Civil War Notebook

Thursday, July 30, 2026

List of the Armies of the Confederate States

Army of Central Kentucky
Army of East Tennessee
Army of Kentucky
Army of Louisiana
Army of Mississippi
Army of Mobile
Army of New Mexico
Army of Northern Virginia
Army of Tennessee
Army of the Kanawha
Army of the Northwest
Army of the Peninsula
Army of the Potomac
Army of the Trans-Mississippi
Army of the West

List of the Armies of the United States

Army of Arkansas
Army of Central Kentucky
Army of Kentucky
Army of New Mexico
Army of Observation
Army of Reserve
Army of Southeast Missouri
Army of the Border
Army of the Chesapeake
Army of the Cumberland
Army of the Frontier
Army of the Gulf
Army of the James
Army of the Kanawha
Army of the Mississippi
Army of the Monongahela
Army of the Ohio
Army of the Potomac
Army of the Shenandoah
Army of the Susquehanna
Army of the Tennessee
Army of West Mississippi
Army of West Virginia

Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Private William O. Gulick to his sisters, September 29, 1861

Camp Warren, Ia. Sept. 29th/61

Ia Cavalry

Dear Sisters¹

I received your kind letter yesterday morning but as I did not have time to answer it then I waited untill now. My time is limited, for I am standing guard and just came off, will have to go on again at one oclock, we stand two hours on, and about four off, for twenty-four hours. It commenced last night to rain and has continued to rain ever since and prospects for a wet time all through my time of Guard, But I am well provided for as we have our uniform the clothing for the whole Regiment came Sept. 20th. We have one heavy pair Pantaloons and the promise of another soon, a very heavy Overcoat with cape a Fighting Jacket trimmed with orange a blue sack coat for a fatigue dress a pair of Boots, pair of shoes, and a hat something like Isaac's We have three Blankets one for our horse. The Whole Regiment is Ordered to go to St. Louis and to go by Squadrons one each day commencing tomorrow (Monday) Our Squadron will be the last so we will remain here yet six days unless further orders We expect to get the remainder of our horses by Wednesday, We have now about 30 horses and saddles. I forgot to tell you all of our clothing we got Shirts two pair drawers, two pair Socks a canteen, and all the little necessaries we wanted. I cannot carry all my clothing so I will send my things that I need least, in a box with some others to Clinton I shall have them in a bundle directed to Low Moor, I shall write to the rest of the family in a few days I got a pass yesterday to go down town but as the Colonel² wanted all should appear on grond parad [sic] I could not go to have my likeness taken but as soon as I can get my pass I will have it taken and send it in my next letter. You will probably hear from Isaac soon for he will write as soon as he gets to St. Louis and he starts Tuesday

I was glad to hear that you were all geting along so well I am as well as can be and like soldiering better evry day I tell you it is fine cooking and eating out doors such days as this I have just pertaken of an apple dumpling I bought it for my dinner and thank fortune I have change but many have not, Peter Barr³ has lost his pocket Book with over Fifty dollars he says if Wagner⁴ has not payed that little sum he ows him to his brother he would like to have him send it to him, he says direct or send it in one of my letters The sum is $3.60 I believe. It is now time for me to go on guard and I have always been prompt excuse me from writing more this time and I will write soon and more give my love to all my friends tell them I like to get letters, direct care of Capt.⁵ to Camp Warren as you have heretofore and my letters will be forwarded on to me if I am gone

Your Brother

W. O. Gulick

_______________

¹ William Gulick had four sisters, all older than himself: Lorette Schuyler, Sarah Jane Wagner, Emma V. Harris, and Cynthia Jones.

² Colonel Fitz Henry Warren, of the First Iowa Cavalry Volunteers, rose to the rank of brevet major general before the close of the war. A native of Massachusetts, he had moved to Burlington, Iowa, in 1844. In 1849 President Taylor appointed him Assistant Postmaster General. He made an excellent record in this position, but resigned it in indignation when Millard Fillmore signed the Fugitive Slave Law. In the campaign of 1860 he employed his eloquent oratorical powers in behalf of Abraham Lincoln. When war broke out he left the associate editorship of the New York Tribune, where he had made a reputation as one of the ablest journalists in the United States, to serve his country in the field. In later years he was frequently active in Iowa politics.

³ Peter Barr, of Company M, came (like Gulick) from the Low Moor neighborhood and seems to have been a close friend of Gulick's, as he is mentioned a number of times in these letters. At the time of his discharge for disability at Clinton, Missouri, on June 24, 1862, he held the rank of corporal.

⁴ Richard Wagner, of Low Moor, married Sarah Jane Gulick.

⁵ By the "Capt." is meant William H. Ankeny, Captain of Company M.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Shambaugh, The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, vol. 28 (1930), pp. 204-6.

Monday, July 27, 2026

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 16, 1863

Freezing in the shade Icesicles to our cabbin eves 18 inches to 2 ft long the ponds of water covered with thin ice, forenoon snowing moderately & afternoon occasionally spitting snow I am suffering with pane in my back the snow is from 6 to 8 inches deep with a perfect slush of mud & watter under it

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 105

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 17, 1863

Ice on the ponds in Helena is barely sufficient to beare up a man & some are sliding & occasionally one breaks in & gets wet, some to the waste & there is a good time of the lookers on to chear, by noon it was thawing so that none went on it afternoon I received two letters bearing me the sad noose of the deep affliction of my Dear son Amandus he has been sick for several weeks & now inflamation of the brain & the letter states the Doctors say he only has one chance out of eleven to recover, Oh how my hart is smitten. Oh that God would spare my precious boy & grant us all the privilege of again enjoying our family alter together.

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 105

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, Sunday, January 18, 1863

Morning a fiew boys ventured on the ice some broke in. the day was mild & the snow melted fast, & the mud is in great abundance, at 2½ Oc I attended meeting in a log chapple without floor seats or pulpit save the ground there was a doore up and 2 holes for windows & a hole in the clapboard roof for a stove pipe but no stove or pipe there Our Chaplain preached & called on me & I closed after him text Come & let us reason together &c I am afflicted with paine in my back

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 105

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 19, 1863

My back is yet suffering I fear it is rheumatism Our Capt TM Fee has gone out with a squad of men on picket his first adventure here

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 105

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 20, 1863

My back is not much better Evening Capt TM Fee & 1 took a little tramp, & visited the fine former residence of the Rebble Brig Genl JC Tappan it is a verry elegantly finished two story frame building. the furniture is elegant & there remains the remnant of an extensive library I discovered on the book the Orderly had marked me unable for duty without my knowledge I had him stop it I have been marked four days the first and only time since I enlisted

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, pp. 105-6

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 21, 1863

Streets almost impassible for footmen. I called in a verry pretty residence surrounded with beautifull shrubery & had a social chat with two young ladys by the name of Head they have a brother in the Rebble army. I received a letter from Emma with encouraging information about my son Amandus, he is seeking the Saviour & is in a fare way to be up soon, though I have been much depressed in mind I feel greatly relieved & am hoping & praying for my son I answered the letter. A fleet passed down from Memphis with parts of Grants Armey the 15th & 16th Reg Iowa Vol was on board & the fiew minutes they layed here I improved & injoyed with the boys some from Keosauqua & vicinity

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 22, 1863

I took a ramble out to some of the pickets. Capt T M Fee was officer of the day Brother Oliver Williams of the 24th Reg Iowa Vol passed the evening & night with us he & I slept together in my bunk & we had a good time generally

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 23, 1863

Rainey with mud beyond description I have been boxing up some cotton seed &c to send home Rev Oliver Williams called & spent the afternoon & evening with us & is going to bunk with me this night, he is from Appanoos Co Iowa & is in the 24th Reg Iowa Vol

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 24, 1863

Steady raine from 9 Oc morning untill now 11 Oc night, I went on picket this morning & expected to remain until tomorrow morning but our Brigade got Orders to march & I was reliaved tonight I took one Rebble with his horse &c about noon & sent them in by a sargent to the Provo Marshal

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, Sunday, January 25, 1863

The place is in a buisey mood Genl Fisks Bregade is buisey preparing to go on board the fleet tomorrow for some place south of this we think Vicksburg I expressed a box of cotton seed some cloths books &c to Keosauqua Iowa

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 26, 1863

Raining almost incessantly we ware all ready & packed up, & expected to be ordered in line to march down to the boats at early dawn, the teams ware buisey moving down Com[missary] Long['s] store & about noon they ware stopped & a short time after, the orders we had received to march with our brigade was countermanded & fortunately for us we are this rainey night comfortable in our cabbans I received a letter dated 12th from my Daughter & I bless the Lord, my son is some better & I feel more at ease in my mind

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 27, 1863

I am suffering with pain in my back, I dobed some on our cabbin & visited Genl Washburns Head Quarters in the Rebble Brig Genl Tappans house

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 106

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 28, 1863

Morning cold the mud froze so it bears a man up, The Cavilry took a skout yesterday afternoon & about 200 of them went out to a Rebble ball at Lagrange 15 miles west of Helena, they took 5 Rebbles Soldiers & spies in our uniform & 8 Citizens & some of them ran when the cavelry rode up, & John Westenberger from near Centerville Iowa who is in the 3rd Iowa Cavelry dismounted & ran after them hallowing halt but they did not heed & he shot down a Reb Capt Gib or Gibbs he died in a few minutes. Westenberger tended me¹ when I built Wadlingtons house at Centerville. I finished pointing up our cabbin I feel very unwell my bones all ache & my back is verry painfull.

_______________

¹ The writer was a brick and stone mason by trade.

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, pp. 106-7

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 29, 1863

The hospital boat Henry Von Phul came up from Vicksburg with sick soldiers, the Chaplain of the 24th Iowa Infty Rev Corkhill was along they went on up to Memphis no news of importance from below except the watter is passing through the cut of & our men are enlarging it I have been verry feeble this day We drilled in bayonet exersize I wrote a letter to the Rev Cyrus Morey at Atica Marion Co Iowa

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 107

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 30, 1863

I am suffering with pains in all my bones & am indifference to moving when seated We drilled some in bayonet exersize, the volts; passades &c Our Major Woodward was unfortunate his servent Frank a white man road his fine horse to town & in jumping a ditch the horse broke his leg & they had to shoot him, the Major is quite sick & they have not yet let him know it

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 107

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, January 31, 1863

I was on drill in bayonet exersize but I feel feeble with great indifference about moving around I recd a letter from my Daughter dated 19th & 22nd It greatly relieves my mind, my son is better, but was not able to turn or help himself & had been verry low for nine weeks, & while I know the Lord will do wright & I feel like trusting him, having dedicated my children to him by baptism in infancy, & trust I now have everything upon the alter, but my mind is some way so ocupied about my children that I cannot rest, & fear unless I can in some way more fully trust the Lord with the care & protection of them my body will sink & I become prostrated. Oh that the precious Saviour would help me. I was at Genl Clinton B Fisks head Quarters & had a pleasant time with him he sent one of his orders to our Chaplain by me & promised to be with us tomorrow for preaching¹

_______________

¹Clinton B. Fisk of St. Louis, became colonel of the Thirty-third Missouri Infantry September, 1862; brigadier-general in November, 1862; and was breveted major-general in March, 1865. He was soldier, business man, educator, reformer, and philanthropist. Fisk University was named in his honor. In 1888 he was the candidate of the Prohibition party for president of the United States. He died in 1890.

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 107

Sunday, July 26, 2026

Henry Clay to James Clay, January 16, 1848

WASHINGTON, January 16, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — I received this moment your favor of the 10th, and was glad to hear that all are well at home. My cause is not likely to be reached, I fear, for two or three weeks, if it be reached at all. I have not changed my purpose on the subject to which you refer. I have only suspended the execution of it in deference to some friends who fear that bad consequences to the cause and the country might ensue if I were immediately to execute it.

Mr. Jacobs is to be married to-morrow, and I shall go to his wedding.

I send a list of some plants which Mr. Prince has forwarded to me.

I am sorry that you indulge in bad spirits. You are wrong to do so, and I think you have no occasion to do so. You have much to cheer and animate you. More by far than most persons.

My love to Susan and the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 553

Henry Clay to James Clay, February 1, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 1, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — I received your letter informing me of the occurrence which has taken H. E. Erwin to New Orleans. I am deeply concerned about it; but I can not but think that Mr. Prentiss will not fight him. If he should decline doing so I hope Henry will let it drop there, without resorting to any measure of violence or denunciation.

I have some hope of getting my cause tried next week, although there is not, I regret to say, entire certainty in regard to it.

I inclose a bill of lading for a barrel of sperm oil, purchased by Mr. Coffin, which I will thank you to hand to your mother.

I adhere to my purpose communicated to you before I left home. I have suspended the execution of it for the present, in consequence of strong assurances that if I take the step now it will be ruinous to the Whig party. It places me in a state of painful embarrassment.

My love to Susan and the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 553-4

Henry Clay to Henry T. Duncan, February 15, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 15, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — I received your letter of the 9th instant and I was gratified with the proceedings in Bourbon, of which it gave a full account. I presume through other channels you are advised of the state of public affairs here. I see no prospect of peace at present. Upon my arrival here the strongest appeals have been made to me to take no step withdrawing my name from among those from which a selection is to be made of a candidate for the Presidency. I have been assured that, if I did, it would lead to a prostration of the Whig party, especially in the free States. Then they say that General Taylor can not be supported in his present noncommittal position. Some doubt, if he were to assume distinct Whig ground, whether he could obtain the Whig support. I have suspended any definitive action.

Great surprise exists here as to the hot haste of our Taylor friends in Kentucky. Why is it? I am often asked, without being able to give any very satisfactory answer. What will be the issue of the two Conventions in Frankfort next week? Nobody knows here. After the long period of time during which I have had the happiness to enjoy the friendship and confidence of that State, what have I done, it is inquired, to lose it?

Those Conventions, if they would act wisely, I think, would acquiesce in the National Convention and leave their own delegates to act freely, according to all circumstances.

My suit has been argued in the Supreme Court, and I shall leave this place next week for Philadelphia, where some business takes me.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 554-5

Henry Clay to Leslie Combs, February 18, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 18, 1848.

MY DEAR GENERAL, — I received your favor this morning. I have written this winter no letters to Kentucky on public affairs but in answer to letters which I received, and of this description only three. That which you thought ought to have been addressed to you was of that character.

I remain in my passive position in regard to the Presidency. To this course I have been strongly urged. It is generally approved. Whether and when I may change it depends on circumstances. There is no occasion for precipitate action. Mine at least shall be deliberate; having due regard to country, party, friends. If I were to credit all I hear and see, there would be no doubt of my election, if nominated by the National Convention, with my consent; but experience has brought diffidence, and I do not lend too ready an ear to even agreeable things.

I learn from New York that there is not a particle of doubt that, if I were a candidate, the vote of that State would be given me by an immense majority. The Legislature (I mean the Whigs) have had a caucus, in which they passed a resolution, with I believe unanimity, designating me, although not naming me, and excluding our friend General Taylor, though not naming him. Our Kentucky and other friends ought to know what an up-hill business that is of supporting the General in the free States; and yet I lose no suitable occasion to impress on all union, harmony and concord.

I am fully convinced that no preference will be expressed next week in Virginia, at Richmond, for General Taylor; most probably none will be expressed for any one.

I expect to be in Philadelphia the two or three last days of this month and the first week of the next. If I can give any impulse to your business there, I shall not fail to do it.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 555

Henry Clay to James Clay, February 21, 1848

WASHINGTON, February 21, 1848.

MY DEAR SON, — Mr. Adams was striken to-day in his seat in the House of Representatives with paralysis, and, if not now dead, it is believed that he can not live until night. Both houses immediately adjourned.

The court has not yet decided my cause, but as it has a press of business before it, I do not draw any unfavorable conclusion from the delay. I can not lose it.

I shall leave this city the day after to-morrow for Philadelphia on Mr. Shelby's business, and shall be detained there about a week.

Mr. Trist has certainly concluded a treaty with the Mexican Commissioners, which is now in this city. I understand that it cedes the boundary of the Rio Bravo, all New Mexico, and Upper California; and that we are to pay fifteen millions of dollars, besides assuming the payment of the debt due from Mexico to our citizens. I am told that the treaty will be submitted to the Senate for its advice, etc.

I wrote to your mother that I had received the check which you sent me from New Orleans.

My love to Susan, Lucy, and your other children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 556

John McLean to Henry Clay, March 1, 1848

CINCINNATI, March 1, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — Your favor from Baltimore was lately received at this place, it having been forwarded to me by Mr. Botts.

The manifestations of confidence and affection by your fellow-citizens in your late tour must be gratifying to you, as they certainly have been to your friends. No higher honors could be bestowed than those which you have received.

No one can so fully understand and appreciate the importance of your position, as connected with the future, as yourself; and this knowledge best qualifies you to determine your course of action. Standing in the advance of all your compeers in age and in renown, you owe much to yourself. But your fame is not exclusively your own. It belongs also to the nation. No one friendly to his country could desire a step to be taken or omitted by you, which might not result, as it would be designed, for the general good.

You can not be insensible to the claims of duty, but your friends have no right to expect from you personal sacrifices. I can only repeat what I said to you in Washington, that if, on a full view of the whole ground, your friends believe, and your own judgment shall concur with theirs, that there exists the highest probability of success, you ought not to withhold your name. But, in all frankness, I will say that you ought not to enter into a doubtful contest. Your fame is of too much value to yourself and to your country to compromise it, in any degree, on a hazardous result.

Political success is no longer a test of merit or qualification. Had this been otherwise, you would long since have been at the head of the Government. If your name shall be brought before the country, with your assent, I shall feel the utmost solicitude for your success.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 556-7

Henry Clay to Samuel Haight, April 15, 1848

ASHLAND, April 15, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — I received to-day your favor of the 10th instant. Prior to this you will have received my note addressed to the public announcing my assent to the submission of my name to the consideration of the National Convention. It so fully explained my views and feelings that I have nothing to add to it. I do not see how it is possible for any exception to be taken to it.

I concur with you in regretting the course of the "National Intelligencer" in regard to the French Revolution; but I think it ought not to operate, and I hope it will not to the prejudice of the Whig party. The editors expressly disclaim being the organ of that party, and the resolutions of congratulation to the French people have been passed, in both houses of Congress, by almost unanimous votes. My own opinion is, that our sympathies and congratulations were due to the French people for the Revolution which they had effected. In expressing these sentiments, we should not have been committed to the sanction of any future excesses which may be perpetrated in the progress of the revolution, if any such should unfortunately occur. My hope is that the foreign powers, profiting by the folly of their former interference with France, will abstain from all exterior pressure upon her, and that she, profiting by the errors which were committed in the former Revolution, will peacefully establish, without the spilling of blood, a free Government upon the basis of popular representation.

No one can doubt my feelings and sympathies who has any recollection of the course which I took in regard to the Spanish American Republics, and to Greece. While France has my cordial and hearty wishes for the triumphant establishment of liberty, I shall be ready to express the deepest regrets, if the Revolution should take an unfortunate turn.

I request you to present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Haight.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 560

General Zachary Taylor to Henry Clay, April 30, 1848

BATON ROUGE, La., April 30, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, — Your highly esteemed letter of the 4th inst. was duly received, for which you have my best thanks. It was highly gratifying to me to hear from you, and to learn you had returned to Ashland, after so long a travel during the most inclement season of the year, in good health, which, I flatter myself, you will long continue to enjoy. Your views, as regards our respective chances to succeed to the Presidency at the coming election, are entitled to the greatest respect and consideration, as your opportunities of knowing the opinion of the people generally throughout the country, as regards that matter, are much better than mine can possibly be, having recently made a visit to the seat of the General Government, to three or four of our largest cities, and passed through, into, and along the borders of several of the strongest States in the Union; while I have, since my return from Mexico, for the most part remained stationary at an out-of-the-way place, where I see or hear but little of political movements or matters, save through the newspapers and letters, for the most part written and published by politicians, the editors and writers of the same are sometimes mistaken in their views on the subject of President-making, as other people.

I conceive I am, owing to circumstances which I could not well avoid, placed in rather a peculiar situation, as regards my being a candidate for the Presidency. It is well known to those who had my confidence, that I was very much opposed, when the matter was first agitated in several of the public journals, which was soon after the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, to my name being used as a candidate for that office, which I resisted as far as I could well do so, stating to those around me that I had no aspirations for civil office of any kind; that my greatest ambition was to bring the war we were engaged in to a speedy and honorable termination; that by being considered a candidate for that situation, would have the effect to make the President hostile to me even without his being aware of it, and in such a way as to impair my usefulness in the field, if not to destroy it, as regarded the object I had nearest my heart, which has been realized to the full extent of my expectation; for ever since the battle of Monterey, until I left Mexico, the hand of the Executive was laid heavily on me.

My name continued to be constantly referred to through some of the newspapers, from the time previously mentioned, as a candidate for the Presidency, until the battle of Buena Vista, soon after which I began to receive many letters from some of the first political men of the nation, and from several States, in which they stated that it was in contemplation to bring my name before the country as the Whig candidate for the Presidency, in November, 1848. In reply, I frankly stated my objections to their doing so; among others, that I was no politician, and that it might be considered presumption in me to aspire to that high station, when there were such statesmen who might be elevated to it as yourself, Mr. Crittenden, Judge McLean, and John M. Clayton, and hundreds of others unknown to me, who were, I conceived, much better qualified to preside over the destinies of the country than I was; that you were my first choice, nor did I wish to be in the way of any prominent Whig who might be brought out for that office. To which they replied some of whom were your warm political and personal friends that you would not again permit your name to be brought before the country as a candidate, and that they did not believe any other Whig, owing to events which had taken place, was so likely to be elected, in opposition to the party in power, as myself; and that I owed it to the country to permit my name to be used for said object; that I "could not avoid being a candidate if I would, and ought not if I could." Under this state of things I reluctantly yielded to their wishes. About the same time, I informed a distinguished member of Congress, that the arrangements for the next Presidential campaign were to be made during the approaching session of that body, which would shortly meet; and if, after consulting the members of both branches of the same, it was thought advisable to take up some other individual of the party who was more available, he was authorized to withdraw my name from the contest, and if it was you who was fixed on, so much the better. After writing said letter, I received the proceedings of the people called together in primary assemblies in several of the States, nominating me as a candidate for the Presidency at the next election, and in several instances stating it was understood that, in the event of any distinguished Whig being brought out as a candidate, I would at once withdraw my name; but urging me not to do so, but to continue as a candidate under all circumstances, on the grounds I had taken, which was not to be the exclusive candidate of any party, etc.; and on reaching New Orleans many friends called on me to let it be publicly announced that my name as a candidate for the office in question would not be withdrawn, let who would be in the field, which I consented to, and advised my friends in Washington of my change in that respect, without delay. I therefore now consider myself in the hands of the people, a portion of whom have placed my name before the country, for the highest office in their gift, without any agency of mine in the matter, and if they should think proper to drop me and take another, which they ought to do, provided they can fix on a more available candidate, and one better qualified to serve them, and cast their votes for him at the proper time, and should succeed in electing him, it will neither be a source of mortification or disappointment to me. On the contrary, if he is honest, truthful, and patriotic, I will rejoice at the result. And I can say, in all sincerity, that should you receive the nomination of the Whig National Convention, which is to meet in Philadelphia in June, and should be elected in November, but few of your friends will be more gratified than myself. And should you be unsuccessful, and should it be thought your being a candidate had the effect of preventing my election, it will not produce the slightest feeling of unkindness toward you, but I will continue to cherish those kind feelings which I have entertained for you for many years, which I hope are reciprocal.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 557-60

Friday, July 24, 2026

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop, Saturday, August 20, 1864

For nine days I have been prevented from making usual notes. Little passed I care to recall; I force myself to write today. I know no one who takes a general note of things; it is with hesitancy as well as difficulty, that I do. I cannot say that mine is more than meager penciling. They are samples of the best and some of the worst things that I note. Two of the sick mentioned the 11th, died the 13th; the others on the 15th. One had turned gray since I first saw him. He had money but could not save himself. His was the common complaint. He died within four feet of me suddenly falling; was from Pennsylvania. Another old prisoner died today of squalor within a few feet of us. The mortality, notwithstanding the removal of so many of the worst cases, has increased. The average is over 100 per day this month. On the 15th, 140; the 17th, 128 died. I am told by a man who is on duty at the hospital. The sick again admited to the gate for prescription; but three taken to the hospital out of several hundred applicants. It is the most disagreeable task one ever had to do, to cary a sick man before the doctor and then it amounts to nothing.

H. D. Merritt of our company was taken out in an awful condition on the 14th. He is from Sodus, Wayne county, N. Y. Fourteen of Company F have died; eleven more are in bad condition. (This does not include myself.) Madison hurt his foot a few days ago; his blood is so weak that it does not heal. Gangrene set in; it has eaten to the bone. The limbs of others are so affected as to be unable to walk. Most of them were strong heavy men, but we have to carry them to sick call. Gangrene is one of the frightful phases of these diseases. W. M. Townsend of the 111th N. Y. received a slight scratch on his thigh which has spread to a large and painful sore. It is by great precaution it is kept from being maggoty. The 12th I accidentally found Hanson, a young German of our company whom I had not seen for a long time, he belonged to another detachment. He was helpless but could talk; had fallen in the swamp, was completely daubed. His gums are rotted with scurvy; the backs of his hands and feet raw from sunburn; maggots actually crawling in his flesh. I got Sergeant Burton and went to the gate begging aid. At last got the answer, "You Yanks do something for your own selves." We returned to Hanson, lifted and gave him water, cleansed his wounds, found his detachment sergeant, borrowed a ragged blanket to cover him; could do no more. He died August 16th.

Tunnel was discovered not long since this way: It had been completed to the point where they wished to come out. The head man was pulling down the dirt when suddenly it broke away covering him, and down came a gray jacket with a Rebel in it, gun and all. The relief guards were just being mounted and one of them stepped upon the exact spot where they were to escape.

A Rebel paper I saw today spoke of Major Currill, Commissioner of Exchange, visiting our fleet in Mobile Bay, having reference to sending packages. Fighting at Richmond and other places, and close work at Atlanta. They abound in speculations on the Presidential campaign, and in extracts from the New York World, Herald, News and Albeny Argus and from their view argue the South's success. The World has an article on "The Failure of Grant," denouncing his whole course; and claims that "Grant is played out," though he has punched Lee back into his Richmond ditches and is still operating. Southern Rebels do not claim Grant is a failure. They keep up a bold front which they consider a political as well as a military necessity; but their own admissions, in general tones, are evidences of their strait. To me it seems they have ceased to hope for that degree of success from their armies that can save the little prestige they have abroad, much less secure their recognition, so turning to political bickerings, presenting their armies in the feigned attitude of triumph and strength but base their hope on the election. They believe that a party that could expiate their crimes in the past, would do even more in the future, if raised to power to look down on a forest of Rebel bayonets instead of threatening, sophistical politicians to whom they had succumbed. But they are a mere shell full of dead and rotting strength that has passed its zenith. The Southern heart is burning to ashes; they would negotiate for a respite to replenish the flame, not for Union. Oh, let the North be true in this crisis! Rebels would despair of success before January.

They do not give wood enough to ten men for one. Men go to extremes to obtain it, stealing dead men from their friends to carry out with the hope of getting it. Four men are permitted to go and can bring in quite a jag. Then some will trade half of their scanty rations for a stick to cook the other half. A few will trade a day's rations for a ten cent bit of tobacco. A few so far lose their reason as to throw clothing away, becoming disgusted with lice; add themselves to disgusting sights by going naked. All capable of being degraded so as to lose self respect, become so. God only knows the wickedness and woe of such a state!

I wandered to a locality new to me, a few days ago. I came to a quartet of Tennesseeans who told their war experiences; of persecutions their people suffered for being Unionists; how they fled from home to escape Rebels who were savage against all who refused to support secession. Their madness knew neither law nor friendship; their frenzy neither justice nor mercy. They, with a hundred others, armed themselves and one day cut their way through an armed mob claimed to have been sent by Governor Isham Harris, who designed to massacre or capture them. They marched many miles to join Buell's army, and had several fights with gorillas. They were captured in Rosecrans' operations near Chattanooga, in 1863; wintered at Danville, Va.; came here in March, seven stopping together. Three have died. Prison hardships affect them severely. The character of these sturdy mountain people, their honest, intelligent patriotism in connection with this crisis, also their general history, inspire these lines:

THE MEN OF TENNESSEE.

God save from woes of Anderson

The men who bravely stayed

By Lincoln's flag, for country one,

Where slavery's power had swayed;

Eschewed the leaders of the South,

Of low and high degree,

And deemed the flag ensign of truth,

Brave men of Tennessee.

They lived upon their native soil;

They loved it well and true;

They lived by faithful, honest toil;

They loved the peace they knew.

But they were those who weighed events

As they should pondered be;

They saw conflicting sentiments

Distracting Tennessee.

And when the Union of the States

Was threatened by its foes,

With the Union they allied their fates

Secession to oppose.

When driven from their homes away,

By the powers of slavery,

They joined the Union's armed array,

Grand men of Tennessee.

They spurned the rule that would disrupt

The Nation's life they loved;

They spurned the rule, wrong and corrupt,

As patriots true behooved,

And leaving homes they loved behind,

Engulfed in war's red sea,

They showed great strength of heart and mind,

These men of Tenneessee,

They nobly tendered strength and life,

If human blood must shed,

Against secession's valorous strife

By Southrons madly led,

And side by side with Northern men

They fought most valiantly-

Here brook the ills of prison pen

Brave men of Tennessee.

Behold them suffer here and die

Within dark Sumter's walls!

The earth their bed, the roof the sky,

Where woes their hearts appal!

And yet all offers they resent

That promise them to free;

By loyalty invite torment-

True men of Tennessee.

O, hail the men who know the right

And for it stand and fall;

Who will not swerve at Treason's might

Though death may claim them all;

And here in prison pine and rot,

Though today they could be free!

No truer men have ever fought,

Than men of Tennessee.

The valor of some Spartan band

From ancient time men laud;

But the acts of these, of Jackson's land,

Who will their deeds applaud?

I see them dying day by day

'Mid scenes of misery;

No voice to praise, where death has sway,

These men of Tennessee.

HOSPITALS, THEIR HISTORY.

Noting the indisposition or inability of doctors to clear the stockade of sick—victims conspicuous for their wretchedness—I have applied my mind to learn facts regarding so-called hospitals. It is no mystery that men sicken in the stockade. Coarse, unpalatable food, a mixture of meal containing cob and bran doctors call it meal and husk—often musty and bitter, stirred in filthy water in large batches, often souring before baking or while baking with green wood, no salt, no yeast, no soda, often partially raw, often over-roasted with a crust hard and tasteless. If changed to rice, that is colored with the dirty water and often uncooked. Exposed to all weather and until some wells were dug, all drank and washed in the same small stream, always roiled and more and more, night and day, being poisoned by drainage from without and within. Thirst becomes feverish, unbearable; to drink is to pollute our bodies with the offal, intermixed, made more stenchful and rotten by heat and rain. Nothing could be more unsanitary, more conducive to disease. What are the hospital facilities to cope with rapidly developing conditions absolutely adverse to health in strongest men? I find these facts, attested by appearances and results. No Confederate doctor or officer pretends to dispute.

This is the history of so-called hospitals here to date and they must continually grow worse. When the prison was built most of its early prisoners were from prisons farther north, Danville and about Richmond, where they were under roofs. Coming here in February and March they readily chilled through. Some refuse of the timber from which the stockade was built was appropriated by prisoners for fuel and shelter, and before hot weather and an increase of prisoners, both air and water might have been an improvement on their former abode. But old prisoners broke down and the first hospital was erected inside of poles and brush. This was the best hospital the place has ever had. The poles or logs were left several inches apart, and as sickly men were put in them the place became as odious and no more commodious than a backwoods hog-pen. A portion had a lose floor, no beds, no bunks, no blankets, no straw. The storm and wind beat through the space between the logs and rendered patients that retained sensitiveness or desire to live, uncomfortable. A few prisoners had threadbare blankets, or remnants, with the U. S. brand, but no other was provided whether prisoners had a U. S. rag or not.

This was the original provision and remained the only hospital until the middle of May, or a few days later, when prisoners began to come from the spring campaigns and were so packed about this hospital pen that the air was infected and it was removed to its present locality to make room. We arrived here from the Wilderness fields in Virginia just two days after this change; but even then the place where it had been, was covered with men fresh from our armies little heeding that the very earth which they had been forced to accept as their abode, was soaked with the filth of the lately removed wards of death, for, then as now, there was no means of disposal of excreta of men who were slowly wasting and unable to seek the swamp or stream, except in illy provided open excavations within the 'hospital" or death-pen. The hospitals now simply consist of old canvas appropriated from other use, ragged or patched, open at the sides, without floors, beds, bunks, stoves or straw. Men lay on the earth in ghastly rows. The ground where they lay is saturated with offal of wasting bodies. The sickening exhalation is constant. Patients have no clothing except that worn during their imprisonment and in active service, never but a single suit, in many cases not much of that, no blankets, except where prisoners happened to retain them on coming to prison. Patients are sickly visages of squalor, decaying bodies, while yet their minds retain dreary existences. There are fleshless skeletons with skin drawn over them; on some bones have broken or worn through the skin. Limbs of others whose flesh has not vanished, are swollen with dropsy and scurvy, discolored, yellow and brown. In many cases ulcers appear—sores from wounds that never heal, and gangrene is having an unchecked if not undisputed reign. Myriads of lice and flies swarm over helpless men; maggots infest gangrenous sores that may have originated from a scratch, a sunburn or from ulcerous eruption caused by corrupted blood.

These matters, seemingly, have reached an uncontrollable stage. There is scarcity of medicine, scarcity of physicians. Nurses are dumbfounded; if they have any sense of the situation they are in despair; can do little to comfort and it seems that those detailed have no adaptation for the work. Except now and then one, would they be retained and for just that reason, in a hospital well ordered for work. From first to last there is nothing provided, nothing arranged, nothing expected but death, and the quicker the better. If doctors had ordinary skill, and nurses had any idea of sanitation, some police regulations would be visible. If this were so and the Richmond government had meant to do anything but murder, better facilities would be provided. I have met a doctor or two apparently of skill, good sense, and humane intent; but they seemed to have despaired of doing justice to their profession or to patients, lacking means and having to contend against conditions which no skill and no medical supplies can meet until conditions change. They have no hope of that. There are some bunglers in charge with a slight knowledge of surgery ready to improve their quack skill by revolting practice. Amputation has been performed where no hope was possible or expected, and in cases where there was a lingering hope, yet the bodily condition of patients did not justify amputation. In no case as I can hear, has gangrene been cured by amputation. Slight wounds are not healable owing to weak blood. Some of these fellows are perfectly brutal, and enlisted in this capacity rather than be conscripted and carry a musket. These conditions are known at Richmond. The prison has been inspected by military and civil officials of high rank. Reports of surgeons, Drs. Reeves, Pelot and Thomburg in preceding months expressly stated not only general conditions but that there were men that were living masses of putrifaction; hospitals without bunks, beds or straw; as above stated, speaking of corn bread raw and sour and the effects of such diet on sick and well that they could not practice successfully, that sickness could not be prevented nor patients cured until made comfortable; appealing for "beds if any in Dixie." All was unanswered. Confidentially these facts are told me by a doctor.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 107-13

Thursday, July 23, 2026

Senator John C. Calhoun to M. A. Allan Brown, April 9, 1847

Fort Hill 9th April 1847

DEAR SIR, Regarding you to be one, entertaining strong political attachment to me, as you state yourself to be, I answer you as a friend.

If to be devoted to popular institutions; if to believe in the principles and policy, which brought the Republican party into power under Mr. Jefferson; if to prefer country to party, and dare to oppose party, when party deviates from its principles or policy, is to be a Republican, then am I one, and ever have been, and never more so than now. I had supposed, I had given too many and trying proofs of my Republicanism judged by these tests, to have my Republicanism doubted at this late day. I have often before opposed the party when in power, to save both it and the country. I have often before been denounced by partisans and party papers for doing so; but time has ever, as it will now, prove me to be in the right. It has been my fate to oppose the party, when in power and full strength, and to come to its rescue, when fallen or out of power. It is again in a fair way, I apprehend, to lose power, because it has greatly departed from its original faith, and embraced the principles and policy of its opponents to a far greater extent, than is supposed, by those, who have not carefully watched the course of events. The Republican party would ever triumph, and never be in danger, if true to its principles and policy. I would say to you, and other political friends, who may have given too hasty an ear to the abuse of mere partisans and party papers who go with party right or wrong, wait and see. To time I always appeal against their clamour.

I enclose you a copy of my address to the citizens of Charleston.²

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¹ Of Wilkesborough, N. C. Text derived from a copy kindly furnished by Mr. F. E Shoup, of Columbia, Tenn.

² Of March 9, 1847; Works, IV, 382-395.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, pp. 725-6

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, April 11, 1847

Fort Hill 11th April 1847

MY DEAR SIR, . . . The spring has been very backward; but the weather has been warm and dry since the commencement of the month, and vegitation has pushed forward with great rapidity. The woods begin to assume their summer garb, and every thing seems gay and cheerful. This morning is a lovely one, of the most agreeable temperature. The birds are sending up their joyous notes in every direction. We, however, begin to want rain, to bring up our corn and cotton, and give vigour to the growth of small grain.

As to politicks, things as yet, continue much as they have been, when I last wrote you. Ritchie continues his abuse, to which I have no objection. He has been long my secret foe, he is now an open and bitter one. Whatever impression he may make against me for the time, will in a short time react. I do not think, that there is the slightest prospect, that the old Hunkers of which he is the Organ, can ever again be resuscitated. They are incredibly corrupt; — alike destitute of honor or honesty. They know, that I have sustained the democratick party for the last ten years, and that without my support, they would have been prostrated forever by the explosion of 1837. They know, that my support has been of the most disinterested character; and yet they hate me, with a deeper hatred, than what they do, their professed opponents, simply because of my opposition to the spoils principle and the caucus Machinery, the only cohesive power, that holds them together. But their days are numbered, and they see it; and hence the gnashing of the teeth, and bitter curses. I take it with perfect calmness. They shall have more cause for Wailling before I am done. The last session is but the prelude to the next, when the day of reconing will commence.

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green, April 17, 1847*

Fort Hill 17th April 1847

MY DEAR SIR, The mistake, which I think you and the most of my friends make in reference to myself is, that you do not fully realize how completely I hold my own advancement subordinate to what I deem my duty to the Country. Even in the ardour of youthful aspiration, when the Presidency was an object of desire, I never could bring my mind to yield to a measure, or course of policy, which I thought wrong, to obtain that high office; much less can I now, when it is no longer to me an object of desire. Had I arrived at the Presidency by any other way, than an upright, and fearless discharge of what I conscienciously believed to be my duty, I would have been much more flexible, and under the influence of friends; but as it is, when I do not agree with any one portion, they have been too apt to suppose, that I had been influenced by those, with whom I happen to agree. You make this mistake as to my course in 1840. It may be, that the motives of those on the occassion, to which you refer, was such as you suppose; but, be that as it may, in making up my opinion, I had no consultation with them, nor had their opinion in relation to the subject to which you refer, the least influence with me. I am always happy to hear the opinion of my friends and often avail myself of their suggestions, in modifying my course; but rarely ever in taking it. I have said thus much, because, I think, you not infrequently fall into error, in attributing, what is the result of my deliberate judgement to the influence of others.

I entirely agree with you, that the Presidential election ought to be held in reserve, with the restriction, that no one of the old hunkers or their nominee by the Baltimore convention, shall get our support. I regard that portion of the party, as incurably corrupt. In their folly and profligacy they made the Mexican war, without seeing, that the successful general will ever be sure to turn the party, in this country, out of power, which makes a war. They began to see it, when it was too late, and hence their desire to have a Lieut General and to strike a blow at Genl Taylor during the last session. And hence, also, the sending of Genl Scott, in the hope of exciting their mutual Jealousy and dividing their political friends on the Presidential question. Indeed, the movements, on the part of both parties, have looked to that exclusively. It is to be hoped, that the very few, who look exclusively to the country, by taking an independent stand, and keeping in reserve their influence, may finally throw it, where something may be done to advance the publick good.

I am glad to learn, that you have closed a satisfactory arrangement, about your mountain property, and I hope that your expectation will be realized, but let me repeat my hope, expressed on a former occasion, that you will not engage in publishing a paper, unless you can see your way clearly. Your first duty is to your family.

My Charleston friends appear disposed to make an effort to raise the necessary funds to establish a paper for the support of the South, on a solid basis, provided the other Southern States will cooperate, or at least a part of them. But, I fear, that their attention is so much absorbed in the events of the Mexican war, and that they are so much entangled by their party connections, that nothing will be done.

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* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 6, 1847

Fort Hill 6th May 1847

MY DEAR SIR, I am very happy to hear by yours by the Cambria, that you are all well.

The views you take in reference to Ritchie, and the position in which it has placed me in reference to the hunker portion of the party are perfectly correct. They are incurably corrupt; and I am glad to be seperated from them by their own act. It places me on ground perfectly independent of either party; to act according to the dictates of my own judgement. The days of hunkerism is numbered. Mr Polk is the last of the dynasty. It never can rise again to power. The folly and the vice of the party have destroyed it. He sought by the Mexican war to perpetuate the power of the party, but it will prove the means of his and their overthrow. As things now stand, he will make Taylor his successor by making the war. It has made him the available candidate, and that of itself will be sufficient to rally a majority around him. Indeed, it would seem to be an established principle with us, that the party in power, which makes war, will be sure to be turned out of power by it; — if successful, by the successful General; and if not, by the opposition. When that comes to be understood, as it will be, if Taylor should be elected, we never again shall have a war, when it can be averted. Had the administration had sufficient sagacity to see it, Taylor never would have been ordered to the del Norte, and there would have been no war. As much as I am opposed to military chieftains for presidents, I shall, thus thinking, be content to see him elected against Mr Polk, or any one, who contributed to make the war; and, let me add, against the nominee of a convention, either democrat, or Whig. But I go no farther. I shall stand fast on my own doctrines, and act in conformity to them, in any emergency, including the Presidential. It is the only way, by which I can serve the country and preserve my character. . . .

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, June 10, 1847

Fort Hill 10th June 1847

MY DEAR ANNA, If I have not written you more frequently, it is because Cornelia and your Mother write you constantly, and that for the last several packets, it has been necessary for me to write to Mr Clemson, in reply to his letters and on business.

It happens, for the first [time] for a considerable period, that there was no subject, which required I should write to him, and that your letter to me, was the only one received from Brussels by the packet before the last. The last steamer which sailed took no letter from us to either of you, as we were absent in Abbeville in attendance on Kate Townes Wedding. I think she has done well; but as Cornelia sends a long letter to you, in company with this, I take it for granted, she will be very full in her narative about the wedding and all that relates to our visit to Abbeville, so I shall pass them over. I am happy to hear, you are all so well, and that the children are making such progress; not in what is called learning only, but what is vastly more important at their age, in good sense and habits. I hear such favourable accounts of them, that I am extremely desirous of seeing them again, as well as yourself and Mr Clemson; and sincerely hope, the time is not distant, when he shall think it for his interest to return to the U. States. If cotton should ever rise to 8 or 9 cents, steadily, as I hope it will, now that the immense stock, which had accumulated will be reduced to nothing by the end of the year. The present crop, thus far, is by no means promising. It is generally very backward, small and not a good stand. Besides, that planted on the Mississippi bottom has been in a great measure ruined by the Fresh. I saw not more than two tolerable crops on my visit to Abbeville, and neither of them much, if any more forward, than mine. With their exception, mine is the best by far I have seen this season. The weather has been unfavourable, and insects have abounded. We have not had since the 1st Week in April a single day that could be called warm, and are yet sleeping under a blanket, and 'till lately under two. We have rains now, but it is still too cool to give any great impulse to the growth of cotton.

I met in Abbeville Hammond at Mr McDuffie's, and spent a night with him there. He gave the same account of the crop, as low down as his residence, and I do not doubt it is much the case over the whole cotton region. He speaks very favourably of his experiment in marling and the use of plaster of Paris; and enthusiastically of his efforts in reclaiming the swamp land on his tract. From what he states, they must be equal to the best lands in the Union, while the expense, is far less than it was supposed it would be at first. Should Mr Clemson return, it would be worth while to look at the lands adjacent to him. The situation has great advantage in climate and position.

I am not at all surprised, that the state of things in Belgium and Europe, generally, should excite the feelings and sentiments you have so strongly expressed; and yet, bad as is the state of things there, it must, with the exception of this year of famine, be vastly superior to what it is in any other part of the old continent. We are for the present far better off; but it may be doubted whether we are not treading the path, that will lead in the end to a similar or worse state. Certain it is, that the preservation of our institutions and liberty oссиру but little of the attention of our Government, Federal, or State, or that of the people. Wealth and power engross the attention of all. We act, as if good institutions and liberty belonged to us of right, and that neither neglect nor folly can deprive us of their blessing. I almost stand alone, in taking a different view, and soon I fear shall be entirely out of fashion.

We have a most uncertain future before us. It began with the Mexican war. It has reached a critical point. I see nothing that can prevent us from taking the city, but what is to be the end of that, no one can tell. The present indication is, that we shall go on and subject, and hold in subjection, if we can the whole country; and who can tell to what that may lead? The only thing that seems probable is, that the Army and Navy are to become the controlling influence in the country, at least for another Generation.

I am looking on calmly, but with deep interest, with the fixed resolve to do my duty, regardless of all consequences. The next session must be one of the most important, that has yet taken place. It will lead to many developements, and give us a glimpse of what is to come. My position is one of entire independence of party, and of great command; but it will require much firmness, prudence and foresight to meet its duties, and responsibilities. I hope I will not prove unequal to the task it may impose.

We are all well, and all join their love to you and Mr Clemson and the children. Kiss them for their grandfather and tell them how glad I am to hear they are so well, and behave so well.

Willie has not yet returned, but we expect him next week.

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green, June 10, 1847*

Fort Hill 10th June 1847

I received your two last letters, the one written at New York and the other after your return from Washington, in which you urge me to attend the Convention to be held in Chicago on the 4th July.¹

After giving the subject the most deliberat consideration, I cannot concur with you in opinion as to the expediency or propriety of my attending.

My opinions in reference to internal improvement, both in reference to the Lakes and the Mississippi, have been fully expressed in my remarks at Memphis and the report on the proceedings of the Memphis convention. I have seen no reason since to change, or modify my opinion on any point. If I were to go to the Chicago convention, it would only be to repeat them, and to expose myself to the attack of those, who may be disposed to go farther than I can go, with my views of the Constitution, aided and backed by all, who may be politically opposed to me; while I would expose myself to the imputation of the very motive you assign for my going, and would lose more weight with the South, than I could possibly gain in the West.

Such are the objections, which occur to me, regarding the subject in the light you do, in reference to myself and my political advancement. But political advancement has ceased to be for a long time any object to me, personally. I would accept the Presidency on no condition but to reform the Government and carry out the principles and policy with which I am identified; and I have no idea that it will ever be tendered me for that purpose. All that remains for me is, to finish my course with consistency and propriety, and that I can only do, by an honest and manful discharge of my duty, while I remain in publick life. I am thankful to my friends for the interest they take in my elevation to power. One of the strong motives I would have to accept should it come to me, in a manner I could accept, would be to serve those, who have stood by me through so many trying scenes. Their attachment to me, has been the result of a community of sentiment in reference to the principles and policy of the Government; and, as such, I have ever regarded it, as alike honorable to them and me. Many of them, you among the others, overestimate the chance of my elevation, by not taking the proper view of the nature of the difficulty in my way. It may all be summed up in one, that I am not in favour of the spoil's policy. They who seek them are for the present masters of the country; and so long, as they continue to be so, ever will resist successfully my elevation. Nothing but a reaction, which shall rouse the country to a sense of its danger, which may not occur, until too late, can ever elevate me to power. That such should be the case, I have no reason to complain. I selected my course with a full knowledge, that such would be the case; and so far from regretting it, I would do it over again, if it was in my option to choose. I am not disappointed, and have none of the feelings belonging to the disappointed. But, I must say, that I am occasionally mortified, at seeing how little I am understood by some of my oldest and most faithful friends, and you among them, as I infer from some of your remarks in your letter from N. York. It is a grave charge to say, a man is unmindful of his friends. If I know myself, I would rather injure myself than a friend; and have ever been more unmindful of myself, than of them. It is I, who head without hesitation, or dread of consequences every assault on our common principles, and, if I have been careless of them, I have been much more so of myself. It would be a much truer estimate of my character to say, when duty is concerned, I am not only regardless of friendship or enmity but of myself. As to the case of Morton, my impression is, that I neither took part, nor voted. When I saw how badly the democratick party was acting on the Wilmot proviso, I saw little choice between one, or another of the party, or between a democrat, or a Whig. Besides Williams, whom he turned out, gave a statement in his favour; and yet, it seems, this miserable affair, is the proof that I am not mindful of my friends. It had nothing to do with any friend. If he had been rejected it would have only made room for some other, equally objectionable.

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* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

¹ The Northwestern Harbor and River Convention.

Wednesday, July 22, 2026

Diary of Private Lewis C. Paxson, Sunday, March 1, 1863

I fixed my post returns for colonel. I sent stilletto to Sally Ann and Hannah, pen holder to Moses and Carrie, the latter to be kept for me. Paid $3.00 for them. Snowy in the evening.