Showing posts with label 25th MO INF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 25th MO INF. Show all posts

Monday, March 18, 2024

25th Missouri Infantry.

Organized as 13th Missouri Infantry June, 1861. DesIgnation charged to 25th Missouri September, 1861. Attached to Dept. of Missouri to March, 1862. 1st Brigade, 6th Division, Army of the Tennessee, to July, 1862, 1st Brigade, 6th Division, District of Corinth, Miss., to September, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd DiVision, District of Southeast Missouri, Dept. of Missouri, to March, 1863. District of Northwest Missouri to June, 1863. New Madrid, Mo., District of Columbus, Ky., 6th Division, 16th Army Corps, Dept. of the Tennessee, to February, 1864.

SERVICE.—Duty in Missouri till March, 1862. Ordered to Pittsburg Landing, Tenn. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Duty at Corinth, Miss., building fortifications till September. Ordered to St. Louis, Mo., thence to Pilot Knob and Patterson, Mo. Duty in Southeast Missouri till March, 1863. Moved to Iron Mountain, thence to St. Joseph, Mo., and operating against guerrillas in Northwest Missouri till June. Ordered to New Madrid, Mo., and garrison duty there and reconstructing fortifications till February, 1864. Consolidated with Bissell's Engineer Regiment of the West to form 1st Missouri Engineers February 17, 1864. (See 1st Engineers.)

Regiment lost during service 6 Officers and 51 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 3 Officers and 112 Enlisted men by disease. Total 172.

Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1332

Thursday, April 14, 2022

Issell's Engineer Regiment Of The West

Organized at St. Louis, Mo. Company "A" mustered in July 10, 1861. Company "B" organized at Paris, Edgar County, Ill., and mustered in at St. Louis August 5, 1861. Company "C" organized at Prairie City, Ill., and mustered in at St. Louis August 19. Company "D" organized at St. Louis and mustered in October 31, 1861. Company "E" organized at Adrian, Mich., and mustered in at St. Louis August 23, 1861. Company "F" organized at Dubuque, Iowa, and mustered in October 31, 1861. Company "G" organized at Cape Girardeau, Mo., and mustered in September 17, 1861. Company "H" organized at Paris, Ill., and mustered in October 31, 1861. Company "I" organized in Iowa and mustered in October 31, 1861, at St. Louis, Mo. Company "K" organized at Burlington, Iowa, and mustered in at St. Louis, Mo., October 31, 1861. Attached to Dept. of Missouri to March, 1862. Unattached, Army of the Mississippi, to June, 1862. Engineer Brigade, District of West Tennessee, Dept. of the Tennessee, to July, 1862. District of Columbus, Ky., to December, 1862. District of Columbus, Ky., 13th Army Corps (Old), Dept. of the Tennessee, to January, 1863. Unattached, Engineers' Dept. of the Tennessee, to February, 1864.

SERVICE.—Companies "A" and "B" ordered to East St. Louis, Mo., August 6, 1861; thence to Cape Girardeau, Mo., August 6-7, and fatigue duty there till March, 1862, when rejoined Regiment at New Madrid, Mo. Built Forts "A," "B," "C" and "D," Defences of Cape Girardeau. Company "G" also at Cape Girardeau and Bird's Point, Mo., till March, 1862, rejoining Regiment March 8. Regiment moved from St. Louis, Mo., to Lamine Bridge, on Missouri Pacific Railroad, September 19, 1861, and duty there till October 26. Moved to Sedalia, Mo., and duty there till December 11. Moved to Georgetown, thence to Otterville, Mo., December 11-19, and duty there till March, 1862. (Co. "I" at Sedalia till January, 1862, rejoining Regiment January 29. Co. "F" near Sedalia till February, 1862, rejoining Regiment February 7.) Moved to St. Louis, Mo., thence to Commerce, Mo., March 1-5. Siege operations against New Madrid March 8-15. Engaged near Mr. Pleasant March 3 (Cos. "A" and "B"). Operations against Island No. 10 March 15-April 8. (Constructed New Madrid Canal, allowing passage of Gunboats through swamps of New Madrid to rear of Island No. 10.) Expedition to Fort Pillow, Tenn., April 12-14. Moved to Hamburg, Tenn., April 14-22. Cos. "A" and "I" detached at New Madrid till May 4, rejoining before Corinth, Miss., May 8. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 26-May 30. Occupation of Corinth and pursuit to Tiptonville May 30-June 6. Tuscumbia Creek May 31-June 1. Repair Mobile & Ohio Railroad to Columbia. Headquarters at Jackson till October, 1862. Wrecking Expedition on Mississippi River about Mr. Pleasant, Island No. 10 and New Madrid July 21-October 20 (Detached). Battle of Corinth, Miss., October 3-4 (Detachment of Co. "E"). Regiment moved to defence of Corinth October 3. Pursuit to Ripley, Miss., October 5-12 (Detachment). Regiment return to Jackson and duty there till November 6. Grant's Central Mississippi Campaign November, 1862, to January, 1863. Duty on Memphis & Charleston Railroad at Lagrange, Obion River and at Memphis, Tenn., till February, 1863. Moved to Young's Point, La., February 11-14, thence to Lake Providence, La. Operations against Vicksburg, Miss., February to July. Engineer operations at Baxter's Bayou and Bayou Macon constructing Batteries at Young's Point, and various expeditions to explore and open Bayous till April, 1863. 6 Companies ordered to Memphis, Tenn., April 1-6. Engaged in opening Memphis & Charleston Railroad to Corinth, Miss., then at Pocahontas May 11 to October 3. Repairing Memphis & Charleston Railroad east of Corinth, Miss., October 3-28. At Iuka and Corinth constructing works till December 26. Moved to Memphis, thence to Nashville, Tenn., December 26, 1863, to January 4, 1864. Cos. "A," "D," "F" and "I" at Duckport, La. Engaged in fatigue duty in that vicinity till April 30. Building drain at Richmond, La., till May 9. Moved to Milliken's Bend May 9; duty there and at Young's Point and Chickasaw Bayou till May 25. Moved to Haines' Bluff and building fortifications till July 1. Surrender of Vicksburg July 4. Duty at Vicksburg till January 15, 1864. Ordered to Nashville, Tenn., and rejoin Regiment February 2, 1864. Consolidated with 25th Missouri infantry to form 1st Missouri Engineers February 17, 1864, which see.

Regiment lost during service 16 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 1 Officer and 146 Enlisted men by disease. Total 163.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1320

Thursday, June 27, 2013

We make the following extract from a letter . . .

. . . to the Washington Press, written by its editor, then at Pittsburg:

PITTSBURG, Tenn., April 20, 1862.

Gen. McKean, of Iowa, arrived here from Missouri on the 12th, and was immediately assigned a division in the advance.  He found his troops in a very disorganized condition, and almost entirely destitute of field officers.  The 18th Wisconsin and 25th Missouri had only two captains in each regiment – all the rest having been killed, wounded or taken prisoner.  The 15th and 16th Iowa were the only troops from our State in the division, and they with all the rest, suffered severely in the battle.  Gen. McKean immediately set about reorganizing and strengthening his command – his first effort being to get the 11th and 13th Iowa transferred from McClernand’s to his division, and, with the 15th and 16th, constitute a brigade of troops which could be depended upon in all emergencies.  This has finally been effected, or is about to be, and the brigade will be commanded by Col. Crocker of the 13th, one of Iowa’s best officers.  Gen. McKean’s division will now consist of the four Iowa regiments first named; the 16th, 17th and 18th Wisconsin, the 15th Michigan, and the 21st, 53d [sic] and 25th Missouri.  This division will be the advance of Gen. Grant’s command, and when the troops move, will advance by the left, throwing the third brigade, Col. Crocker in its front.

Gen. McKean is a very fine appearing, courteous and affable officer, rather below the medium stature, but compactly and solidly built, his hair and thick growth of whiskers well sprinkled with silver gray.  It is not difficult to perceive that he has been a regular army officer, from the decision to precision with which he manages the details and movements of the troops under his command; the confidence reposed in him by Gen. Halleck may be inferred by his being placed in command of the division of a Major General in the advance.

The Incessant rains that have fallen here for several days have interfered somewhat with the movement of the troops, but the cheerfulness of our men is unflagging.  They feel that Buell and Halleck here, competent men are in command, and that there will be no more surprises.

The telegraph connects the camps of our various division is front with General Halleck’s head quarters, and ever movement is controlled and directed by him.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 2, 1862, p. 1

Saturday, February 9, 2013

Great Battle In Tennessee!

THE MOST BLOODY ENGAGEMENT DURING THE WAR.

Beauregard Defeated and His Army Cut to Pieces!!

GEN. A. S. JOHNSON KILLED

Rebel Loss 35,000 to 40,000!

Federal Loss 18,000 to 20,000!
__________

(Special to Herald.)

PITTSBURGH, via FT. HENRY, April 9, 3.10 A. M. – One of the bloodiest battles of modern days has just closed, resulting in the complete repulse of the enemy, who attacked us at day break Sunday.  The battle lasted without intermission during the entire day, and was again resumed on Monday morning and continued until 4 o’clock in the afternoon, when the enemy commenced their retreat and are still flying towards Corinth, pursued by a large force of our cavalry.

The slaughter on both sides is immense.  We have lost in killed and wounded and missing from 18,000 to 20,000.  That of the enemy is estimated from 35,000 to 40,000.

It is impossible in the present confused state of affairs to ascertain any details.  I therefore give the best account possible from observation, having passed through the storm of action during the two days that it raged.

The fight was brought on by a body of 300 of the 25th Missouri regiment of Gen. Prentice’s [sic] brigade attacking the advance guard of the rebels which were supposed to be the pickets of the enemy in front of our camp. – The rebels immediately advanced on Gen. Prentice’s division on the left wing, pouring volley after volley of musketry, riddling our camps with grape, canister and shell.  Our soldiers soon formed into line and returned their fire vigorously and by the time we were prepared to receive them, had turned the heaviest fire on the left and center of Sherman’s division and drove our men back from their camp and bringing up a fresh force opened fire on our left wing under Gen. McClernand; this fire was returned with terrible effect and determined spirit, by both infantry and artillery along the whole line for a distance of over four miles. – Gen. Hurlburt’s [sic] division was thrown forward to support the centre when a desperate conflict ensued; the rebels were driven back with terrible slaughter, but soon rallied and rove back our men in turn from about 9 o’clock, the time your correspondent arrived on the field, until night closed on the bloody scene, there was no determination of the result of the struggle; the rebels exhibited remarkably good generalship at times – engaging the left with apparently their whole strength, they would suddenly open up a terrible and destructive fire on the right or center; even our heaviest and most destructive fire on the enemy did not appear to discourage their solid columns.  The fire of Maj. Taylor’s Chicago Artillery raked them down in scores, but the smoke would no sooner be dispersed than the breech would be again filled.

The most desperate firing took place late in the P. M.  The Rebels knew that if they did not succeed in whipping us then, that their chances for success would be very doubtful, as a portion of Gen. Buell’s forces had by this time arrived on the opposite side of the river, and the other portion was coming up the river from Savannah. – They were, however, aware that we were being reinforced, as they could see Gen. Buell’s troops near the river bank a short distance above us, on the left, to which point they had forced their way.  At five o’clock, the rebels had forced our left wing back so as to occupy fully two-thirds of our camp, and were fighting their way forward with a desperate degree of confidence in their efforts to drive us into the river, and at the same time having engaged our right.

Up to this time we had received no reinforcements, Gen. Lew Wallace failing to come to our support until the day was over, having taken the wrong road from Crump’s landing, and being without other transports, than those used for Quartermaster’s and commissary stores, which were too heavily laden to very any considerable number of Gen. Buell’s forces across the river, those that were here having been sent to bring the troops from Savannah.  We were therefore, contesting the field against fearful odds with a force not exceeding 38,000 men, while that of the enemy was upwards of 60,000.

Our condition at this moment was extremely critical.  Large numbers of men were panic stricken, others worn out by hard fighting, with the average per cent. of skulkers, had straggled towards the river, and could not be rallied. – Gen. Grant and staff, who had been ceaselessly riding along the lines during the entire day, perceived that Buell’s batteries of grape and shell were about arriving, now rode from right to left inciting the men to stand firm until reinforcements could cross the river.  Col. Webster, Chief of Staff, immediately got into position the heavy pieces of artillery, pointing on the enemy’s right, while a large number of the batteries were planted along the entire line from the river bank northwest to the extreme right, two and a half miles distant.

About an hour after dusk a general cannonade was opened upon the enemy from along our whole line, with a perpetual crack of musketry.  Such a roar was never heard on this continent.  For a short time the rebels replied with vigor and effect, but their return shots grew less frequent and destructive, while ours grew more rapid and more terrible.

The gunboats Lexington and Taylor, which lay a short distance off, kept raining shell on the rebel hordes.  This last effort was too much for the enemy.  At six o’clock the firing had nearly ceased, the day closing on all the combatants, who rested from their awful work of blood and carnage.  Our men rested on their arms in the position they had at the close of the night, till the forces under Maj. Gen. Wallace arrived and took position on the right, and met Buell’s force on the opposite side, and Savannah being now converted to the battle ground, the entire right of Gen. Nelson’s Division was ordered to form on the right, and the forces under Gen. Crittenden were ordered to support him in the morning.


SECOND DAY’S BATTLE.

Gen. Buell having arrived the previous evening, the ball was opened at daylight simultaneously by Gen. Nelson’s Division on the left and Major General Wallace and Davis on the right.

Gen. Nelson’s forces opened a most galling fire and advanced rapidly as the rebels fell back.  The fire soon became general along the whole line, and began to tell with terrible effect on the enemy.

Generals McClernand, Sherman and Hurlburt’s men, though terribly thinned from the previous day’s fighting, still maintained their honors won at Fort Donelson, but the resistance of the rebels at all points was terrible and worthy a better cause, but they were not enough for our braves, and the dreadful destruction produced by our artillery which was sweeping them away like chaff before the wind, but knowing that a defeat here would be a death-blow to their hopes and that their all depended upon this great struggle, their Generals still urged them on in the face of destruction, hoping by flanking us on the right to turn the tide of battle.  Their success was again for a time cheering as they began to gain ground, on appearing to have been reinforced, but our left, under Gen. Nelson, was driving them, and with wonderful rapidity, and by 11 o’clock, Gen. Buell’s forces had succeeded in flanking them and capturing their batteries of artillery.  They however again rallied on the left and recuperated, and the right forced themselves forward in another desperate effort, but reinforcements from General Wood and Gen. Thomas were coming in regiment after regiment, which were sent to Gen. Buell, who had again commenced to drive the enemy.

About 3 o’clock p. m. Gen. Grant rode to the left, where the fresh regiments had been ordered, and finding the rebels wavering, sent a portion of his body guard to the aid of each of the five regiments, then ordered a charge across the field, himself leading.  As he brandished his sword and waved them on to the crowning victory; while cannon balls were flying like hail around him.  The men followed with a shot, that sounded above the roar and din of artillery, and the rebels fled in dismay as from a destroying avalanche, and never made another stand.

Gen. Buell followed the retreating rebels, driving them in splendid style, and by half past five o’clock the whole rebel army was in full retreat to Corinth, with our cavalry in hot pursuit, with what further result is not known, not having returned up to this hour.

We have taken a large amount of their artillery and also a number of prisoners.  We lost a number of our forces, taken prisoners yesterday, among whom is Gen. Prentiss.  The number of our forces taken has not been ascertained yet.  It is reported at several hundred.  Gen. Prentiss is reported wounded.

Among the killed on the rebel side was their General-in-Chief A. Sydney Johnson [sic], who was struck by a cannon ball in the afternoon of Sunday.  Of this there is no doubt, as the report is corroborated by several rebel officers taken to-day.  It is further reported that Gen. Beauregard has his arm shot off.

This afternoon Generals Bragg, Breckinridge and Jackson were commanding portions of the rebel force.
Our loss in officers is very heavy.  It is impossible at present to obtain their names.  The following were among the number:

Brig. Gen. W. H. D. [sic] Wallace, killed.
Col. Pegram, acting General, killed.
Col. Ellis 10th Illinois, killed.
Major Geary, 15th Illinois, killed.
Lieut. Col. Conard, 72d Ohio, mortally wounded.
Lieut. Col. Kisul, 41st Indiana, mortally wounded.
Col. Davis, 46th Illinois, mortally wounded.
Gen. W. T. Sherman, wounded in hand by cannon ball.

Col. Sweeney, 52d Illinois, Acting Brigadier General, wounded; received two balls in his only arm, having lost one in Mexico, also a shot in one of his legs.  Col. Sweeney kept the field until the close of the fight, and excited the admiration of the whole army.

Col. Dave Stuart, 55th Ill., Acting Brig. Gen. shot through the breast on Sunday, returned on the field on Monday.

Col. Chas. Crofts, 31st Ill., Acting Brig. Gen. shot through the right shoulder, not dangerous.

Col. Haynes, 48th Ill., Col. J. C. McHenry, 17th Ky., Lieut. Col. Stout, 17th K., wounded slightly; Lieut. Col. Morgan, 25th Ind., wounded severely; Lieut. Col. Ransom, 11th Ill., wounded in head badly; Col. Mason, 71st Ohio, wounded slightly; Maj. Eaton, 18th Ill., acting Col. wounded fatally; Maj. Nevins, 11th Ill., wounded slightly; Capt. Cumming W. Carson, Gen. Grant’s scout had his head shot off by a cannon ball; Capt. Preston Morton wounded mortally – since died; Capt. Dillon, 18th Ill., Capt. Mace, 5th Ill., Capt. Carter, 11th Ill., Maj. Page 57th Ill., killed.

There never has been a parallel to the gallantry and bearing of our officers, from the Commanding General to the lowest officer. – Gen. Grant and staff were in the field riding along the lines in the thickest of the enemy’s fire during the entire two days of battle, and all slept on the ground Sunday night, during a heavy rain.  On several occasions, he got in range of the enemy’s guns and was discovered and fired upon.  Lieut. Col. McPherson having his horse shot from under him along side of the General.  Capt. Carson was between Gen. Grant and your correspondent when a cannon ball took off his head and killed and wounded several others.

Gen. Sherman had two horses killed under him.

Generals McClernand and Hurlburt each received bullet holes through their clothes.

Gen. Buell remained with his troops during the entire day, who, with Gens. Crittenden and Nelson road continually along the line encouraging their men.  Gen. Buell’s advance will probably reach near Corinth by to-morrow evening.


STILL LATER.

CAIRO, April 9. – Further advices from Pittsburgh Landing, give the following about the battle:

The enemy made the attack at 4 o’clock Sunday morning.  The brigades of Sherman and Prentice being first engaged.  The attack was successful and our entire force was driven back to the river where the advance of the enemy was checked and our forces increased by the arrival of Gen. Grant with troops from Savannah and inspired by the report of the arrival of two divisions of Buell’s army.  Our loss this day was heavy, and besides the killed and wounded, embraced our camp equipage, and 36 field guns.  The next morning our forces, now amounting to 80,000 assumed the offensive and by 2 o’clock in the afternoon had retaken our camp and batteries together with some forty of the enemy’s guns and a quantity of prisoners, and the enemy were in full retreat, pursued by our victorious forces.

The casualties are numerous.  Gen. Grant wounded in the ankle slightly; Gen. W. H. Wallace killed; Gen. Smith severely wounded; Gen. Prentice prisoner; Col. Hall 16th Ill., Killed; Cols. Logan, 32d Ill., and Davis of 51st Illinois wounded severely; Major Hunter 32d Ill., killed; and our loss In killed and wounded and missing not less than 5,000.  Col. Peabody, 25th Mo., also severely wounded.

From New Madrid we learn that Gen. Pope has 3 Generals, 7 colonels and 5,000 men prisoners, 100 guns, camp equipage and stores in great quantity.


VERY LATEST.

CAIRO, April 9. – It is reported by an officer who left Pittsburg Monday evening, that our forces occupy Corinth, and that Beauregard’s arms were shot off by a cannon ball, and the body of Gen. A. S. Johnson was found dead on the field.  Nothing later.

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 12, 1862, p. 3

Thursday, January 3, 2013

Marvelous Instance of Sympathy

A very strong example of the influence of sympathy is reported to have occurred during the battle at Pea Ridge.  Hiram P. Lord, of the 25th Missouri, Col. Phelps, while charging up a ravine, fell as if dead, and his companions ran to him and asked if he was hurt.  He did not answer, and it was soon discovered that he had swooned.  On reviving he said he must have been struck by a ball, for he felt a pain in his left side, and had distinctly experienced the stunning and numbing sensation that results from a gun shot wound.  His person was examined, and no mark or indication of injury was perceptible.  He could not comprehend the mystery, but soon after resumed the fight, and forgot the sensation until he had returned to his camp, when he learned to his surprise and sorrow that his twin brother, George was among the dead.  George had been shot in another part of the field, and had been shot in the body, and at the same time that Hiram had believed himself mortally wounded.  The sympathy between the two brothers had ever been complete, and the illness of one was usually accompanied by the sickness of the other.  Strange, if true, say many but the strang[er, the truer, says the student of nature.]

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3.  The bracketed section was cut off during the microfilming of the newspaper.  The same article was published under the headline “Strange,” in The Smokey Hill and Republican Union, Junction, Kansas, Thursday April 24, 1862, p. 1, and I have used it to insert the missing text.

Friday, December 28, 2012

From The Southwest

(Correspondence of the Missouri Republican.)

SPRINGFIELD, MO., March 29, 1862.

In all portions of the country, throughout Southwest Missouri, there is a great change taking place in the sentiments of the people. – The friends of the Federal Union are strengthened in their hopes of its full restoration to power and authority, and are enabled to avow their convictions openly and boldly.  Secession has become a by-word and a reproach among the inhabitants, and a general confidence is felt that the rebel army will never find a way into Missouri again.  Many thoughtless persons who have been in Price’s army are returning home, some of them quietly, hoping that no notice will be taken of their [treason],others coming, and giving themselves up to the military authorities, asking to be permitted to take the oath of allegiance and return to the peaceful avocations to which they were formerly accustomed.  All these returning rebels express their disgust with the rebellion as a future, and are now convinced that the Government of their fathers is a wise and beneficent one, and too powerful to be easily overthrown.

The night before we reached Springfield we stayed with an intelligent farmer, about eight miles from town, by the name of Piper.  He came from Virginia, and settled in this country twenty years ago.  Two of his sons are in the Union army, and one of them was wounded in the battle of Pea Ridge.  The latter is now home, recovering from his wounds, and gave me a few interesting particulars of the battle.  He was in Colonel Phelps’ regiment , Twenty-fifth Missouri Infantry.  During the first two days this regiment was constantly in the fight, and many of them were wounded, or met a soldier’s death.  Every Captain in the regiment was either killed or wounded.  Young Piper spoke in terms of great admiration of Capt. John W. Lisenby, of Company D, his own Captain, with whom he stood side by side during the fight.  The first man that fell, Captain L. put his sword in its sheath, and picked up the man’s musket, using it till the cartridges were all gone.  Then waving his cap over his head, he cheered on his men until a ball struck him in the breast, and he fell to the earth.  His wound, however, was not fatal, and he will recover.  He is now in this city, being nursed and cared for by female friends.

Young Piper received a flesh wound in the thigh.  He fought on for some time after he was shot, feeling only a sting in his leg when he was struck, and only desisting when it became painful.  He says he exchanged several shots with his antagonist, both of them having discovered the other’s aim, and that, on his third shot, he saw him fall.

The parents of this young man are proud that their sons are serving the cause of the Union.  The old gentleman is a prosperous farmer, and although he has been repeatedly robbed by the secesh, his home is ever open to the weary soldier, who is never denied refreshment and rest.

At another house where we passed the night we found the mother of one of our wounded soldiers, a Mrs. Benton, rejoicing that her son had been found worthy to suffer for his country, and saying that his scars would be [an honorable] testimony to his loyalty hereafter.

Speaking of the regiment of Col. Phelps.  I forgot to mention the noble conduct of his wife before and during the late battle.  It is related of her that she went down to the headquarters of the army just before the fight, taking with her various articles of comfort, and among other things a lot of bandages, pieces of cotton, cloth, lint, &c., for dressing wounds.  She had not been there more than a few hours when the battle commenced, and very soon her benevolent exertions were called into requisition.

The soldier who related this states that for three days she was untiring in her personal efforts in aid of the surgeons, in dressing wounds and caring for the wounded.  Such noble and heroic conduct shows that we are not without our Florence Nightengales,

“The noblest types of good
Heroic womanhood.”

that can be found in any land.

It was Mrs. Phelps who had the body of Gen. Lyon decently buried on her husband’s farm, after the battle of Wilson’s Creek, when the rebels took possession of Springfield and in the hasty retreat of our little army, the body of the deceased Gen. Lyon was, by a mistake left behind.

Meeting Mr. Plattenburg, the agent of the Western Sanitary Commission, on his return from Cassville, I learned from him that he got safely and promptly through with the forty boxes of hospital stores for the wounded, and that the sheets, pillows, blankets, bandages, lint, jellies, wines, brandies, and other hospital stores were the very things needed, and came like the manna in the wilderness to our wounded men, no provision having been made for such an emergency.  Forty boxes more are now on the way at this point, to be shipped immediately to Cassville, and will all be needed.  It is purposed also to send some washing machines to the hospitals to facilitate the washing of the soiled clothing, for which it is very difficult to procure the requisite labor.  The labors of the Sanitary Commission have proven of immense value in securing better care and in providing necessary comforts for the wounded of our army, in which the rebel wounded have also shared.  Many lives have no doubt been saved through their instrumentality, and their disinterest and humane exertions will not be forgotten by a grateful people.

LEON.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 2

Sunday, September 30, 2012

25th Missouri Infantry Position Marker: Reconnoitering Road, Shiloh National Military Park


U. S.

25TH MISSOURI INFANTRY,
PEABODY’S (1ST) BRIG., PRENTISS’ (6TH) DIV.,
ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE
_____ _ ___ _ _____

This regiment was engaged here from 7.30 A.M. to 8.30 A.M. April 6, 1862.  It retired to its camp where next marker will be found.

Wednesday, September 26, 2012

21st Missouri Infantry and Pickets of Peabody’s 1st Brigade Position Marker: Seay Field, Shiloh National Military Park


U. S.

21ST MISSOURI AND PICKETS OF
PEABODY’S (1ST) BRIG., PRENTISS (6TH) DIV.,
ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE
_____ _____ _____

The 21st MO. reinforced the reconnoitering party of 25th Mo. and the pickets of 12th Michigan and 4 companies of 16th Wis. At this place and engaged the Confederate advance 30 minutes, soon after sunrise Apr. 6, 1862.

Col. Moore, 21st Mo., was wounded.  Capt. Saxe, 16th Wis., was killed.  I was the first officer killed at Shiloh

Seay Field, looking south from Reconnoitering Road,
Shiloh National Military Park

Monday, August 6, 2012

Colonel Grenville M. Dodge to Samuel J. Kirkwood, Governor of Iowa, March 10, 1862


PEA RIDGE BATTLE GROUND, March 10th, 1862.

Gov. S. J. Kirkwood: We have fought a hard battle here, lasting two days; the first day's fight was terrible; it was mostly with the Fourth division, composed of Fourth and Ninth Iowa infantry, First and Second Iowa batteries, Thirty-fifth Illinois and Twenty-fifth Missouri. The loss in the division was 600 killed and wounded, mostly among the Iowa troops; they saved the day and made the victory the next morning easy; this division was opposed to Generals Price, Rains and McIntosh, with 15,000 infantry and 18 pieces of artillery. The Fourth division had only some 4,000 engaged, while our other forces were fighting McCullough, and the re-enforcements sent to us went to the First division, but we held the ground, whipped the enemy and Iowa got the glory of the fight. The Fourth Iowa lost 160 out of 548 engaged; Ninth Iowa lost 220 out of 700 engaged; First Iowa battery lost 16 out of 110 engaged, and Third Iowa battery lost 18 out of 140 engaged; they also lost 3 of their pieces. The second day we attacked early in the morning with our entire army, driving everything before us, and the enemy fled in all directions in great confusion, leaving several pieces of artillery, great quantities of small arms and at least 500 prisoners. Gen. Van Dorn attacked with 40,000 infantry and 70 pieces of artillery; we had 12,000, and 50 pieces of artillery. The fighting was terrible, especially among our troops. The Fourth Iowa fought all day steadily, and did not give an inch, although they had at one time concentrated upon them 12 pieces of artillery and six regiments of infantry; our ammunition gave out at night; when we fixed bayonets and charged across the field the enemy did not dare again meet us. It was a trying time for the Fourth; no ammunition and still under a galling fire. Every one gives great credit to the Iowa troops. No man from Iowa flinched. I saw some troops run; one or two parts of regiments came to our support, but fell back at the first fire. In my brigade there was not a field officer except one but was wounded. Lt.-Col. Herron, of Ninth Iowa, in Vandever's brigade, was wounded and taken prisoner. Our Iowa batteries did noble service; mine had two officers wounded in the morning. The Third Iowa cavalry suffered terribly in a charge; had 47 killed. They were put into it by a Dutchman, and out of all military usage. Lt.-Col. Trumbull was severely wounded in the charge. They had very few wounded; a large part of my wounded was from canister and grape; those of the Ninth Iowa from bullets. I was better protected from bullets, though under a hotter fire than any of them. I posted my men behind an open field and made the enemy cross it to reach us. They poured their grape and canister from 12 to 18 guns into us all the time, but could not get them to bear as well as on the Ninth Iowa. I never saw men fight as the Iowa troops did. I have sent a list of the killed and wounded to Adjt. Gen. Baker to have it published. A large number of my wounded will die; several have already, and it is impossible to get any accommodation; many lay on the field all night.

G. M. DODGE,
Colonel Fourth Iowa Infantry.

SOURCES: Samuel H. M. Byers, Iowa In War Times, p. 121

Saturday, December 31, 2011

25th Missouri Infantry

Organized as 13th Missouri Infantry June, 1861. Designation changed to 25th Missouri September, 1861. Attached to Dept. of Missouri to March, 1862. 1st Brigade, 6th Division, Army of the Tennessee, to July, 1862, 1st Brigade, 6th Division, District of Corinth, Miss., to September, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, District of Southeast Missouri, Dept. of Missouri, to March, 1863. District of Northwest Missouri to June, 1863. New Madrid, Mo., District of Columbus, Ky., 6th Division, 16th Army Corps, Dept. of the Tennessee, to February, 1864.

SERVICE.--Duty in Missouri till March, 1862. Ordered to Pittsburg Landing, Tenn. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Duty at Corinth, Miss., building fortifications till September. Ordered to St. Louis, Mo., thence to Pilot Knob and Patterson, Mo. Duty in Southeast Missouri till March, 1863. Moved to Iron Mountain, thence to St. Joseph, Mo., and operating against guerrillas in Northwest Missouri till June. Ordered to New Madrid, Mo., and garrison duty there and reconstructing fortifications till February, 1864. Consolidated with Bissell's Engineer Regiment of the West to form 1st Missouri Engineers February 17, 1864. (See 1st Engineers.)

Regiment lost during service 6 Officers and 51 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 3 Officers and 112 Enlisted men by disease. Total 172.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1332

Friday, December 30, 2011

Invasion of the Union Camps: Shiloh National Military Park


Here Prentiss’s division made a brief stand until it was overrun by Confederates at 9 a.m.  While most of his survivors fled to Pittsburg Landing, Prentiss rallied 500 men and joined troops from other divisions in the Hornet’s Nest.  The upright cannon marks where Col. Everett Peabody was killed while trying to rally his Union brigade.

– 2009 Shiloh National Military Park Brochure, Tour Stop 10.


Prentiss’ soldiers briefly defended their camps before retreating north at 9 a.m.  Johnston’s offensive stalled when his soldiers stopped to plunder supplies.

– 2010 Shiloh National Military Park Brochure, Tour Stop 9.

Thursday, December 29, 2011

25th Missouri Infantry, Camp Site Marker: Shiloh National Military Park


U. S.

CAMP OF
25TH MISSOURI INFANTRY
PEABODY’S (1ST) BRIG., PRENTISS’ (6TH) DIV.,
ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE
__________

First position in line of battle April 6, 1862, 3 companies 1 mile S. W. in attack upon Confederate pickets; others at S. E. corner of Rhea Field.


[The Mortuary Monument of Everett Peabody, Colonel of the 25th Missouri Infantry and acting Brigadier General of the 1st Brigade, 6th Division of the Army of the Tennessee, stands behind this marker in the distance.]

Wednesday, December 28, 2011

Colonel Everett Peabody, 25th Missouri Infantry: Mortuary Monument, Shiloh National Military Park


U. S.

COLONEL EVERETT PEABODY, 25TH MO.

COMMANDING
1ST BRIGADE,
6TH DIVISION
ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE

WAS KILLED HERE AT 9 A.M.
APRIL 6, 1862.


[Per the Shiloh National Military Park Monument Location System  inscribed on the star of the monument is the following which does not appear on the monument in my photograph:  “U. S. Headquarters, 1st Brigade 6th Division ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE Col. Everett Peabody, 25th Mo. Commanding Established March 25th, 1862.”]

Everett Peabody

Colonel 13th (afterwards 25th) Missouri Vols. (Infantry), September 1, 1861; killed at Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., April 6, 1862.
______

THE Rev. William B. 0. Peabody, D. D., of Springfield, Massachusetts, was the son of Judge Oliver Peabody of Exeter, New Hampshire, and was born July 7, 1799. He married Eliza Amelia White, daughter of Major Moses White, who served in the army through the Revolution. Rev. Dr. Peabody was settled in Springfield, Massachusetts, in October, 1820, and remained with the same parish until his death, which took place in 1847. He was well known as a preacher, essayist, naturalist, and poet, and was universally respected for the pure and elevated character of his daily life. Those who remember the Springfield of forty years ago speak of Mrs. Peabody as lovely in person and manners, full of energy and public spirit, and taking a leading part in all the schemes for doing good which were in vogue at that day.

Their eldest son, Howard, died in infancy. The rest of the family consisted of one daughter and four sons, of whom Everett was the oldest. He was born in Springfield, June 13, 1830. There is little to be told about his childhood. He was a tall, athletic boy, fond of outdoor sports, and excelling in them. He was particularly skilful as a swimmer. Once, while swimming across the Connecticut, at Springfield, he was taken with the cramp when half-way across. One of his schoolmates swam out to him with a plank, by the aid of which Everett reached the shore. It is a curious circumstance that this schoolmate (since dead) was in the Rebel army at Shiloh, and afterwards said that as he was marching into the Federal camp he saw Everett's body on the field, and recognized it at once.

Everett was remarkably quick to learn, and was regarded as the most gifted boy of the family. He was fond of poetry, and would repeat page after page of Scott's poems, which were great favorites with the household. His father had a strong desire to send him to college, but had not the means to do so. Assistance was at last volunteered in such a manner that he could not refuse; and in 1845 Everett entered as Freshman in Burlington College, Vermont. He remained there but a year, and in 1846 entered Harvard as Sophomore.

At first his standing was very high, — so that one of his letters expresses the hope that he shall prove to be among the first eight scholars; and although he afterward seemed to care less about his rank, he had a part at Commencement when he graduated. He was fond of fun and frolic, and was rusticated, in 1847, for helping to make a bonfire on University steps. He was sent home to study with his father, and was at home when his father died, — his mother and only sister having died three years before. He finished the term of his suspension in the family of Rev. Rufus Ellis, then of Northampton.

While in college he never was a plodding student, but learned with singular ease and facility. I remember his asking me once to hear him recite a lesson of several pages, which he had been studying for half an hour; and I was surprised to hear him give the substance of page after page, having evidently fixed in his mind every point of importance in the lesson clearly and distinctly, while he troubled himself little about the precise phraseology. He had at this time acquired a good deal of facility in French and German, and had a great deal of miscellaneous information. His wit and love of fun made him a favorite companion at social entertainments; and he enjoyed such things himself, although not to excess.

During his last winter vacation, he made a visit to Philadelphia and Washington, and in the latter place gained an acquaintance who seemed to fascinate him a good deal, — Colonel Baker, then in Congress, and subsequently killed at Ball's Bluff. Colonel Baker confided to the young man a project of taking a party of fifty or a hundred men to California, for two years' service in the mines. Everett was delighted with the prospect of adventure involved in such an enterprise, and wrote home to his friends for aid and advice; but the project ultimately failed.

He graduated in 1849, and at once found employment at engineering on the Boston Water-Works, under Mr. Chesborough. Soon afterwards, he obtained a leveller's place on the Cleveland, Columbus, and Ashtabula Railroad. He thus describes his first experience of outdoor life: —

"February 3, 1850.

"Thank Heaven, I can support myself now; and if it is a pittance I live on, it is at least earned by my own right arm, which does not snarl and tell me I am extravagant, whenever I ask it therefor. And so au diable with money matters. Well, it's glorious, after all, going about in these old woods, with trees which seem to have borne the brunt of the tempests for a thousand years. Huge shafts, with buttress-like roots, and a flowering of Nature's own mosaic. Though our feet are wet and our hands cold, though we anticipate the sun and work like hodmen, there 's a luxury in it which I can feel, but not analyze. You might not think it poetry, but it is, — this wading through the swamps watching the clouds. We have nothing at the East to compare with these glorious clouds. We left off work last night about a mile and a half from the tavern where we now are. I started, along with about six of the party, and trudged through the swamp for a mile and a half or two miles, and then found ourselves four miles from the tavern, in a driving snow-storm, dark, and the walking not fit to be called walking. We came home very much fatigued."

This was the beginning of a Western residence of more than ten years, with but a few short visits to the home of his youth. He was successively employed on the Pacific Railroad (St. Louis), the Maysville and Lexington, Kentucky, the Maysville and Big Sandy, the Louisville and Frankfort, — always as assistant or resident engineer, but with always increasing salary and responsibilities.

At this time he was in splendid physical condition. His frame was large and powerful, his health was always good, and he was almost always very light-hearted and careless about the future. Except that he had a very strong ambition to rise in his profession, I never saw a man who troubled himself less about what the morrow might bring forth. At this time, the Hon. James Guthrie told the Hon. Edward Everett, if I remember his words correctly, that he thought Everett Peabody was "the best field engineer in the West." He was soon after appointed Chief Engineer of the Memphis and Ohio Railroad, with a salary of three thousand dollars. At a later period, — for everything connected with Western railroads was then fluctuating and uncertain, — he was employed as engineer of the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, and then of the Hannibal and St. Joseph's (Missouri) Railroad. Here he remained for three years.

Up to this time his letters to his brothers, which were numerous, showed simply the professional enthusiasm which might have been expected from his energetic and buoyant nature. As he grew older, however, the wearying effects of rough border life began to tell upon him, and the desire for home and for cultivated society became stronger and stronger. One of his brothers was married about this time; and his many letters to his new sister-in-law showed a tenderer side of his nature, and exhibited a plaintive longing that was almost pathetic. For a man of education and cultivated tastes to find himself at twenty-seven the permanent resident of a "boarding car" at the unfinished extremity of a new railway track, in the midst of an unbroken wilderness, in the dead of winter, was rather a dismal experience. The following letters speak for themselves.

"Boarding Cars, February 20, 1858.

"This Sunday evening, wearied out by a day of the most listless laziness, I can think of nothing to do, unless it be to write to you, my dear The heading of this letter may puzzle you. As it is well to have the snow off the track before we pull the engine wide open, I will explain.

"A train of cars is kept at the end of the track, and pushed forward as the track progresses. These migratory dwellings contain cars for the accommodation of the men who work, — a car for cooking and one for eating, and at the end of the train, a blue car, with a peaked roof, contains my office, one end of which is decorated with bunks and shelves, which serve as sleeping apartments. An I were skilful, I would delineate, in a few rapid strokes of the pen, the inside hereof; but the gift of sketching is denied me, and the mere statement that it contains a drawing-table, a stove, a desk, and the aforesaid shelves, would seem to go as far as words can do in describing.

"The aforesaid cars are now on an embankment about forty feet high, and the snow stretches away to the north and south. The trees are black and dreary-looking, and the wind goes howling by. Bitter cold it is, too, outside. But I have finished my frugal repast of bread and butter, and do not purpose exposing my cherished nose to the night air again. Mr. Kirby, one of my assistants, is reading the 'Autocrat' by my side . . .

"What a great thing a locomotive is, — a sort of Daniel Webster reproduced in iron. I always feel like taking off my hat, when I see one come elbowing up. During the past week I have been renewing my acquaintance with the levers, and getting able to ride the beast again. It gives one a singular consciousness of power to feel the machinery, and to know that the whole thing is under your control; that you can say to it, Thus far, or, Do this, or, Do that,— and it is done.

"But after all, vague reminiscences come back to me of ancient sleigh-rides, of pretty faces snuggling close to your side, of muffs held up before faces to keep off the wind, and gentle words. A good dash across the Neck would be glorious now. It seems to me the only case where our stiff Puritanic rigidity is overcome, — possibly by the still stiffer rigidity of the weather, — and where people seem 'to let themselves out' for fun and frolic generally, in our old home-land.

"Naught of that in this Western land. The fun and frolic is almost entirely men's fun; and, heavens! how much we would give for one good romp in the old land! There is fun enough, and wit and nonsense enough, out here; but, after all, it is hard and angular, and lacks entirely the refining influence which womankind infuses into man's life. But the weird sisters weave, and Atropos sits ready. Let her sit. I mean to get back before she takes the final suit, and see if I can't find youth and life again in the 'auld countree.'"


"April 18,1858.

"Why do you attack me so ferociously about a mild remark, that you Eastern people don't know how to love? You don't.

"I have no doubt you think you do. I have no doubt you think that this love — which, as you yourself say, becomes such a part of your nature that you don't show it, and, you might add (if it were not doggerel), know it — is strong passion and devotion; but it isn't. So far as it has any character, it is more habit than anything else. You lead — not you particularly, but all the Eastern people — two lives: one, the outside life of society (which is hypocrisy); the other, the life of love, family, or otherwise, which is real: and you have plenty of support for both, and very little care for either. But wait until you only have support for one, the outer, and none at all for the other, the inner. Wait till you have to treasure up memories of each little act of affection, in place of having the realities about you daily, and you knowing all the time that these very realities exist, and you can't get at them. Did you ever read of Tantalus, of Ixion, and the other reprobates? Wait till distance blinds you to the faults, and exalts the virtues, of your friends, and you love them with a love the more absorbing and complete because it finds no response in daily life, and because it is all your inner and real life. Then, my dear, you won't call me a truculent border ruffian.

"Pshaw! what nonsense for me to write this stuff for you to laugh at! I love my friends, and that, you know full well, that gave me leave or (if I might correct Shakespeare) provoked me to speak of it."


"Bloomington, Mo., December 16,1858.

"I have returned from a scouting expedition after game, cold, angry, and generally ill-humored. A 'Merry Christmas' to you all at home there.

"I send you a song which we shall sing to the tune of 'Benny Haven's, Oh!' at our Christmas supper.

'Our fires are blazing cheerily,
Our loaded tables groan,
The wine is circling merrily
Among us here alone.
But our thoughts are wandering sadly
To the days of long ago, —
To the days when we so gladly
Saw Christmas wassail flow.

'And the long years, whose passing
Hath left its many stings;
And the young hopes, whose glassing
Mirrored such noble things;
And the struggles we have fought through,
The sorrows we have borne,
And the objects we have sought, too,
All to our minds return.

'Our weary exile bearing
Far from those loved before,
Our hearts shall still be sharing
Their pleasures as of yore.
Then fill up bumpers, brothers;
As Christmas takes its flight,
We drink this toast together
To those at home to-night.'

"(A poor song, but mine own.)"


Early in 1859 Everett became partner in a firm organized for the purpose of building the Platte County Railroad, in Missouri, and he was appointed Chief Engineer, with complete control of the work and a salary of $3,000 per annum. He expected to make an independent fortune out of the contract, and would undoubtedly have done so, had he lived. His residence now became St. Joseph, Missouri. His employment involved a good deal of travelling, through a beautiful country, and an occasional attendance on the Legislature, as lobby-member, which he found less agreeable than instructive. His worldly prospects were bright. "I should not be surprised," he wrote, "if in two or three years each of us (there are three) should have an annual income of $20,000 or $25,000 from the road." His health and strength were in admirable condition; he described himself as "strong as an ox, and with vitality enough for a dozen of our young men of Boston." When, in the following summer (1860), he made his long-desired two months' visit at home, I noticed that, wherever we went, his commanding physique always attracted attention. He was six feet and one inch in height, and weighed two hundred and forty pounds. His motions were slow and steady, and his manners quiet and grave.

Such were his condition and prospects at the outbreak of the Rebellion. The following letter is the first record of his views upon the subject.


"St. Joseph, March 24, 1861.

"I received yours this morning. It will always be better to direct letters here than to any place whence I may happen to write you

"We have been fighting a gallant battle here for the Union, and have whipped our opponents at every point. We had a convention, called by the Legislature, for the purpose of carrying us out of the Union, filled with men who declared 'that the present grievances did not justify secession'; and we carried the State on that basis by a vote of sixty thousand majority. That convention has decided in favor of a national convention; and if one is held, we shall send the right kind of men, — men ready to compromise on some basis of settlement which will, in time, bring back the seceding States, and restore the Union. See that you do the same thing. If you drive the Border Slave States from you, and crush out us Union men who are fighting the battles here, there will be separation, and undoubtedly, sooner or later, war. We are satisfied here with Lincoln's Inaugural and Cabinet; but we have very little respect for a party which places him there to settle matters, and then ties his hands by passing no bills to give him the necessary power; which passes a high-tariff bill (to which we have no objections), and then provokes the violation of it by neither closing the Southern ports nor giving power to collect revenue outside of them.

"I am growing terribly bored with having nothing to do, and growing rusty. I shall have to pitch out somewhere before long. I shall probably make a trip out as far as Laramie this summer, in case nothing happens to prevent; and if I could get a good opening in any part of the world, I would wind up affairs here and start. Love to all.

"Yours, truly,
"EVERETT."


This letter shows that his residence of twelve years in the Border States had exerted the natural effect on his views, and that he looked on national affairs with the eyes of a Missouri Unionist, not of a New England man. The next letter shows him carried already far on by the enthusiasm of the war.


"St. Joseph, May 16,1861.

"Dear —, — Yours received this morning. The reason of my long silence is, that I made a trip — starting about April 10th — up to Fort Randal, a thousand miles up the Missouri River, and only returned about ten days ago.

"Everything has been in a state of excitement here, and about ten days ago was drifting toward thorough anarchy. I think the operations in St. Louis did no particular harm, and Harney's proclamation does a wondrous deal of good. He is a citizen of Missouri, and has the power to do what he says he will; and it is well known here that when he undertakes to do a thing he is apt to do it very roughly. Everybody knows him to be a pro-slavery man, and this takes, to a certain extent, the sting away from any exercise of authority he may make. Altogether an excellent appointment.

"Of course all business is dead. If I can get into the Regular service, in a high position, I shall join the army. I cannot yet tell whether I can muster influence enough to command a majority or a captaincy, but shall probably try and see what can be done.

"We apprehend, at present, no difficulty; and if we have one, it will not, I think, be lasting. I trust not.

"There is little to write about, except politics. The real issue in this State is between our damnable secession State government and old Harney; and as the Union men and Disunion men are each afraid of the other, and our State government is powerless, both from lack of money and of arms, I think that Missouri will be apt to be quiet, Harney's sword being thrown into that scale.

"I shall look to you presently, perhaps, to help me in my military views."


The following letter shows his first summons to military service. The volunteer corps here indicated was subsequently organized, and he was appointed its Major. It became the nucleus of the Thirteenth Missouri, and he was commissioned as its Colonel, to rank as such from September 1, 1861. After the capture of the regiment at Lexington, its number was given to another corps, and it was ultimately reorganized as the Twenty-fifth Missouri.


"HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT WEST,
ST. LOUIS ARSENAL, May 31, 1861.

"SIR, — I am directed by Brigadier-General Lyon, commanding, to request you to repair at once to Fort Leavenworth, to confer with the commanding officer there in regard to the organization and equipment of a reserve corps in your city.

"I am, sir, very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,

"CHESTER HARDING, JR.,
"A. A. G., 1st Brig. Mo. Vols.

“To E. PEABODY, Esq., St. Joseph, Missouri."


Major Champion Vaughan wrote soon after to General J. H. Lane: "There is no man in Northern Missouri so well calculated to give you all useful information as Major Everett Peabody, to whom I would urge upon you 'an attentive ear' in all matters he has to communicate. In the great crisis now upon Missouri, I believe no man is so likely to take hold of the helm with a manly resolution as Major Peabody, who combines in a happy degree those qualities which the occasion and the times demand."

Major Peabody's own letters now afford almost a continuous narrative:—


"CAMP LANDER, August 27, 1861.

“Dear —, — I am ordered to Kansas City, and expect roughness.

"I shall send home, in the course of a day or two, my contract with the Platte Railroad Company; and in case I go up, which is very likely, I want to have the rest of you take what I have made, and use it to the best advantage for all three.

"Good by, old fellow. I have a sort of presentiment that I shall go under. If I do, it shall be in a manner that the old family shall feel proud of it.

"Yours,
"EVERETT."


"LEXINGTON, September 24, 1861.

"Dear —, — Finding nothing to do at Kansas City, I moved down about eight hundred and fifty men to this place, on the 4th. On the 7th I started southward with Colonel Marshall (First Illinois Cavalry) in command, towards Warrensburg. After progressing, in his fashion, eighteen miles in two days, he returned here, leaving me in command of about nine hundred infantry and three hundred and fifty cavalry, with two six-pounders, and directed me to make a reconnoissance toward Warrensburg. I marched seventeen miles, and reached there at five in the evening.

"The rumors I had been hearing were, before twelve o'clock at night, reduced to certainty, — that the main body of the Missouri forces, under Price, Jackson, and Raines, were upon us, some twelve thousand strong. They were within five miles when I commenced my retreat, burning bridges, and delaying them as far as possible. I was none too quick; for, two hours after I arrived here, our pickets were driven in, and skirmishing began, and was continued during the night; they (mostly mounted) having made a forced march of thirty-five miles by a circuit, to cut us off.

"The next day (12th) we were attacked, first having severe skirmishing with their van, and afterwards a three and a half hours' cannonading, — we behind some hasty intrenchments; at evening they retired. We lost four killed and twenty-five wounded; they, about fifteen killed and thirty-five or forty wounded.

"From this time we worked assiduously at the trenches, which, however, were unfortunately situated, being below the top of the hill, so that the inside could be only partially protected by traverses from the cannonading and sharpshooting, and having no water inside the lines. Still we did the best we could. Colonel Mulligan, of Chicago, was in command (a good officer and a brave one), with a total of two thousand seven hundred men and about one thousand head of mules and horses; but seven hundred of our men were armed only with horse-pistols and sabres.

"On Wednesday last (18th), after constant skirmishing in the interval, the main attack commenced, and continued without intermission until five o'clock Friday evening, when Colonel Mulligan surrendered. During all that time our men had not in all a full meal of food or a pint of water to the man; of course there was no sleep. The enemy were receiving large reinforcements, and at the time of attack claimed to be thirty thousand strong, and were, I think, fully twenty thousand. Still we should have held out two or three hours longer, had it not been for cowardice or treason on the part of one of the Home Guards officers, (a butcher or stage-driver, I believe,) who, after one charge had been repulsed, and just as another was coming on, put out the white flag. Colonel Mulligan supposed it to be hoisted by the opposite side, and sent to General Price to know the meaning; and vice versa. Meanwhile they had surrounded us in enormous quantities, and were even in our ditches. The surrender was unconditional, and as the place had been kept eight days (ample time for reinforcements), and as, owing to the exhausted state of the men, we could not have held out over night, I am not certain that we could have done better. The loss is about equal, —between forty and fifty killed. We have one hundred and five wounded.

"On the second day of the three days' fight, toward evening, I had had some hot words, about a company of mine, with an officer of the Irish Brigade, and we had drawn our sabres, but postponed it at Colonel Mulligan's request; and I went off to look after the company, which had just charged a building outside the intrenchmcnts, occupied by their sharpshooters, and had taken it. I went through a very cross-fire from their sharpshooters, down to the building, just in time to find the building recharged by the enemy in overwhelming force. I brought up the retreat, and I tell you it was hot; but I got into the intrenchments safe, and was passing along, giving directions, when I was struck with a spent ball in the breast, which knocked me down, and seemed to deprive me of any power to move. I waited about half an hour, but did not recover, and the boys then undertook to carry me to the hospital. We had gone about ten yards when one was struck in the thigh, and dropped. Another came, and about five yards farther along I was struck by a slug, which went in behind the ankle, and passed round, lodging in the middle of the foot, about three fourths of an inch below the surface. It has been extracted, and I am doing well; although from the muscles and nerves concentrated in that place, and the lack of attention, it has proved a most painful wound.

"My men have been released, and sent home; some one hundred and thirty officers still here. If released on parole, I shall probably visit you, as I can do nothing in any way for three or four months to come.

"Fremont's proclamation has destroyed the chance of Missouri's remaining in the Union. Men are flocking in here by thousands. You will have to look to Virginia for success.

"Yours,
"EVERETT.

"The enemy had twelve or fifteen pieces of artillery; we had four. I have been highly complimented by both sides."


“ST. LOUIS, October 20, 1861.

"Dear —, — I am at last able to sit up and move about a little on crutches. The swelling is almost out of the foot, and the wound nearly healed up. I shall be able, in five or six weeks, to walk about freely, I think. Of course it is a great bore, but one must bear it.

"I ought to have written to you before, but I have had my room full of visitors, from the time I waked up in the morning till midnight; and as I knew others were writing, I neglected it.

"I have sent my officers up to St. Joseph, where I shall go when I have recovered sufficiently to move about. Those not on parole, and my friends in St. Joseph, are taking measures to reorganize the regiment; and there is, I believe, every prospect of my being released (or rather exchanged), being well, and being in command of fifteen hundred men in six weeks or two months, which will not be unsatisfactory. So you see the prospect is not gloomy.

"I have heard, comparatively, little of home affairs. Frank Huntington, who is here, tells me that the last time he saw you he thought you were looking quite unwell; and I have been fearful lest your infernal city life was gradually sapping your strength. I trust you are better now, and only urge care.

"As to affairs here, I place little confidence in General Fremont's catching Price. I think the object of Price's movement is to draw from St. Louis the whole strength of the Union forces, and entice them as far away as possible, so as to prevent reinforcements to the scattered squads of men at Ironton, Cape Girardeau, Bird's Point, Cairo, and Paducah.

"It is impossible to look into the future; but I augur little success here, unless Price gives Fremont battle, and that, as I have said before, I do not believe he will do. But we have been grossly and shamefully neglected. My men — four months or more in the service — have not received any clothing or pay, nothing but arms and ammunition; and my case is the rule rather than the exception.

"We are looking to Virginia now, with great anxiety and hope mingled. If a big blow is struck there shortly, it will simplify our task amazingly.

"Kindest love to all at home. Write constantly, and believe me,

"Yours, as ever."


"ST. LOUIS, November 26, 1861.

"Dear —, — I returned yesterday from St. Joseph, where I have been reorganizing my regiment, and received all your letters in a bunch. I cannot tell you how thankful I feel for the evidence of sympathy shown by you at home, for my poor boys, who have done more arduous service, fought better and suffered more than any other men in the service.

"Fortunately now everything is changed. We have received the only complete outfit for a regiment and for four companies of cavalry ever issued from the Western Department, and my boys are rallying back with a cordiality and kindness that make me feel proud of myself.

"The regiment was thoroughly disorganized and demoralized by the delays of the department in regard to payment. The recruiting officers flocked to St. Joseph like crows to the carrion, and induced about a hundred of my boys to join other regiments.

"About two weeks ago I went to St. Joseph, and all these boys applied to come back. The present prospect is that I shall rendezvous here. I have now about five hundred men, and we only commenced recruiting ten days ago.

*    *    *    *    *    *    *

"l am a nondescript animal, which I call a triped, as yet, but I trust in a short time to be on foot once more.

"Give my very best thanks for the presents you have sent me to the kind ladies who wrought them. Tell them that these evidences of kindness are intensely felt by those who receive them in the far West. You in Massachusetts, who see your men going off thoroughly equipped and prepared for the service, can hardly conceive the destitution and ragged condition of the Missouri volunteers in past time. If I had a whole pair of breeches in my regiment at Lexington, I don't know it; but I learned there that bravery did not depend on good clothes.

"I am sorry I have not written to you before, but I have been so busy I have not thought of it. Best love to all, and believe me,

"Yours, as ever."


"ARMY OF WEST TENNESSEE,
12 miles southwest Savannah, and 18 from Corinth, Miss.,
March 31, 1862.

"DEAR FRANK, — In camp again, with a good regiment and well equipped. We are in General Prentiss's Division (twelve regiments), and I command the leading brigade. As we are the left centre division, we expect rough work. I have a fine brigade; my own regiment at the right, the Twelfth Michigan, Sixteenth Wisconsin, and Eighteenth Missouri forming the balance. We arrived here on the 28th, and have a very pleasant camp, — the boys as lively as crickets, and everything working smoothly. It is funny to be called General; but the boys are all delighted, and I think will do good service at the proper time. The enemy is supposed to be about eighteen miles from us. We have an immense army, — how large we have no means of knowing; they say, however, one hundred and twenty odd regiments, and they are arriving at the rate of two or three a day.

"As I wrote you before leaving, I have left my contract with Judge Krum of St. Louis. In case I go under, my old assistants, Kilby and John Severance, can give you all the necessary information in regard to the property involved. Say to them all at home, that if we have good luck I shall win my spurs. Love to all.

"Yours,
"Ev."


This was the last letter received from him. Shortly after the battle of Pittsburg Landing, he was reported to be severely wounded, and one of his brothers set out to go for him. He heard of Everett's death at Cairo, but went on to the battle-field, to make arrangements for bringing the body home.

The newspaper narratives of the battle are very contradictory; but after careful study, the facts appear to be as follows. Everett felt that the army was in great danger of a surprise, and sent to General Prentiss on Saturday afternoon for permission to send out a scouting party. Receiving no answer, he sent it out without permission, on Sunday morning, between three and four o'clock. This party met the Rebel column advancing, and fell back, skirmishing.

Everett had his brigade in line before the attack in force came; this was distinctly stated to his brother by officers of the brigade. The Twenty-fifth Missouri mustered six hundred on the day after the battle, which it certainly could not have done, unless the retreat had been made in good order.

While the brigade was forming, General Prentiss rode up to Everett, and reprimanded him as follows: "You have brought on an attack for which I am unprepared, and I shall hold you responsible." He replied, "General, you will soon see that I was not mistaken." As a reply to the reprimand, the remark seems not precisely appropriate, and appears rather intended to remind General Prentiss of some previous conversation, in which Everett had in vain endeavored to induce the General to prepare for an attack like this. Viewed in this light, the answer seems decisive, and is another proof that, if he had been in higher command, the attack would have been differently received.

The right of the division, under General Prentiss, was captured en masse. Colonel Peabody's brigade received an attack which it could not support; and when he found it was giving ground, he rode to the front, and exposed himself recklessly, to keep the men from retreating. His Major, an old Texan ranger, did the same, and was also killed, receiving eleven wounds; while Everett received five, namely, in the hand, thigh, neck, body, and head.

He was apparently killed about fifteen minutes after the attack struck his line. The Colonel commanding the left regiment of the brigade has since testified that an orderly came from Everett to ask him if he thought he could hold his position. He replied that he thought he could. The orderly returned to his post, but presently came back once more with the statement that Colonel Peabody was killed. He was placed in a position where a chivalrous officer was devoted to almost certain death, and he behaved just as his friends would have predicted in such an emergency.

The following letter brought the announcement of his death.

"CAMP PRENTISS, IN THE FIELD,
NEAR PITTSBUBG, TENNESSEE, April 8, 1862.

"FRANK PEABODY, Boston.

"DEAR SIR, — I have but a few minutes to write, and will devote them to performing one of the most painful duties that have devolved on me during this war.

"Your brother, Everett Peabody, Acting Brigadier-General, and commanding the First Brigade of General Prentiss's division, was killed on the morning of the 6th of April, while gallantly urging forward the men of his brigade. The ball that killed him entered the upper lip, and passed out of the back of the head. A more gallant officer or truer gentleman has not laid down his life for his coon try.

"General Prentiss's division was the first in the fight, and it sustained severe repeated shocks during the day. The men fought with desperation, but were overpowered on the first day, and had to yield some ground to vastly superior numbers.

"Yesterday, the 7th, the enemy gave way, and General Grant, being reinforced by General Buell, has routed the enemy completely. The enemy, however, in the retreat, took all the effects of officers and soldiers. They have not left anything of the General's (E. Peabody) that I can find that I could send to you as a memento, — his sword, pistols, saddle, everything, gone. We will bury him this evening in his own camp, and will mark the place."I was his aid until after he fell. In haste,

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

"GEORGE K. DONNELLY,
Captain Co. I, 25th Mo. Vols."


His officers buried him in a gun-box, placing at his head a board with his name, and below it the couplet: —

"A braver man ne'er died upon the field;
A warmer heart never to death did yield."

His body was afterwards carried to Boston, where the funeral arrangements were taken in charge by the Governor of Massachusetts, May 16, 1861 [sic]. It was conveyed thence to Springfield, where, on the following day, in presence of an immense concourse, it was laid beside the remains of his mother, in the beautiful cemetery which his father had designed and planned.

His strong, simple, generous, manly nature reveals itself perfectly in his letters. He died under circumstances where continued life would have been certain to bring further distinction and usefulness; and he singularly fulfilled the prediction contained in a song which he had written, years before, for an anniversary of the Boston Cadets: —

"And if the army of a foe invade our native land,
Or rank disunion gather up its lawless, faithless band,
Then the arm upon our ancient shield shall wield his blade of might,
And we '11 show our worthy brethren that gentlemen can fight."


SOURCE: Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, Volume 1 p. 161-78