A bright day, pleasantly cool — On going in to the office
[I] found on my desk, the card of Wm. G Bates48 of Massts. — He
called to see me (with Capt: Bissell) telling Dick that he was a couzen [sic]
of my old friend I. C. Bates49 of Northampton, and that he wished to
see me, partly on that account, and partly for my politics [.]
. . .
Colfax. Recd, a
letter today, from Mr. Colfax50 who expresses himself much pleased
with my long letter, amended in its phraseology in some particulars, as
suggested by him; and he asks leave to shew the letter to Mr. C. A Dana 51
of the Tribune. Of course, I have no objection; my letter, tho' not written for
publication, is not secret.
He also encloses, for my inspection, a letter from Mr. Dana
to him, by which I find that D.[ana] prefers Chase52 to Seward —
(but does not want either) as a candidate for the Presidency — and enquires,
with apparent interest, about the present condition of "the Bates
movement." Dana says — "If B.[ates] can be put forward as a
representative of the emancipation cause in Missouri he will be the strongest
candidate we can have. With any other man we shall have the Fillmore split over
again [.] "
<Note this letter from D.[ana] to C.[olfax] is dated July
10[.] > About the same time Colfax wrote to Gibson,53 and sent
him, among other things, a letter from Mr. Bowles,54 editor of the
Springfield Republican (Massts.) to him, C[olfax]. [ ] Bowles, I believe, is in full concert with
the Tribune of N. York, and Colfax, Defrese 55 and other party
leaders in the North West, to bring me out as the candidate of the Republicans.
They are all afraid of Seward — they have personal objections doubtless, but
their main ground is their full conviction that with Mr. S.[eward] for their
candidate defeat, is inevitable.56 And they seem to think, that if
S.[eward] is not nominated, his friends will take care that neither Bankes57
nor Chase, nor any other Republican shall be. In that event, they think me the
most available candidate — the only man in fact, who, getting the Republican
vote, can also secure the general support of the Americans and Whigs. Some of
them tell me that Mr. Weed58 (who is understood to be Mr. Seward's
" master of the horse " in N. Y.) goes for me, second.
Mr. Bowles says in his letter, that my N.[ew] Y.[ork] letter59
"ought not to have been written." As a measure of policy, I differ
from him widely.
1. It is satisfactory to the real economists every where[.]
2. It pleases the manufacturers, who need protection,
especially in Pa.
3. It is agreeable to all the old whigs.
4. It is not offensive to the Americans at the South, very
pleasing to those of the North.
5. It is rank poison to the proslavists of the South, and by
resisting their propagandism — and hence, conciliatory to all their enemies.
6. The objection of Mr. Bowles, and other leading
Republicans to my denunciation of slavery agitation, is, in my judgment, a
positive advantage.
1. It keeps me separated from the Republican party, and yet
not so far removed as to prevent their support: 2d. It allays the prejudices of
Whigs and Americans farther south, who might not be willing to support any man
who was fully identified with the Republican party. 3. It gives to the whole
letter an air of courage and sincerity which may tend to beget a general
feeling favorable to the writer, and especially among the multitude who are now
disgusted with the frauds and mismanagement of all the parties [.]
["The Presidency in I860."60
"In this week's issue we run up
the name of Hon. Edward Bates, of Missouri, for President in 1860; subject to
the decision of the Union Convention.
"It is useless for us to eulogise
Edward Bates ; he is too well and favorably known to the whole nation, for us
to attempt to add anything to the lustre of his character. He is the man to
lead on to victory the columns of the mighty 'Union Party,' that is daily
gathering strength all over the country. With him at our head, we can break up,
and disband the two pernicious and sectional parties, the Democratic and the
Republican, whose strife and wrangling over mere abstractions, have brought us
several times upon the very verge of civil war.
"Edward Bates, is an eminently
conservative man, and if elevated to the high position of Chief Magistrate of
the Nation, will administer the government upon those truly national principles
which actuated the earlier Presidents.
"Should Edward Bates be nominated,
we feel assured that the Union men of Missouri will exert themselves to secure
his election, as patriots should do when their country is in danger."]
_______________
48 A lawyer of Westfield, Massachusetts; Whig
state senator, 1841; member of Governor Briggs's Council, 1844-1845.
49 Isaac C. Bates: anti-Jackson Democratic
congressman, 1827-1835 ; Whig U. S. senator from Massachusetts from 1841 until
his death in 1845.
50 Supra, April 27, 1S59, note 28.
51 Charles A. Dana: assistant to Greeley on the
New York Tribune, 1847-1862; special commissioner of the War Department,
1862-1863; assistant secretary of War, 1863-1865; later, editor of the New York
Sun. He was an ardent war-time supporter of Lincoln, then a bitter enemy of
Johnsonian restoration, but finally a Liberal Republican seeking reform of
Grantisms. In 1859 he was still in complete sympathy with Greeley.
52 Infra, March 5, 1861, note 27. Chase, a
perennial aspirant to the Presidency was really in 1859 a leading candidate for
the Republican nomination, but lost it. partly because his own state was not
united in his support and partly because he. like Seward, was too extreme on
slavery to win moderate votes.
53 Supra, April 27, 1859, note 27.
54 Samuel Bowles — anti-slavery leader, strong
supporter of Lincoln against the Radical Republicans, advocate of moderation
toward the South — made his Springfield Republican one of the most powerful
influences in the North.
55 John D. Defrees of Indiana: lawyer and state
legislator ; first chairman of the Indiana Republican State Committee,
1856-1860 ; editor of the Indianapolis State Journal. He must, in the end, have
supported Lincoln's candidacy, for Lincoln appointed him government printer in
1861.
56 See supra, April 27, 1859, note 30.
57 Nathaniel P. Banks of Massachusetts: Democratic
congressman, 1853-1855; American Party congressman and speaker of the House,
1855-1857; Republican congressman, 1857, 1865-1873, 1875-1879, 1889-1891 ;
governor of Massachusetts, 1858-1861 ; president of the Illinois Central
Railroad, 1861; major-general of volunteers, who served in Maryland, in the
Shenandoah, at Vicksburg, in Louisiana, and in Texas, 1861-1865. As a former
Know-Nothing, he was more "available " in 1860 than Seward whom the
Know-Nothings hated.
58 Thurlow Weed: editor of the Albany Evening
Journal; for years the most powerful political figure in New York politics; one
of the early managers of the National Republican Party. At this time he was
managing Seward's campaign for the Republican nomination.
59 See supra, 1-9.
60 A clipping from the Louisiana (Missouri)
Journal of July 25, 1859.
SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of
The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of
Edward Bates, pp. 36-8