoon, at 6 o'clock, we received orders to leave Richmond for Petersburg, but owing to some delay, did not leave until after 10 at night. Reached Petersburg this morning a little after sunrise; our encampment is about one mile from the city.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 126
Left Petersburg last evening with a force of some 1,000 or 1,200 men, on a scouting expedition into Prince George county, where the Federals have been committing some depredations. We were on the road all night, and are now some eight miles from Prince George Courthouse, and but a short distance from the James River. The object of this expedition is to learn whether or not McClellan has moved all of his forces from the neighborhood of Harrison's Landing, and to fire upon his transports, should they be in the river.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 126
Returned to Petersburg on the 18th, after a fruitless expedition. As we ran afoul of the Yankee gun-boats, we had to retire without being able to make many observations of much value.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 126
We returned to Richmond yesterday morning, but as I did not care to march twenty-five miles I "ran the blockade" and came over on the cars, for which act of insubordination I will have the pleasure of "standing guard" six hours every other night for about a month. Petersburg always gets me into some scrape with my company officers. Since we left Richmond the last time one of my comrades, George K. Carlton, has been stricken down by the hand of death. He was a noble, generous soul, and possessed the happiest disposition I ever came in contact with; was greatly beloved by his fellow-soldiers. With the exception of Captain R. C. Stanard he is the only member of my company we have lost since the commencement of the war, nearly sixteen months ago. Certainly we have great reason to be thankful that our loss has been so small.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 126-7
Broke camp near Richmond and started for "Lee's Army of Northern Virginia." Camped for the night at Brook Church, about four miles from the city.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127
Marched about twenty miles to-day and camped for the night near the Louisa line.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127
Very cloudy; marched nearly to Louisa Courthouse; our men are much jaded.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127
To-day we are in sight of the blue hills of Western Virginia. Many years have rolled by since I roamed over those hills and with boyish ardor pursued the flying game. But, alas! Yankee soldiers have taken the place of that mountain game, and I hunt them now, though I don't like to catch too many at once.
We camped to-night in Orange county, about two miles from Gordonsville.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127
We reached Rapidan Station this evening and expect to remain here several days. This is a beautiful country, and is studded with many splendid mansions. The Rapidan River soon furnished me with a splendid mess of fresh fish for my supper.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127
Rained hard all night, but I managed to get under a wagon and it interfered but little with my rest.
SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 127
WASHINGTON, February 12, 1858.
MY BELOVED DAUGHTER—I
received your beautiful note from Cortland this morning, and was pleased with
your affectionate remembrance. Washington is full to overflowing; gay, to
dissipation; swollen, to extravagant dimensions; sleepy, to stupidity; and
rouged, to redness. Your friends and acquaintances inquire for you cordially. I
would not have you here in this intoxicating whirl of party-going for anything
I could name. It has proceeded to a pass which is destructive of physical and
moral health. I am glad you are at home to comfort and console your dear
mother with the affectionate attentions of the only darling child left us
there.
The mail is about to
close. In haste.
SOURCE: John R.
Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel
S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, pp. 509-10
A fine day, but a
hard one for all. We were ordered out early, and marched across the city, over
the long bridge, to the large plain, where we were reviewed by Gen. Foster. It
was a splendid sight. About all that is left to Gen. Foster of the 18th Corps
was on the field,—about 12,000 or 13,000 men, including cavalry and artillery,
and was the largest body of men we ever saw together; but it was tiresome to us
who did the marching, and we were glad to be in the old quarters again.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 40
For the last two
days we have had no drill out of doors, and very little guard. It has rained
steadily. The "Dudley Buck" arrived yesterday with a large mail, and
a lot of boxes have also made their appearance. We were mustered for two
months' pay this forenoon, and in the afternoon, between the showers, began one
of a series of base-ball games between men of the 23d and ours; but the rain
postponed it to the dim future. We find our barracks just the thing this
weather, much better than tents, and thank our stars and the United States
Government for them.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 40
Rain, and nothing
but rain; only the cleanest companies relieved, and we caught it again, and
some of us are checked as extra guard. And now for the first time our regiment is
broken. Two companies, and "B," going yesterday on picket at
Batchelder's Creek, a few miles out of New Berne, towards Kinston. We have been
idle now quite a while, and think it most time to be moved. Some say we are
going as provost guard down town, but all we can do is to wait and take what
comes. Frank Learned has been appointed corporal in place of Ramsey, who joined
the band.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, pp. 40-1
It has cleared up
and is quite cold. We sent off a large mail this morning. Last night we came
very near having our barracks destroyed. The funnel of one of the stoves
dropped against the roof, igniting the boards, and as we had all turned in, it
burned through the roof before it was discovered by a sentry. After burning a
hole five feet square we mastered it, and turned in again.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 41
To be noted. Our
company was declared the cleanest company! Consequently no
guard for us to-morrow.
Notwithstanding
our camp is quite sickly, we have had no
cases till now. Whitney was taken down suddenly while on guard on the night of
the 4th. He was quite sick for a few days, but is now better, and we hope will
be all right soon.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 41
A little incident
occurred yesterday, which is very gratifying to some of the boys, showing the
confidence our captain places in their word, and what a narrow chance others of
us had. Saturday is generally cleaning up day, and we understood there was to
be no battalion drill. At noon Sergt. White notified us that there would be a
drill at half-past one o'clock P.M. Three or four of us happened to be close to
the cook-house door, and of course cleared out. Robbins was outside and out of
hearing; we asked him to go with us, and he, being innocent of the order just
promulgated, fell in. We put in no appearance till dress parade, but nothing
was said till tattoo roll-call, when those who were absent were questioned.
Robbins was the first victim, being nearer the right of the line than any of
us. The question was, "Did you hear the order given by Sergt. White?"—"
No, sir."—"Where were you?"—" Outside the building,
sir." Which answers were satisfactory. When the captain came a little
short of the centre of the company and found another victim, the brilliant idea
struck the culprit to say, "I was with Robbins, sir." (So he was,
afterwards.) Robbins corroborated this, and the captain, not happening to ask
if the order was heard, passed; and one more was saved. It was a narrow escape,
and perhaps the white part of the fib saved the guard-house a temporary
boarder.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 41
There has been
nothing worthy of mention since the last date, excepting the heavy rain, till
last night, when we had an opera, "Il Recruitio," which was
excellently rendered. Gen. Foster and lady, and other officers and their
ladies, attended; the two barracks of "F" and "B" being
filled from top to floor.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 41
We were expecting a
gay time to-day, it being the first anniversary of the capture of New Berne. It
was reported that besides a review we were to have various salutes and plenty
of beer. We were awakened about five o'clock by a salute, and, although we
growled at the early hour, started out to see the fun. We soon found the
saluting was done with shotted guns. Belger and Morrison were posted on
the river bank, firing as fast as they could. The old "Hunchback,"
using her 100-pounder, and a little farther down stream, the
"Delaware" pegging away at the woods beyond the little fort where the
92d N.Y. Regiment was stationed, they firing also and the river alive with shot
and shell from the rebels. We were immediately ordered out in "light
marching order," and it looked as if our breakfast as well as our beer
would get stale.
Rumors were plenty.
About ten o'clock it was reported that we were going across the river to
relieve the troops there, but stayed quietly where we were, hearing everything
and seeing very little. By four P.M. everything was quiet, and the company
returned to barracks. A mail was distributed, and the boys are busy answering
letters, for the boat leaves in the morning.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, pp. 41-2
Last night about
supper-time, ten of Company E under command of Acting-Corpl. Emerson, were sent
to Gen. Wessels as headquarters guard, and after a severe night's duty in
keeping the general's horses all right and his staff from straggling, were
suddenly marched at "double quick" back to camp, to find the regiment
packing and getting ready to start. We bade good-by to the old barrack after a
hearty supper, and with flags furled and no music wended our way down town and
aboard the steamer "Escort." Company E was stationed forward, and as
it was dark we could see nothing, but found the soft places and turned in. We
will miss Russell and his mule this trip, as he is on duty in New Berne and
cannot leave. As we passed across Craven Street we saw him with his father, and
bade them good-by, telling him to look out for what boxes might come. Not a
very safe man, with his reputation as a forager, to leave our boxes
with; but it is the best we can do.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 42
(Private.)
MARTINSBURG, VA., July 23, 1857.
MY DEAR SIR: Though
I have ceased to take interest in politics, and hang on loosely to them for a
while longer, somewhat as a matter of habit, and somewhat as a matter of
necessity, I have promised a friend that I would communicate a few facts to
you, and now proceed to redeem my promise.
While spending a few
hours in Washington, a day or two ago, and since I have been here, I have
ascertained that a good deal of maneuvering is going on in relation to the
Senatorial election in Virginia. From what I have heard, I am satisfied that
Gov[ernor] Wise is very anxious to be elected to the
Senate. His hopes in that direction were a good deal chilled by the result of
the Virginia elections last Spring, but within a few weeks past, they have been
very much revived. He thinks that if he could place you, in a position of known
antagonism to the administration, and stand forward himself as the
administration candidate he would easily beat you. Therefore his friends are
representing you as fully endorsing all that our good friends of "The
South" have said about Walker and Kansas, and are endeavouring to produce
the belief that hostility to Walker and his Kansas policy springs out of and
indicates a spirit of settled hostility to the administration.
As I came through
Washington the city was rife with rumours of your open and avowed hostility to
Buchanan and his Cabinet.
Our friend Co[lone]l
Orr of So[uth] Carolina who is a warm administration man told me that he heard
with great concern that you had made a speech in which you attacked them
fiercely. Since I came here, a friend of ours (Mr. John B. Hoge) has told me
that the scheme has been worked with effect in this region,
and is fraught with danger in the West at least.
I am clearly and
openly hostile to Walker and his Kansas policy, but I do not think that either
principle or policy requires it to be carried to the extent of opposition to
the administration. They are acting badly towards us it is true, but they ought
not to be permitted to drive us into opposition, except upon some ground which
would be patent to the public. This is my view of the matter but it is probably
badly taken. You can judge best of the course proper for you to take. I
intended merely to give you facts.
The result of the
elections in our region of the State was in this point of view, very favorable.
So Edmundson writes me it was in his. I am nearly at the end of my race
politically. I want however to see the true men in our State, prospered and
advanced, and the intriguers thwarted and I will sing the "nunc
dimittes" with full glad heart.
(P. S.) That
"mendacious vagabond" who writes to the Herald from Richmond persists
in declaring that the Parsons [?] Bill was gotten up by your friends to injure
Buchanan's prospects in Virginia for the Presidential nomination.
SOURCE: Charles Henry
Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association
for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T.
Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 210-1
PETERSBURG, [VA.,] July 24th, 1857.
MY DEAR SIR: I had a
letter from Letcher this morning. He, as other of your friends, sees the
insidious attempts of the Enquirer and Examiner to
strike at you over the shoulders of the South. Nothing would
gratify Wise more than to make up an issue with you on the Kansas imbroglio.
Already some of his friends are striving to produce the idea that Pryor has
been writing at your dictation and speaks your sentiments. This is roundly
asserted in administration circles at Washington our friends can not be too
careful. Pryor has gone too far and has already done mischief. The sooner he is
checked the better. The policy of your friends is the strict line of defence,
this renders your position impregnable. We are weakening the moment we set on
the other task. The obvious course is to avoid all issues tendered by the
opposition. Nothing will serve to foil them half as effectually. Wise is half
dead for a hobby. I might say he would give his kingdom (not on this earth but
in heaven (?) "for a horse." There is no special obligation that I am
aware of on our part to furnish him one.
1 Prominent in local politics in northwestern
Virginia.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 211-2
ALEXANDRIA, [VA.], July 24th, 1857.
MY DEAR SIR: From
all that I can learn the opposition in this State to your reelection next
Winter are actively though secretly at work in getting up an organization
against you in various parts of Virginia. I am told that Hughes of the Richmond
Examiner is exceedingly busy writing letters in all directions to members elect
of the Legislature. Floyd from his point of attack at Washington leaves nothing
undone when an opportunity is presented, and Wise is using the power of his
position to accomplish the same object. My brother James, who is well posted in
these matters, has within a few days past expressed to me the opinion that he
was satisfied there was a formidable opposition getting up
against you in this way.
I have concluded
from my own responsibility to drop you a hurried line upon the subject, to warn
you of the danger in the distance, and to suggest that you give your friends
throughout the State timely notice of these operations, and urge them to
establish and perfect their own organization without delay.
So far as the
Legislature stood in the beginning our Party certainly was largely in the
ascendancy, but there is no telling what action an unscrupulous and unresisted
organization may effect. If we should be beaten next winter, the Southern
Rights Party in Virg[ini]a will be hopelessly prostrate, never to rise again in
our time. I shall continue to endeavor to keep a sharp look out upon the
movements before referred to, and hope in my humble way to plant a thorn
occasionally in their path, but would advise you, who have so much at stake, to
telegraph your friends in different sections of the State and put them on their
guard against the operations of the other side.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 212-3
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 25, 1857.
DEAR SIR: Having a
few moments leisure, I have concluded to address you on the subject of the
Senatorial election next winter. Not having the least doubt of your
re-election, it has created surprise in my mind to hear some of the friends of
Gov. Wise express themselves in the most sanguine terms as to the probability
of his succeeding you. Gov. Wise and Mr. Faulkner seem to be on very friendly
terms just now. It is said Mr. F[aulkner] is to help Wise to the Senate, while
Gov. W[ise] is to use all his influence to secure Mr. F[aulkner]'s nomination for
governor, and at the expiration of Mr. F[aulkner]'s gubernatorial term he
expects to succeed your colleague in the Senate. It is well to be on your guard
against the movements of these aspiring gentlemen.
Walker's course in
Kansas has caused the administration much trouble. The cabinet, I have reason
to believe are divided on the subject, and that the position of Georgia has
rather weakened Mr. Cobb's influence.
Forney is causing
much uneasiness. It is whispered that Cobb is concerned in the movement, and that
the new paper will support him for the nomination next time. I
know that the conductors of the "Union," are very jealous of the
movement, and are of the above opinion.
The feud in Indiana
between the friends of Gov. Bright and Gov. Wright has not been quieted by the
appointment of Gov. W[right]1 and will brake out again at no early
day.
There is no friendly
feeling existing between Messrs. Bright and Douglas. Mr. D[ouglas] blames Gov.
B[right] for the way in which the Indiana delegation voted at Cincinnati.
There is some talk
of De Witt purchasing the interest of R. M. Smith in the Virginia Sentinel. I
expect Gov. Smith will not favor the plan. Some of Gov. S[mith]'s constituents
are blaming him for recommending a fellow named Wileman Thomas, from his district, for
a high position here. Thomas is a notorious scoundrel, bankrupt in politics,
morals, and purse. He was a know nothing, attended the Winchester convention,
but was denied admittance, because he was self appointed. He procured the
recommendation of several respectable gentlemen, and then obtained the
endorsement of Gov. Wise to the genuineness of their democracy. I mention this
matter for fear he may annoy you with his importunities. I should not be
surprised if he received an appointment, as he voted for Mr. Buchanan, which
absolves a man from all sins against the democratic party.
1 Joseph Albert Wright, governor of Indiana,
1849-1857; a Representative in Congress, 1843-1845; Senator, 1862-1863;
Minister to Prussia, 1857-1861, also 1865-1867.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 213-4
Went on a scout from
Murfreesboro' with our whole division, marched 5 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Marched 8 miles and
encamped for the night.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Lay over in camp.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Went out on a scout
three miles from camp. Twenty-eight rebel cavalry driving in our pickets, we fell
into battle-line, but the rebels seeing our force skedaddled, and we returned
again to camp the same day, making a march of 3 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Lay over in camp all
day on the Eagleville pike.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Returned to camp at
Murfreesboro', having fulfilled our scout, remaining in this camp four days. A
march of 16 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Changed camp and
moved two miles to a new camp south of the town, making a march of 2 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Was rallied to march
double-quick to reinforce Col. Hall at Milton, Tenn., and went out on the same
day, having remained two days in this camp, making a march of 15 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 27
Returned from Milton
battle-ground, Col. Hall having whipped the enemy before we reached him or his
forces, and leaving many of the rebels wounded and dead on the ground, making a
march of 15 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 27-8
Went on picket out
on the field where Jeff. Davis made a speech to his men, 2½ miles from
Murfreesboro' camp, making a march of 5 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 28
Went on picket on
the Manchester pike four miles, making five days rest in camp there, and
returned the next day to camp, making a march of 8 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 28
Started again from
Murfreesboro' camp on a scout and arrived at Readyville, and encamped for the
night two miles south of Fort Transit, making a march of 12 miles. Remained
eighteen days in this camp without moving.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 28
Left Fort Transit
and arrived at Woodbury, eight miles from this place, and was ordered fourteen
miles further on the same day, and encamped for the night, making in all this
day a march of 22 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 28
Left Camp Woodbury
and arrived the same day at a place called Small-pox camp, having received its
name from the fact that at this place the inhabitants never were clear of this
fearful disease. Encamped for the night, making a march this day of 17 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 28
Left Small-pox camp
and arrived at Liberty, driving out the rebel General Breckinridge and all his
forces, causing them to flee in all directions, and leave their camp and camp
equipment behind, including a variety of almost everything you can speak of.
The headquarters of General Breckenridge were set on fire by our cavalry after
entering the town, and by the time the infantry got in sight were burned to the
ground. The inhabitants of the town seeing they were caught for the first time
by our army, began to clear their houses of furniture and contents, carrying
out their hardware and throwing their brittleware out of the windows, through
the excitement that the town was to be burned down ere we would leave, in
retaliation for some horrible murders committed on the soldiers of the Union
army by those hellish fiends of their so-called Confederacy. After searching or
scouting the town, it was ascertained that there was a large steam mill, filled
to the brim with wheat, flour and corn, and on entering the mill we found
hidden in a pile of bran a quantity of their ammunition, having been made or
manufactured at Atlanta, Georgia. It was covered up by bran being thrown over
it. We were ordered to remove it to our train, together with all the flour and
wheat. It was no sooner said than done; then a match was applied to the mill,
and soon nothing could be seen but a pile of coals and ruins. After firing
several other buildings that they used for places of concealment of this kind,
we moved to camp at Smith's Fork, DeKalb county, Tenn., the same day, and
encamped for the night, making a march of 20 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 28-9
Lay over in camp at
Smith's Fork all this day quiet and unmolested.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 29
Detailed to go out
as skirmishers, and to support some batteries.
SOURCE: Adam S.
Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 29
