Showing posts with label Felix K Zollicoffer. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Felix K Zollicoffer. Show all posts

Saturday, April 4, 2026

Diary of Elvira J. Powers, Tuesday, April 12, 1864

Have visited Hospital, No. 8, as well as No. 1, several times since I have been here, and am priviledged to carry some delicacies, and write letters for its inmates.

I yesterday visited Hospital, No. 1, for the last time probably, while those remain in whom I have become specially interested. But have made such arrangements that William and the Alabamian, who were given to my care, shall have whatever is needed. They seem to regret my departure, but William is decidedly better. Carried a large bottle of lemonade, some oranges, and blackberry sirup.

Found a poor old Norwegian suffering terribly from the application of bromine to the gangrenous wound in his arm. He was very thankful for an orange and some lemonade—had eaten nothing for two days. His face and bald, venerable head were covered with a red silk handkerchief, to hide the great tears which were pressed out by the pain; but his nurse said he never gave a word of complaint.

The German with amputated limb is easier—the blind man hopeful of sight, and the little fellow improving, who "enlisted to fight, and not to be sick."

While in ward 3, yesterday, I was beckoned to, from a sick bed, whose occupant wished me to come and "rejoice with him." Upon going there he assured me with a mysterious air, that he "isn't going to tell everybody, but as I was a particular friend of his, and he had always thought right smart of me, he would tell me something greatly surprising."

Upon expressing my willingness to be surprised, he confidently and joyfully assured me that though very few people knew it, yet he was "The veritable man who killed Jeff. Davis, President of the Confederate States!"

He waited a moment to note the effect upon me of this pleasing intelligence, when I quietly told him I didn't know before that Jeff. Davis was dead, but that if he was, and he was the one who killed him, they ought to give him a discharge and let him go home, as he has done his share of the work. Then he joyfully assured me, that "they have promised to do so, and that his papers are to be made out to-morrow." But more serious thoughts came to me then, for I saw written upon his countenance, in unmistakable characters, the signature of the Death angel, marking his chosen, and though I knew not how soon his papers would be made out, was certain that before long they would be, and that he would receive a full and free discharge from all earthly toil and battle from the Great Medical Director of us all!

While passing through the aisles of wounded men, and hearing their stories, many of them intensely graphic, I seemed to hear something like the following, which, may the author whose name I do not know, pardon me for copying:*

"Let me lie down,

Just here in the shade of this cannon-torn tree,—

Here, low on the trampled grass, where I may see

The surge of the combat; and where I may hear

The glad cry of victory, cheer upon cheer:

Let me lie down.

 

Oh, it was grand!

Like the tempest we charged, in the triumph to share;

The tempest—its fury and thunder were there;

On, on, o'er intrenchments, o'er living and dead,

With the foe under foot, and our flag overhead,—

Oh, it was grand!

 

Weary and faint,

Prone on the soldier's couch, ah! how can I rest

With this shot shattered head and sabre-pierced breast ?

Comrades, at roll-call, when I shall be sought,

Say I fought till I fell, and fell where I fought,

Wounded and faint.

 

Oh, that last charge!

Right through the dread hell-fire of shrapnel and shell,—

Through without faltering, clear through with a yell,

Right in their midst, in the turmoil and gloom,

Like heroes we dashed at the mandate of doom!

Oh, that last charge!

 

It was duty!

Some things are worthless, and some others so good,

That nations who buy them pay only in blood;

For Freedom and Union each man owes his part;

And here I pay my share, all warm from my heart,

It is duty!

 

Dying at last!

My mother, dear mother, with meek, tearful eye,

Farewell! and God bless you for ever and aye!

Oh, that I now lay on your pillowing breast,

To breathe my last sigh on the bosom first prest!

Dying at last!

 

I am no saint!

But, boys, say a prayer. There's one that begins,

'Our Father;' and then says, 'Forgive us our sins:'

Don't forget that part; say that strongly; and then

I'll try to repeat it, and you'll say amen!

Ah! I'm no saint!

 

Hark! there's a shout!

Raise me up, comrades! We have conquered, I know;

Up, on my feet, with my face to the foe!

Ah! there flies the flag, with its star spangles bright,

The promise of Glory, the symbol of Right!

Well may they shout!

 

I'm mustered out!

O God of our fathers! our freedom prolong,

And tread down rebellion, oppression, and wrong!

O land of earth's hopes! on thy blood-reddened sod,

I die for the Nation, the Union, and God!

I'm mustered out!"

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NASHVILLE is a city which is set upon hills. It is also founded upon a rock, and the fact that it has not much earth upon that rock, is made the pretext for leaving numberless deceased horses and mules upon the surface, without even a heathen burial, until they are numbered with the things that were.

But it has been comfortingly asserted by the agent of the Christian Commission here, Rev. E. P. Smith, that it is astonishing how much dead mule one may breathe, and yet survive.

Nashville is also a city of narrow, filthy streets, and in some localities, of water, which, like the "offence" of the king of Denmark, "smells to Heaven."

It is moreover a city of mules. Two, four, and six mule teams, with a driver astride of one of them, and sometimes with the high, comical-looking Tennessean wagons attached not to the driver particularly, but to the mules. These, with mulish mules, who draw crowds instead of wagons, animate the streets day and night. It is a city of either dust or mud—but one street boasts a street-sprinkler.

The citizens of Nashville who remain, have mostly taken the oath of allegiance to protect their property, but it is estimated that not above one in fifty is, at heart, loyal. The ladies (?) sometimes show their contempt of Northern laborers by making up faces when meeting them upon the streets, but there are so many "blue coats" about, they do not think it advisable to allow their

"Angry passions rise,"

To tear out our eyes;"

as they would evidently consider it a great pleasure to accomplish.

Nashville and its vicinity boasts a few distinguished personages beside myself. Mrs. Polk, widow of the Ex-President, resides a few blocks from this. Gen. Sherman's headquarters are at a lovely retreat, we think, on High Street, and Gen. Rouseau's but a few blocks distant, while the Hermitage of Gen. Andrew Jackson is but twelve miles east of the city. This has many visitors, but who seldom venture now without a guard. Since our stay here, a party of four ladies from Hospital, No. 19, with as many gentlemen, and a guard of thirteen, visited the Hermitage, who learned next day that a party of guerillas, 100 in number, came there an hour after they had left, and followed them. At first, as they informed us, they made it a subject for pleasant jesting, but after farther consideration, for that of serious thought, as they came rather too near being candidates for "Libby," or a worse fate.

A nephew, who is also an adopted son of the old General, has charge of the place; he has two sons in the rebel service. The property is confiscated to the Government, but the family, out of respect to the memory of the stern old patriot, are permitted to remain. The visitors may see here the quaint and cumbrous family carriage in which the General used to journey, together with a buggy, made from the timbers of the old ship Ironsides.

The family, especially the female portion of it, being of secession principles, keep themselves secluded from the gaze of northern mudsills. But the mudsills, presuming upon the cordial reception which they believe would be extended by the General himself, usually make themselves sufficiently at home to wander at their own sweet will through the grounds, and partake of a lunch on the shaded piazza.

It is a fine old mansion, approached by a circular avenue, which is shaded by grand old trees. And notwithstanding that the General has adopted grandsons in the rebel service, and his family are secessionists, yet it requires but little faith to believe that the stern old hero is not unmindful of the present gigantic struggle, neither a great flight. of the imagination when the wind is moaning and stirring the lofty branches of the grand old trees, to fancy that his voice, in suppressed and now reverent accents, yet emphatically exclaims:—

"By the Eternal, the Union must, and shall be preserved!"

The city contains many elegant private residences, and splendid public buildings.

Among the latter is the State Asylum for the Insane, which has four hundred and fifty acres attached, and had an expenditure of $48,000 per annum. Another is the Institution for the Blind, the expenses of which for the year 1850, were nearly $8,000. The Tennessean Penitentiary is also a superior structure. In September 30, 1850, the number of inmates was three hundred and seventy-eight, and of this number three hundred and sixty-six, were white men, with only eight black men, three white women with only one black woman.

The Medical College is a fine building and contains a valuable museum. The University is an imposing edifice of gray marble, while the Masonic Hall, the Seminary and graded school buildings are spacious and beautiful structures. The first in importance, among the public buildings of Nashville, and which is second to none in the United States in point of solidity and durability, is the Capitol. This is a magnificent edifice, situated on an eminence one hundred and seventy-five feet above the river, and constructed inside and out, of a beautiful variety of fossilliferous limestone or Tennessee marble. At each end, it has an Ionic portico of eight columns, and each of the sides, a portico of six. A tower rises from the centre of the roof to the hight of two hundred and six feet from the ground. This has a quadrangular base surmounted by a circular cell, with eight fluted Corinthian columns, designed from the celebrated choragic monument of Lysicrates, at Athens.

Among the private residences we have seen, is a beautiful mansion, still unfinished, which, at the time of his death, was being built for the rebel Gen. Zollicoffer. A more unpretending one perhaps, is that of the widow of ex-President Polk, the grounds surrounding which contain his tomb—a plain, simple, temple-like fabric, of light brown marble.

That beautiful baronial domain known as the Achlen estate is situate about two miles out of town. For attractions it has extensive grounds, with great variety and profusion of shrubbery, among which flash out here and there, life-like statues of men and animals, and miniature monuments and temples. A fountain jets its diamond drops, while an artificial pond is the home of the tiny silver and gold fish. Beside the noble family mansion is another building nearly as spacious, which is used as a place of amusement. A well-filled conservatory is another beautiful feature, while an observatory, which crowns an imposing brick tower, gives a view of the scenery for miles around.

This estate with large plantations, in Louisiania [sic], were accumulated by the owner, while in the business of slave-driving and negro trading. His name was Franklin. After his death his youthful widow married a gay leader in the fashionable [sic] world, known in the southern society of Memphis and New Orleans, as Joe Achlen. Under his direction the estate was improved and beautified at a cost of $1,000,000, At the commencement of this war, it was had in contemplation by the Confederate officials, to purchase the estate and present it to his Excellency, Jeff. Davis; but they will probably defer making that munificent gift, until the Federal army is at a safer distance.

An intelligent chattel, who has been on the place twenty years, informs us that Achlen was a kind master. That when he visited his plantations in Louisiana, the negroes would welcome him at the wharf, and if it was the least muddy, would take him upon their shoulders and carry him to the house. But despite this fact, the negroes have somehow got the impression that freedom is preferable to slavery. So strongly are they impressed with the desire of owning themselves, that out of 900 who were on the estate and plantations at the commencement of the war, but five remain at the former place, and these with wages of $15.00 per month, while about the same number are at each of the plantations, these kept also by wages.

The death of Achlen occurred last fall; his widow is much of the time in New Orleans, but the property is neatly kept by what was formerly a part of itself.

One of those little incidents, by the by, which proves that truth is stranger than fiction, occurred to this negro who testified to the kindness of his master. When he was purchased for the estate he was separated from his wife, who was sold south. Neither knew the locality of the other, and nineteen long years passed by, when this war, which has made such an upheaval in the strata of American society, loosened the chains of the bondwoman, and true to the instincts of her nature, she started toward the north pole, to find freedom and her husband.

He says it was a joyful time when they met and recognized each other in the streets of Nashville; but we each have the privilege of entertaining our own ideas as to whether the race is capable of constancy and affection.

Even the Capitol has its mounted cannon, to protect it against the citizens of Nashville. During our stay in the city, we have had the pleasure of listening to a lecture by two Rev. Drs. of New York, and Brooklyn, in the Hall of Representatives, and by moonlight. They were to speak on the subject of emancipation and reconstruction, by invitation of Gov. Andrew Johnson, and Comptroller Fowler.

That afternoon, they had returned from the front, toilworn and weary, where they had witnessed the battle and ministered to the wounded of Resaca and Dalton. Upon proceeding to the Capitol, the moon was bathing all things without in her silver radiance, while within hid dark shadows, in strange contrast to an occasional silver shaft, through openings in the heavy damask curtains.

Queries revealed the fact that the Governor, Comptroller, and the man having charge of the gas fixtures, had gone to attend a railroad celebration, not having received word that the gentlemen had accepted the invitation to speak at that time and place.

Quite a number of gentlemen gathered in front of the speaker's desk, with some six ladies the latter provided with seats; and after some consultation we found ourselves listening to interesting recitals of how "war's grim visage" had appeared to Rev. Drs. Thompson and Buddington of New York and Brooklyn.

And we could but think as we sat there in the moonlight, with most of the audience standing, what different audiences they had swayed at home, and how much depends upon time, place and circumstance in the life of a public speaker, and were glad to see that they could meet adverse circumstances with becoming serenity and humility. The novelty connected with the scene, time and place, made it an evening long to be remembered.

The Seminary building was used as hospital, then as barracks and since as soldiers' home.

The faculty of this institution, in their last advertisement of its merits, previous to the arrival of the Union army, assured their patrons that they would

"So educate their daughters, as to fit them to become wives of the Southern Chivalry and to hate the detestable Yankees!"

The Medical College on Broad Street, is now a home and hospital for the refugees; and the filth, destitution, misery and ignorance which exist among that class of poor whites who have fled from starvation in Georgia, North and South Carolina, Alabama or East Tennessee, must be witnessed to be realized. We no longer wondered that the neat, industrious and comparatively well-informed negro servants and free colored people of Nashville look upon them with the contempt so well expressed by the words, "poor white trash!"

Brought up to think labor a disgrace, they will sooner sit down in ignorance, poverty, and the filth which nourishes vermin and loathsome diseases, than disgrace themselves by work. Unaccustomed to habits of neatness and industry they are singularly careless of each other's comfort, and neglectful of their own sick.

The same week of our reaching this city, a family of refugees, nine in number, the parents and seven children, all died, and of no particular disease. The scenes which they had passed through, with the loss of home and each other, with the native lack of energy which led them to succumb to circumstances, rather than battle to overcome them, seemed the only causes.

We will sketch a few of the scenes we saw in this home of the refugees, prefacing, however, that some of the worst features we do not propose giving, either to offend ears polite or our own sense of propriety.

In company with the matron we enter the spacious building between two majestic statues, which stand like sentinels to guard the entrance, less efficient, however, than that "blue coat" who perambulates the walk with rifle and bayonet.

In the first room a gaunt and haggard face meets ours, with piercing eyes, from beneath an old slouched hood, and from a miserable bunk, whose possessor, within the next twenty-four hours, ceases to battle with consumption, and finds that "rest for the weary." She is now so restless she must be turned every few minutes, and stranger hands attend to her wishes. "We were starved out," she says. "The Rebs tuk everything what they didn't destroy; and burnt the house."

"We,' who came with you?"

"Me two step-daughters. But they haven't been here these three days. I reckon they're tired o' takin keer o' me. It's mighty hard though to raise up girls to neglect ye when ye're on a death-bed."

What can we say to comfort her. Our heart grows faint when we think how incapable we are to minister to this one. Bereft of home, penniless, forsaken even by relatives, and in such agonizing unrest. Yes, but a happy thought comes now, if homeless, can she not better appreciate the worth of that "house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens"—if penniless, realize the enduring riches of the better land—husbandless and friendless, know better the worth of that "Friend above all others"—restless, the value of that "rest for the weary?" We tell her of all these, and she professes to gain new strength from our words to wait on the chariot wheels which so long delay their coming.

On another bunk is a wretched woman, who is drowning sorrow as usual in the stupor induced by opium. We have now no message for her.

See that little chubby child, of perhaps three years, whose little flaxen head, has made a pillow of the hard hearthstone, and is soundly sleeping. That is a little waif—nobody owns it. It has neither father, mother, brother, sister or other relative in the wide world that any one knows about. Pity, but some one bereaved by this war would suffer this little one to creep into the heart and home and grow to fill the place made desolate!

Here is a tall, well-formed girl, of perhaps twenty, with a perfect wealth of soft, glossy, auburn hair, of which any city belle would be proud, but it is in wild disorder and just falling from her comb. Ask her, if you choose, what is that eruption with which her hands are covered, and which appears upon her face, and she will as unblushingly and drawlingly tell you, as though your query were a passing remark upon the weather.

Here are three other girls sitting upon a rough board bench—the eldest, a bright girl of about twelve, is making an apron for her sister. Do you wish to hear her story?—if so, listen.

"Me an' me mother an' me two sisters come from East Tennessee. The Union army come to our place first, an' they burned an' destroyed a great deal what they didn't take away, and after they left the Rebs come an' did the same, an' so between 'em both they left us all starvin' through the country. Then the Unioners come agin, and we followed 'em, an' they sent us here. While we were on the boat it was powerful open an' cold-like, an' me mother tuk cold. An' she looked like she was struck with death from the very first, an' the doctor told me I might just as well make up my mind to it, first as last, an' make her as comfortable as I could. So I tukkeer o' her, day an' night for two weeks, an' brought her every thing she wanted, oranges an' sich like, till she died. I thought when my father an' other relatives died that I tuk it powerful hard, but 'twas nothin' like losin' me mother. While she was sick me two little sisters had been livin' with a cousin o' mine; but I hearn tell he was treaten 'em mighty bad, so I wrote a note to the captin an' told him I wanted to come here and see to the keer on 'em myself. An' he said I might, so I comed yesterday."

We leave this room for another. There a sick boy of fourteen is lying on a bed of rags, who is recovering from measles. Hear his history.

"We lived in East Tennessee, an' my father nigh onto the first o'the war, wanted to get to Kaintucky and jine the Yankees, but the Rebels tuk him off to Vicksburg and made him jine them. Then when the place surrendered to the Yanks, about half on 'em jined them, an' my father 'mong the rest, jest what he'd been wantin' to, for a long time.

But they burned and starved us all out to home, an' we left thar an' come har whar we could git suthin' to eat. Me an me mother an' me little brother what's only six year old come. But me mother was tuk sick an' died here three week ago. I hearn right after, that my father's regiment was ordered some whar else, an' I don't know whar he is. She knew what company an' regiment me father was in, but I was sick when he sent word about it, an' he don't know whar we air. Mother nor he could'nt write, so we've no letters nor nothin' to tell. May be he's dead, an' we'll never hear of it, or if he lives he'll never find us."

It is a sad case, but we comfort him with the hope of what perseverance and a little knowledge of writing may do for him, and pass to another.

Here is a young man, dressed and lying upon the outside of his bed, whose foot and ancle are encased in a wooden box. His temperament partakes largely of the nervous sanguine. He has an open, frank, intelligent countenance, speaks rapidly, and with a short, joyous, electrical laugh.

"I was raised in North Carolina," he says. "I was'nta Union man at the first-nor a Confederate either, well about half an' half, I reckon. But we'se all obliged either to run away from our families an' leave 'em to starve, or hide with 'em in the mountains or jine the army. So I concluded to jine; an' I've been in Braggs army mor'n two years."

"Why did you leave it," we asked.

"Well the fact was I begun to think sure we was in the wrong, else we'd fared better'n we did. For I've allays allowed the Lord would prosper the right ride. So when I found that I had to march or fight hard all day, an' have nothin' more to eat for the hull twenty-four hours, than a piece o'bread the bigness o'my hand, an' a piece o'meat only as large as my two fingers-an' have been so hungry for weeks that I could nearly eat my own fingers off, I concluded to desert and try the other side.

My brother-in-law left Lee's army about the same time I left Bragg's. I was to meet him and my wife, at his house in Athens; but when I was coming on the train from Charleston, I saw another train coming that ran into ours, and I jumped off and broke my limb. So I could'nt go there, and they brought me on to this place.

I've enough to eat, and have good care, and should feel right well contented till I get well, if I only could know where my wife Martha is. I've sent two letters, but I can't hear a word. I've got a letter written to my brother-inlaw about her now-its lying there."

And he points to a rough board. one end of which rests upon his bunk, and the other upon an empty one near, and which serves him in place of a stand.

"Its been waitin' a long time" he adds, for I hav'nt a postage stamp on it. We were just married when the war begun, an' we had a fine start for young folks, but I let my gold and silver go in gittin' settled, and the Confederate money's worth nothin' here, so I hav'nt a penny to use."

The letter was put in the office, and he was supplied with stationary and stamps during our stay. He wished more added to his letter and we wrote what he dictated.

"It's the first time I ever had anybody write for me," he said proudly. "I generally do my own writin',—an' readin' too," and he glanced toward some books he had.

"An' you may be sure," he added as we left him, "if I get well, an' my wife Martha is lost, but I'll spend the rest o' my life huntin' but I'll find her!"

SOURCES: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, pp. 26-41; For the poem “Mustered Out,” written by Rev. William E. Miller, see Frank Moore, Editor, The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry, Etc., Vol. 7 p. 92.

Saturday, February 7, 2026

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, January 19, 1863

Came to Nashville, our place of destination, at 12 o'clock and put up in the rebel Zollicoffer's house, used as barracks by our forces, making a march of 60 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 26

Wednesday, October 23, 2024

Diary of Private Theodore Reichardt, Wednesday, January 22, 1862

Received two months pay. News arrived in the evening of the Union victory at Springfield, Kentucky, and death of the rebel General Zollicoffer, in honor of which a national salute of thirty-four guns was fired. Quiet in camp, the latter part of January.

SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 31

Sunday, July 7, 2024

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Thursday, March 20, 1862

Statham's Brigade (except McNairy's Battalion*) with their baggage left by rail for Corinth, Mississippi.

The wagons belonging to the two brigades did not go through by rail, but were taken through by their teams. After a march of about twenty miles McNairy's Battalion camped for the night in a beautiful lot within four miles of Courtland.
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* Our battalion had been with the above named brigade about six months, but we were here separated from the true, the noble, and the BRAVE soldiers who composed that brigade to be united with them no more during the war. Perhaps there were but few, if any, better brigades in the Confederate service than Zollicoffer's, and afterward Statham's Brigade.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 137

Sunday, October 8, 2023

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, January 20, 1862

Some of our boys went down the river that morning before day to assist in bringing the wounded, on horses, back to a point out of range of the Federal guns. A few of the severely wounded had to be left on the north side of the river.

Surgeon D. B. Cliff was allowed by General Thomas to accompany the remains of General Zollicoffer and Lieutenant Bailie Peyton to Louisville, Kentucky, and from there, if General Buell would consent, to Nashville, Tennessee.1

Having been sent with a dispatch to General Zollicoffer's headquarters, a few days previous to his death, he invited me, though but a "high private," into his tent, offered me a drink of wine, and treated me with as much respect and politeness as if I had been his equal in rank.

His men did not only have confidence in him as a commander, but he had been so good and so kind to them that they had learned to love him almost with filial affection. Hence the fall of our gallant leader was a desperate blow to the followers. And, unfortunately, General Crittenden had been with the command only sixteen days and General Carroll only four previous to this unfortunate event.

To add to the demoralization of our little army, such rumors as the following were now afloat in camps: "Crittenden is drunk a good portion of the time. He has a brother in the Federal army." "He is in sympathy with the North." "He will surrender us all to the Federals if he has a good opportunity," etc. It was thought by some that the Fifteenth Mississippi were so desperately mad that they would have shot him if they had had a good opportunity. It was said that he ordered the brigades to halt and fortify at Monticello, Kentucky, and that the colonels refused to obey orders. I give the above as rumors, allowing each reader to have his own opinion about them. But, whether true or untrue, they had a demoralizing effect upon the command.

On January 27th the Hon. Landon C. Haynes wrote from Knoxville to President Davis thus:

The Army of the Cumberland is utterly routed and demoralized. The result is regarded with the profoundest solicitude. Confidence is gone in the ranks and among the people. It must be restored. I am confident it cannot be done under Generals Crittenden and Carroll. . . I do not propose to inquire whether the loss of public confidence in Generals Crittenden and Carroll is ill or well founded. It is sufficient that all is lost.

I must think, as everybody else does, that there has been a great mistake made. . Cannot you, Mr. President, right the wrong by the immediate presence of a new and able man?2

On the same date (27th) Governor Isham G. Harris dispatched thus to Hon. J. D. C. Atkins:

Crittenden can never rally troops in East Tennessee. Some other general must be sent there.3

We fell back to Monticello, nine miles from the river, unmolested by the Federals. The infantry and foot cavalry had quite a disagreeable march on account of so much mud. The command halted for the night about one mile south of Monticello-that is to say, a part of the command, for a good many besides our battalion kept moving homeward.

There was nothing to have hindered us from bringing off all the camp equipage belonging to our battalion, as we were camping on the south side of the river, but in place of doing that we lost all, leaving our tents in flames. I suppose it was thought that the Federals would cross the river and follow us, but they did not.

Col. McNairy being absent, the captains of our battalion held a consultation at Monticello, and after taking all things into consideration-no rations, camp equipage, etc. they decided to disband, allow the men to go home for a few days, get a better supply of clothing and return to our command again.

We had only gone about one mile from Monticello when Captain Parrish (Company C) halted, saying, "I am not willing to take so much responsibility upon myself. I am going back to the command." So that caused a confusion, and the battalion began to scatter. Captain Parrish, fourteen of his company and one of our company (J. R. Dougherty) remained. The rest of the battalion went home, being instructed to meet the command again at Gainesboro, on the Cumberland River, in Jackson County, Tennessee. We now traveled in small squads, on different roads. Lieutenant George Alexander, brother Ben (B. A. Hancock) and I, going in the direction of Jamestown, Tennessee, put up for the night within four miles of Wolf River.
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1 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 565.

2 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 849.

3 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 849.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 125-8

A. A. G. George E. Flynt, to Surgeon D. B. Cliff, January 24, 1862

HDQRS. FIRST DIVISION, DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO,        
Somerset, Ky., January 24, 1862.
Surg. D. B. CLIFF:

The general commanding the division grants you permission to accompany the remains of General Zollicoffer and Lieut. Bailie Peyton to Louisville, Ky. Transportation for this purpose will be furnished you from the quartermaster's department. An escort of 1 sergeant and 6 men will be detailed to accompany you as far as Lebanon, Ky., and a transportation pass over the railroad to Louisville.

Upon your arrival at Louisville you will at once report in person to General D. C. Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, and, with his consent, can proceed to Nashville with the remains.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,.
GEO. E. FLYNT,        
Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 565

Sunday, August 20, 2023

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Sunday, January 19, 1862

On the above day and date was fought the memorable

BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK,

On “Logan's Cross Roads,” near Mill Springs.

The following is General Crittenden's official report of the above engagement:

DIVISION HEADQUARTERS,
CAMP FOGG (Smith County), Tenn., Feb. 13, 1862.

SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report of the engagement of January 19, near Fishing Creek, Pulaski County, Kentucky.

On January 17 I was occupying Mill Springs, on the south side of the Cumberland River, with the Seventeenth, Twenty-eighth and Thirty-seventh Tennessee Regiments, the First Battalion Tennessee Cavalry, two companies of the Third Battalion Tennessee Cavalry and four (six) pieces of artillery. I was also at the same time occupying Beech Grove, on the north bank of the river and directly opposite Mill Springs, with the Fifteenth Mississippi, Sixteenth Alabama, Nineteenth, Twentieth, Twenty-fifth and Twenty-ninth Tennessee Regiments, two battalions of Tennessee cavalry, two independent cavalry companies, and twelve pieces of artillery.

For some time the enemy in front of Beech Grove had occupied Somerset, eighteen miles distant, with eight regiments of infantry and with artillery; and Columbia, thirty-five miles distant, with five regiments of infantry. On January 17 I was informed that the force from Columbia,1 with a large addition,2 making a total of from six thousand to ten thousand men, with guns of a large caliber, under General Thomas, commanding First Division of the Federal Army in Kentucky, was moving across my front, on the road from Columbia toward Somerset, with the intention of forming a junction with the Somerset force and attacking Beech Grove.

On the 18th, at daylight, I moved the Seventeenth and Twenty-eighth Tennessee Regiments across the river from Mill Springs to Beech Grove. On the 18th I was informed that the force under General Thomas was encamped at Webb's (Logan's) Cross-Roads, a point ten miles from Beech Grove and eight miles from Somerset, at which the roads from Columbia to Somerset and Beech Grove to Somerset unite, and that it would there await both a re-inforcement (that I was advised was advancing from the rear) and the passage of Fishing Creek by the Somerset force. It was necessary that the Somerset force should cross Fishing Creek before it could join the force under General Thomas or approach Beech Grove, and for this purpose it had advanced from Somerset. I was advised that late and continuous rains would prevent the passage of Fishing Creek on the 18th and 19th by any infantry force.

In the then condition of my command I could array for battle about four thousand effective men.

To defend Beech Grove required me to draw into it the force from Mill Springs. From the course of the river and condition of things it was easy for a detachment from the force of the enemy occupying it below to cross over, intercept the line of land communication, and, taking Mill Springs, entirely prevent my recrossing the Cumberland. This river (greatly swollen), with high, muddy banks, was a troublesome barrier in the rear of Beech Grove. Transportation over it was, at best, very difficult. A small stern-wheel steamboat, unsuited for the transportation of horses, with two flat-boats, were the only means of crossing.

Beech Grove was protected in front by earthworks, but these incomplete and insufficient, and necessarily of such extent that I had not force to defend them. The range of our artillery was bad, and there were commanding positions for the batteries of the enemy. Every effort had been made to provision the command, to increase the means of crossing the river and to perfect the works for defense, under charge of a skillful engineer officer, Captain Sheliha.

When I first heard that the enemy was approaching in front it was my opinion that I could not retire with my command-artillery, transportation, camp and garrison equipage, baggage and cavalry horses-from Beech Grove to Mill Springs without information of such movement reaching the enemy, and a consequent attack during the movement and heavy loss. I was out of reach of support or reenforcements. Under these circumstances I determined not to retreat without a battle. I decided that it was best to attack the enemy, if possible, before the coming re-enforcements from his rear should arrive and before the Somerset force could cross Fishing Creek. I could reasonably expect much from a bold attack and from the spirit of my command.

On the evening of the 18th I called in council Brigadier-Generals Zollicoffer and Carroll and the commanding officers of regiments and of cavalry and artillery, and there it was determined, without dissent, to march out and attack the enemy under General Thomas on the the next morning. Accordingly Generals Zollicoffer and Carroll were ordered to move their brigades at midnight in the following order:

1st. The brigade of General Zollicoffer, in the following order: In front the independent cavalry companies of Captains Saunders and Bledsoe; then the Fifteenth Mississippi Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Walthall; then the Nineteenth Tennessee, commanded by Colonel D. H. Cummings; then the Twentieth Tennessee, commanded by Colonel Battle; then the Twenty-fifth Tennessee, commanded by Colonel S. S. Stanton; then four guns of Rutledge's Battery, commanded by Captain Rutledge.

2d. The brigade of General Carroll in this order: In front the Seventeenth Tennessee (Newman), commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel

Miller; then the Twenty-eighth Tennessee, commanded by Colonel Powell; then two guns of McClung's Battery, commanded by Captain McClung.

In rear were the Sixteenth Alabama as a reserve, commanded by Colonel W. B. Wood, and the cavalry battalions of Lieutenant-Colonel Branner and Lieutenant-Colonel McClellan.

Soon after daylight on the morning of January 19 the cavalry advance came in contact with the pickets of the enemy, after a march of near nine miles over a deep and muddy road. With a few shots the enemy's pickets were driven in, retiring about a quarter of a mile to a house on the left of the road. From this house and woods in the rear of it quite a brisk firing was opened upon the head of the column. Skirmishers having been thrown forward, General Zollicoffer's Brigade was formed in line of battle and ordered to advance upon the enemy, whom I supposed would come out from their camp, which we were now approaching, to take position. The road here extended straight in front for near a mile toward the north.

A company of skirmishers from the Mississippi Regiment, advancing on the left of the road, after sharp firing, drove a body of the enemy from the house and the woods next to it, and then, under orders, crossing the road, fell in with their regiment. Following this company of skirmishers on the left of the road to the point where it crossed to the right, the regiment of Colonel Cummings (Nineteenth Tennessee) kept straight on, and crossing a field about two hundred and fifty yards wide at a double-quick, charged into the woods where the enemy was sheltered, driving back the Tenth Indiana Regiment until it was re-enforced. At this time General Zollicoffer rode up to the Nineteenth Tennessee and ordered Colonel Cummings to cease firing, under the impression that the firing was upon another regiment of his own brigade. Then the General advanced, as if to give an order to the lines of the enemy, within bayonet reach, and was killed just as he discovered his fatal mistake. Thereupon a conflict ensued, when the Nineteenth Tennessee broke its line and gave back. Rather in the rear and near to this regiment was the Twenty-fifth Tennessee, commanded by Colonel Stanton, which engaged the enemy, when the Colonel was wounded at the head of his men; but this regiment, impressed with the same idea which had proved fatal to General Zollicoffer that it was engaged with friends-soon broke its line and fell into some disorder.

At this time-the fall of General Zollicoffer having been announced to me-I went forward to the regiments of Colonels Cummings and Stanton, and announced to Colonel Cummings the death of General Zollicoffer, and that the command of the brigade devolved upon him.

There was a cessation of firing for a few moments, and I ascertained that the regiment of Colonel Battle was on the right, and the Mississippi Regiment in the center, neither as yet having been actively engaged, and the enemy in front of the entire line. I had ordered General Carroll to bring up his brigade, and it was now, in supporting distance, displayed in line of battle.

I now repeated my orders for a general advance, and soon the battle raged from right to left. When I sent my aide to order the Fifteenth Mississippi to charge, I sent by him an order to General Carroll to advance a regiment to sustain it. He ordered up for that purpose Colonel Murray's Regiment, which engaged the enemy on the left of the Mississippi Regiment and on the right of Stanton's Regiment. I ordered Captain Rutledge, with two of his guns, forward in the road to an advanced and hazardous position, ordering Colonel Stanton to support him, where I hoped he might bring them to play effectively upon the enemy; but the position did not permit this, and he soon retired, under my order. At this point the horse of Captain Rutledge was killed under him.

Very soon the enemy began to gain ground on our left, and to use their superior force for flanking in that quarter. I was in person at the right of the line of Stanton's Regiment, the battle raging, and did not observe this as soon as it was observed by General Carroll, who moved the regiment of Colonel Cummings, then commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, to the left, to meet this movement of the enemy, and formed the Seventeenth Tennessee, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, to support the regiment. The regiments of Murray, Stanton and Cummings were driven back by the enemy, and, while re-forming in rear of the Seventeenth Tennessee, that well-disciplined regiment met and held in check for some time the entire right wing of the Northern army. These regiments on my left and on the left of the road, retired across the field, a distance of about 250 yards, and there for a time repulsed the enemy. Especially the regiment of Colonel Stanton, partially rallied by its gallant field officers, formed behind a fence, and, pouring volleys into the ranks of the enemy coming across the field, repulsed and drove them back for a time with heavy loss.

For an hour now the Fifteenth Mississippi, under Lieutenant-Colonel Walthall, and the Twentieth Tennessee, under Colonel Joel A. Battle, of my center and right, had been struggling with the superior force of the enemy.

I cannot omit to mention the heroic valor of these two regiments, officers and men. When the left retired they were flanked and compelled to leave their position. In their rear, on the right of the road, was the regiment of Colonel Powell (Twenty-ninth Tennessee), which had been formed in the rear and ordered forward by me some time before. General Carroll ordered this regiment to face the flanking force of the enemy which was crossing the road from the left side, which it did, checking it with a raking fire at thirty paces. In this conflict, Colonel Powell, commanding, was badly wounded.

The Sixteenth Alabama, which was the reserve corps of my division, commanded by Colonel Wood, did, at this critical juncture, most eminent service. Having rushed behind the right and center, it came to a close engagement with the pursuing enemy, to protect the flanks and rear of the Fifteenth Mississippi and the Twentieth Tennessee when they were the last, after long fighting, to leave the front line of the battle, and, well led by its commanding officer, in conjunction with portions of other regiments, it effectually prevented pursuit and protected my return to camp.

Owing to the formation and character of the field of battle, I was unable to use my artillery and cavalry to advantage in the action. During much of the time the engagement lasted rain was falling. Many of the men were armed with flint-lock muskets, and they became soon unserviceable.

During the engagement, or just prior to it, the force under General Thomas was increased by the arrival, on a forced march, of a brigade from his rear, which I had hoped would not arrive until the engagement was over. This made the force of the enemy about 12,000 men. My effective force was 4,000. The engagement lasted three hours.

My loss was 125 killed, 309 wounded and 99 missing, as follows:

Troops.

Killed.

Wounded.

Missing.

15th Mississippi Regiment

44

153

29

20th Tennessee (Battle)

33

59

18

19th Tennessee (Cummings).

10

22

2

25th Tennessee (Stanton)

10

28

17

17th Tennessee (Newman)

11

25

2

28th Tennessee (Murray)

3

4

5

29th Tennessee (Powell)

5

12

10

16th Alabama

9

5

12

Captain Saunders' cavalry.

....

1

....

The loss of the enemy, from the best information I have and statements made by themselves, may be estimated at 700 killed and wounded. It was larger than mine from the fact that my regiments on the left, after first being driven back, fired from the cover of woods and fences upon the large numbers advancing upon them through the open field, inflicting heavy loss and sustaining but little. My command retired to Beech Grove without any annoyance in the rear by infantry or cavalry. On the return, one piece of artillery, of Captain Rutledge's Battery, mired down and was left.

To myself, to the army and to the country, the fall of General Zollicoffer was a severe loss. I found him wise in council, heroic in action. He fell in front, close to the enemy, and they bore off his body. Of his staff, Lieutenants Fogg and Shields were mortally wounded and have since died. Lieutenant Bailie Peyton, Jr., commanding Company A, of Battle's Regiment, was killed in the heat of the action. Adjutant Joel A. Battle, Jr., was badly wounded while in front with the colors of his regiment, which he seized when the bearer was shot down. Lieutenant-Colonel Carter, a distinguished officer of this same regiment, was taken prisoner. Colonel Battle commanded with marked ability and courage. Colonel Statham, of the Fifteenth Mississippi Regiment, was absent at the time of the battle on furlough. His regiment was most gallantly led by Lieutenant-Colonel Walthall. The reputation of the Mississippians for heroism was fully sustained by this regiment. Its loss in killed and wounded, which was far greater than that of any other regiment, tells sufficiently the story of discipline and courage. The already extended limits of this report will not permit me, even if I had them at hand, to enumerate the individual acts of courage with which this regiment abounded. Suffice it to say that it is entitled to all praise.

I resumed position at Beech Grove early in the afternoon. The enemy followed and took position in force on my left, center and right. They opened with two batteries-one in front of my center and one on my right. Captain McClung and Lieutenant Falconet, commanding a section of Rutledge's Battery, replied to the enemy's battery in front. From the right the enemy fired upon the steamboat, which, at the crossing, was commanded by their position. Their first shots fell short, afterwards, mounting a larger gun, as it grew dark, they fired a shot or two over the boat, and awaited the morning to destroy it. The steamboat destroyed, the crossing of the river would have been impossible.

On the evening of the 19th, I called in consultation General Carroll, Colonel Cummings, engineers, artillery and other officers, and it was considered best by all to retire from Beech Grove.

I ordered the men to be crossed over-first, by commands, in designated order, then the artillery to be crossed over, then what could be, crossed of baggage and mules, horses, wagons, etc. I directed the cavalry to swim their horses over. Time only permitted to cross the infantry under arms, the sick and wounded, one company of cavalry mounted, the rest of the cavalry dismounted, the artillerymen and some horses. Many cavalry horses, artillery horses, mules, wagons and eleven pieces of artillery, with baggage and camp and garrison equipage were left behind.

Much is due to the energy, skill and courage of Captain Spiller, of the cavalry, who commanded the boat and continued crossing over with it until fired upon by the enemy in the morning, when he burned it, by my directions.

Any further collision was now prevented, but the want of commissary stores compelled me at once to move to Gainesboro, lower down on the river, a distance of eighty miles, and the nearest point where I could have communication by water with Nashville and could obtain supplies.

From Gainesborough I have moved my division to this point (Chestnut Mound), where it is refurnished and drilling, and I have the honor to report that it is ready for any service to which it may be assigned.

G. B. CRITTENDEN,
Major-General Provisional Army Confederate States.


LIEUTENANT-COLONEL W. W. MACKALL,
Assistant Adjutant-General.3

I take the following extracts from General Thomas' official report of the engagement near Fishing Creek:

HEADQUARTERS FIRST DIVISION, DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO,

Somerset, Kentucky, January 31, 1862.


Captain: I reached Logan's Cross Roads, about ten miles north of the intrenched camp of the enemy on the Cumberland River, on the 17th instant, with a portion of the Second and Third Brigades, Kenny's Battery of artillery, and battalion of Wolford's Cavalry. The Fourth and Tenth Kentucky, Fourteenth Ohio, and the Eighteenth U. S. Infantry being still in rear, detained by the almost impassable condition of the roads, I determined to halt at this point to await their arrival and to communicate with General Schoepf.


General Schoepf visited me on the day of my arrival, and after consultation I directed him to send to my camp Standart's Battery, the Twelfth Kentucky, and the First and the Second Tennessee Regiments to remain until the arrival of the regiments in rear.


The Fourth Kentucky, the Battalion of Michigan Engineers, and Wetmore's Battery joined on the 18th.


About 6:30 o'clock on the morning of the 19th, the pickets from Wolford's Cavalry encountered the enemy advancing on our camp, retired slowly and reported their advance to Colonel M. D. Manson, commanding the Second Brigade. He immediately formed his regiment (the Tenth Indiana) and took a position on the road to await the attack, ordering the Fourth Kentucky (Colonel S. S. Fry) to support him, and then informed me in person that the enemy were advancing in force. I directed him to join his brigade immediately and hold the enemy in check until I could order up the other troops, which were ordered to form immediately and were marching to the field in ten minutes.


On reaching the position held by the Fourth Kentucky, Tenth Indiana, and Wolford's Cavalry, at a point where the roads fork leading to Somerset, I found the enemy advancing through a corn field and evidently endeavoring to gain the left of the Fourth Kentucky, which was maintaining its position in a most determined manner. I directed one of my aides to ride back and order up a section of artillery, and the Tennessee Brigade to advance on the enemy's right, and sent orders to Colonel McCook to advance with his two regiments (the Ninth Ohio and Second Minnesota) to the support of Fourth Kentucky and Tenth Indiana.


A section of Captain Kenny's Battery took a position on the edge of the field to the left of Fourth Kentucky and opened an efficient fire on a regiment of Alabamians, which were advancing on the Fourth Kentucky. Soon afterward the Second Minnesota arrived, the Colonel (Van Cleve) reporting to me for instructions. I directed him to take the position of the Fourth Kentucky and Tenth Indiana, which regiments were nearly out of ammunition. The Ninth Ohio came into position on the right of the road at the same time.


Immediately after these regiments had gained their positions the enemy opened a most determined and galling fire, which was returned by our troops in the same spirit, and for nearly half an hour the contest was maintained on both sides in the most obstinate manner. At this time the Twelfth Kentucky4 (Colonel Haskins) and the Tennessee Brigade reached the field to the left of the Minnesota Regiment, and opened fire on the right flank of the enemy, who then began to fall back. The Second Minnesota kept up a most galling fire in front, and the Ninth Ohio charged the enemy on the right with bayonets fixed, turned their flank and drove them from the field, the whole line giving way and retreating in the utmost disorder and confusion.


As soon as the regiments could be formed and refill their cartridge-boxes, I ordered the whole force to advance. As we approached their intrenchments the division was deployed in line of battle and steadily advanced to the summit of the hill at Moulden's. From this point I directed their intrenchments to be cannonaded, which was done until dark by Standart's and Wetmore's Batteries. Kenny's Battery was placed in position on the extreme left at Russell's house, from which point he was directed to fire on their ferry to deter them from attempting to cross. . And every preparation was made to assault their intrenchments on the following morning. The Fourteenth hio (Steedman) and the Tenth Kentucky (Harlan), having joined from detached service soon after the repulse of the enemy, were placed in front in my advance on the intrenchments the next morning and entered first. General Schoepf also joined me the evening of the 19th with the Seventeenth, Thirty-first, and Thirty-eighth Ohio. His entire brigade entered with the other troops.


On reaching the intrenchments we found the enemy had abandoned every thing and retired during the night. Twelve pieces of artillery, with their caissons packed with ammunition, one battery wagon and two forges, a large amount of ammunition, a large number of small arms, mostly the old flint-lock muskets, one hundred and fifty or one hundred and sixty wagons, and upwards of one thousand horses and mules, a large amount of commissary stores, intrenching tools, and camp and garrison equipage fell into our hands.


The steam and ferry boats having been burned by the enemy in their retreat, it was found impossible to cross the river and pursue them.


Colonel S. S. Fry, Fourth Kentucky, was slightly wounded whilst his regiment was gallantly resisting the advance of the enemy, during whch time General Zollicoffer fell from a shot from his (Colonel Fry's) pistol, which no doubt contributed materially to the discomfiture of the enemy.


The enemy's loss, as far as known, is as follows: 192 killed; 89 prisoners not wounded and 68 wounded; a total of killed, wounded and prisoners, 349.


Our loss was as follows:


39 killed and 207 wounded. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,


GEO. H. THOMAS,

Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding.

CAPTAIN J. B. FRY.

A. A. G., Chief of Staff, Headquarters Department Ohio, Louisville, Ky.5

According to the preceding reports, the Fifteenth Mississippi lost more men killed (five more) than General Thomas' entire division, or our entire loss in killed was nearly five times greater than that of the enemy. Surely the superiority of the enemy in arms did not make the difference so great. According to Crittenden's report, the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was greater than ours.

In July, 1880, ex-President Davis wrote to General G. B. Crittenden "requesting a statement of the affairs at Fishing Creek." The following is an extract from Crittenden's reply:

While I was detained in Knoxville on business connected with my command, I received an official communication from General Zollicoffer, informing me that he had crossed the Cumberland by fording, and was fortifying a camp on the right bank, etc. By the messenger who bore me this communication I ordered him to recross the river and resume his original position on the left bank. Early in January I reached Mill Springs and found, to my surprise, General Zollicoffer still on the right bank. He called on me immediately and informed me that his messenger who bore back my order had lost several days in returning, and that when it was received he supposed that I would arrive almost immediately, and, hoping to be able to convince me that it would be better to remain on the right bank, he had postponed crossing, until, by a rise in the river, it had become impossible to do so. . . . I was dissatisfied, but as I knew that the General had been actuated by pure motives, I accepted his excuse. Details were promptly placed in the woods to prepare timber for flat-boats to transport the artillery and wagons to the left bank of the river. The weather was execrable and the men unskilled, so that the work progressed slowly.


Such was the posture of affairs when, on the 18th of January, I was informed that General Thomas was approaching with a large force of all arms. . . . Here was thrust upon me the very contingency which my order to General Zollicoffer was intended to obviate.


We had scarcely taken up the line of march when the rain began to fall, the darkness became intense, and the consequent confusion great, so that day dawned before we reached his position. The attack as a surprise, failed; nevertheless, it was promptly made. It rained violently throughout the action, rendering all the flint-lock guns useless. The men bearing them were allowed to fall back on the reserve. . . . . . . . . . . .


I attributed the loss of the battle, in a great degree, to the inferiority of our arms and the untimely fall of General Zollicoffer, who was known and highly esteemed by the men, who were almost all Tennesseeans.


I think I have shown that the battle of Fishing Creek was a necessity, and that I ought not to be held responsible for that necessity.6

Ex-President Davis concludes his criticism upon this affair thus:

By General Crittenden . . . it is assumed that General Zollicoffer made a mistake in crossing to the right bank of the Cumberland, and that thence it resulted as a consequence that General Johnston's right flank of his line through Bowling Green was uncovered. I do not perceive the correctness of the conclusion, for it must be admitted that General Zollicoffer's command was not adequate to resist the combined forces of Thomas and Schöpf (Schoepf), or that the Cumberland River was a sufficient obstacle to prevent them from crossing either above or below the position at Mill Springs.


General Zollicoffer may well have believed that he could better resist the crossing of the Cumberland by removing to the right bank rather than by remaining on the left. The only difference, it seems to me, would have been that he could have retreated without the discomfiture of his force or the loss of his artillery and equipments, but in either case Johnston's right flank would have been alike uncovered.


To Zollicoffer and the brave patriots who fell with him, let praise, not censure, be given; and to Crittenden, let tardy justice render the meed due to a gallant soldier of the highest professional attainments, and whose fault, if fault it be, was a willingness to dare much in his country's service.7

Captain Allison, who was in command of our battalion, ordered us to saddle our horses and be ready to move at a moment's warning; but he did not receive a single order during the day.

_______________

1 Thomas moved from Lebanon via Columbia with two brigades, Manson's and McCook's. Boyle's Brigade had moved to the river near Burkesville. On the 19th Buell dispatched to Thomas thus:

2 "The reinforcements ordered to you were ten pieces of artillery and DeCourcy's and Ray's regiments." Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 560.

3 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., pp. 105-110.

4 Both from Somerset. So you see that Crittenden did not attack Thomas before the arrival of the Somerset force, as he had hoped to do.

5 Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., pp. 79 to 82.

6 The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, by Jefferson Davis, Vol. II., pp. 19 to 21.

7 The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, by Jefferson Davis, Vol. II., p. 23.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 113-25