William Hicks Jackson

JACKSON, William Hicks, soldier and capitalist, was born at Paris, Tenn., Oct. 1, 1835, son of Dr. Alexander and Mary W. (Hurt) Jackson. His parents early removed from Halifax county, Va., to Paris, and thence to Jackson, Tenn. They belonged to the best stock of Virginia, and bequeathed to their sons, Howell Edmunds and William Hicks, the high qualities which made them both eminent men. Descended from such ancestors and trained by such parents, William Hicks Jackson displayed in early life the strong impulses, and acquired the complete self-control, which have so distinguished his manhood. His preparatory education was received in the best schools of Jackson, and at West Tennessee College, where he evinced strong intellectual powers. He gained reputation among his schoolmates as the stout defender of the weak against the strong. In 1852 he was appointed a cadet to West Point. Although hard study and severe regulations were irksome to his fiery spirit, he was guided by his firm resolve to gratify the wishes of his father, and was graduated in 1856 with credit to himself. In his career at West Point he displayed the same traits that marked his boyhood, and was recognized as a leader among his comrades. After the usual furlough and some mouths spent at the barracks at Carlisle, Pa., he was sent, in 1857, to Fort Union, New Mexico, where, as an officer in the regiment of mounted rifles, he took an active part in the principal Indian fights in that territory with such men as Kit Carson, La Rue, and others as his guides. The adventurous character of this service was well suited to the bold and ardent temperament of tile young soldier. He was frequently complimented in orders from headquarters of both department and army for his gallantry and good judgment. Although not an advocate of secession, his intense loyalty to his native state induced him, when the first shot was tired in the civil war, to resign his commission in the U. S. regular army, and to offer his services to the Confederate States. After an adventurous journey in running the blockade at Galveston, he finally arrived in Tennessee, was appointed a captain of artillery by Gov. Harris, and summoned before the state military board at Nashville, which retained him two weeks in consultation on the subject of the equipment of cavalry and artillery. He then reported to Gen. Pillow at Memphis, and served on his staff in the campaigns of Missouri and Kentucky. He was assigned to the duty of organizing a light battery at Columbus, Ky., with which he reported to Gen. Pillow. On Nov. 7, 1861, followed the battle of Belmont, in which he performed the exploit of conducting three regiments of infantry to the rear of Grant's army, routing it until securing a Confederate triumph. For this service he was promoted to the rank of colonel. In this battle his horse was shot under him, and he received a minie-ball in the right side, which, inflicting a wound at the time supposed to be fatal, has never been extracted. He was placed by Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston in command of all the cavalry in western Tennessee, and was engaged in many severe minor battles there and in northern Mississippi. He led the brilliant dash on Holly Springs, Miss., Dec. 20, 1862, that resulted in the capture of 1,800 infantry, many cavalry, millions of dollars' worth of stores, and Gen. Grant's private papers. The loss of this secondary base of supplies compelled Gen. Grant to abandon his campaign by land against Vicksburg, caused him to return to Memphis and organize his river campaign. This brilliant service gained him promotion to the rank of brigadier-general, and the unique distinction of being mentioned in Gen. Grant's “Memoirs” as the only man who came near capturing him. Gen. Jackson was next assigned to the command of the second division of cavalry under Gen. Van Dorn, in Tennessee, the first division being commanded by Gen. Forrest, and soon after participated in the battle of Thompson's Station, which resulted in the capture of Col. Coburn's Federal brigade of 1.600 infantry. In the autumn, at the request of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, Gen. Jackson joined him at Canton, Miss., and commanded the cavalry of his army in the movement for the relief of Vicksburg. Later, at Johnston's request, he was transferred with him to the army of Tennessee, and during the Georgia campaign commanded the cavalry on the left wing. Among the gallant exploits during this period were the defeat of Kilpatrick at Lovejoy Station, and in connection with Gen. Wheeler, the capture at Newnan, Ga., of 1,500 Federal cavalrv. Gen. Jackson was selected by Gen. Hood to join him in the invasion of Tennessee. His division led the advance in pursuing Gen. Schofield's retreating forces, held them at bay for an entire night at Spring Hill, participated in the battle of Franklin, Nov. 30, 1864, and led the Confederate advance to a point only a few miles from the fortified city of Nashville. At Murfreesboro, Jackson defeated the Federals and drove them back to their intrenchments, and after the battle of Nashville, his division covered the retreat of Hood's army. He was now placed in command of Forrest's cavalry troop, and the Texas brigade, and was recommended for promotion by Gens. Dick Taylor, N. B. Forrest, Joseph E. Johnston, and previously by Polk and Hardee; but having incurred the displeasure of Pres. Davis on account of arresting a friend of the president's brother, Joseph, he failed to receive the promotion. Gen. Jackson next served in the Alabama campaign, defeating Gens. Croxton and McCook, and arrived at Marion Junction, where he learned of Forrest's defeat at Selma. Then came the final surrender at Gainesville, Ala., May 9, 1865. Gen. Jackson performed his last military service as Confederate commissioner in association with Gen. Dennis, Federal commissioner, for the parole of the troops at Gainesville and other points. Returning to his home at Jackson, Tenn., the retired soldier entered upon his peaceful career as a cotton planter. On Dec 15, 1868, he was married to Selene, daughter of Gen. W. G. Harding, a highly accomplished and lovely woman. She died Dec. 18, 1892, leaving three children: Eunice, wife of Albert D. Marks, a son of ex-Gov. Marks, and a prominent attorney of Nashville; Selene Harding, wife of William R. Elliston, and William Harding Jackson, who succeeds his father in the management of “Belle Meade,” and gives promise of emulating his father's usefulness. At the request of Gen. Harding, Gen. Jackson became his assistant in the management of the vast stock farm, “Belle Meade,” comprising 5,500 acres, where he found opportunity not only to indulge the tastes so firmly implanted in him as a boy on his father's plantation, but also to devote his mind to the development of scientific agriculture. He was the projector and moving spirit of the agricultural journal known as the “Rural Sun,” which was long the most popular agricultural publication in the South. He was president of the company with Col. J. B. Killebrew as chief editor. In his own language, “Agricultural journals, like almanacs, should be calculated for the latitudes they are designed to serve. . . . My observation has taught me that many young men of the South, in their efforts to apply the teachings of the northern journals to the conditions of the South, have led them into disastrous errors.” Refusing the highest political offices which his fellow-citizens desired to thrust upon him. preferring rather to be the power behind the throne than the shadow upon it, he has proved his public spirit and shown the highest attributes of citizenship by devoting his energies to contributing to the material development of the country, and has accepted positions tending to promote the public welfare. He has been president of the state association of farmers; was organizer and for many years president of the national agricultural congress, and state bureau of agriculture of Tennessee. In the latter capacity he was influential in creating the office of state commissioner of agriculture, and in promoting the publication of that notable work, "The Resources of Tennessee," of which the secretary of the board, Col. J. B. Killebrew, was editor. This work has been published in many different languages and scattered abroad, and, according to leading authorities, was the most eminent agency in first attracting immigration to Tennessee. As president and fiscal agent of the state bureau of agriculture, no money could be spent without his signature. So well was this duty discharged, that the whole work of the department was completed, including the publication of the “Resources of Tennessee” (1874), at a total cost of $13,500, leaving $6,500 out of an appropriation of $20,000 to be returned to the state treasury. In recognition of this distinguished service and economical expenditure, he was complimented by a vote of thanks by the general assembly of Tennessee. In addition to his work as an agriculturist, Gen. Jackson has been an active promoter of various public enterprises: as president of the Safe Deposit Trust Co., of Nashville, of the Nashville Gas Light Co., and of the Nashville street railway, which he took over when in the hands of a receiver in a disordered condition, and reorganized and rehabilitated, financially and materially. In no instance has his genius been more conspicuously displayed than in the perfection of the great “Belle Meade,” celebrated in poetry and song, which experts from England pronounce to be the best managed and most complete stock farm in the world. It is the home of Iroquois, the most famous race-horse, and now one of the most valuable stallions in the world, who won on the English turf an unequaled triumph. Here are also Luke Blackburn (imp.), Great Tom, Tremont, Loyalist (imp.), Clarendon, and other “kings of the turf”; as well as extensive herds of thoroughbred Jersey cattle, Shetland ponies, and the finest deer park in America. “Belle Meade” is a typical southern home, the frequent scene of true southern hospitality, and here Gen. Jackson has entertained Pres. and Mrs. Cleveland, cabinet officers, statesmen, authors, poets, and many foreigners, including members of the nobility from different countries. In many other ways, also, he has contributed to the material prosperity, and stimulated the progress, of his native state. He has erected at Nashville the finest office and apartment building in Tennessee, a model of architecture. He was a moving spirit in promoting the great Tennessee Centennial exposition of 1896-97, and declining the presidency served as chairman of its executive committee. Since the close of the war he has been the advocate of sectional conciliation, and has exerted his powerful influence at all times and at all places, but especially in the Confederate Veteran Association, in which he has long held high rank. By promoting such public enterprises and exerting an influence so salutary and potent, Gen. Jackson furnishes an illustrious example of the private citizen of public spirit who, declining political office, “does more than armies for the commonweal.” The well-known author and scientist, Col. J. B. Killebrew, who has known him over a quarter of a century, has well said: “Gen. Jackson is a strong man, mentally, physically and morally. He never does anything by halves. He never rests as long as there is an improvement to be made. Whatever he puts his hands on, prospers. He has an intuitive knowledge of men, and therefore his agents are always the best for accomplishing the purposes for which he selects them. In the organization and conduct of the many large enterprises with which his name is associated, he has acquired the habits of thought peculiar to all successful men. He goes directly to the point, and he has all the precision of a martinet, with the power of a conqueror. Broad, but accurate; diligent, but deliberate; patient, but prompt; kind, but firm; fearing no weight of responsibility, yet not careless of it, he always meets and overcomes difficulties.”

SOURCE: The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Volume 9, p. 212-3

Major-General William T. Sherman to Salmon P. Chase, August 11, 1862

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISION,                 

MEMPHIS, TENN., August 11, 1862.

Hon. S. P. CHASE, Secretary of the Treasury.

SIR: Your letter of August 2d, just received, invites my discussion of the cotton question.

I will write plainly and slowly, because I know you have no time to listen to trifles. This is no trifle; when one nation is at war with another, all the people of the one are enemies of the other; then the rules are plain and easy of understanding. Most unfortunately, the war in which we are now engaged has been complicated with the belief on the one hand that all on the other are not enemies. It would have been better if, at the outset this mistake had not been made, and it is wrong longer to be misled by it. The Government of the United States may now safely proceed on the proper rule that all in the South are enemies of all in the North; and not only are they unfriendly, but all who can procure arms now bear them as organized regiments or as guerrillas. There is not a garrison in Tennessee where a man can go beyond the sight of the flagstaff without being shot or captured. It so happened that these people had cotton, and, whenever they apprehended our large armies would move, they destroyed the cotton in the belief that, of course, we would seize it and convert it to our use. They did not and could not dream that we would pay money for it. It had been condemned to destruction by their own acknowledged government, and was therefore lost to their people; and could have been, without injustice, taken by us and sent away, either as absolute prize of war or for future compensation. But the commercial enterprise of the Jews soon discovered that ten cents would buy a pound of cotton behind our army, that four cents would take it to Boston, where they could receive thirty cents in gold. The bait was too tempting, and it spread like fire when here they discovered that salt, bacon, powder, firearms, percussion caps, etc., were worth as much as gold; and, strange to say, this traffic was not only permitted but encouraged. Before we in the interior could know it hundreds, yea thousands, of barrels of salt and millions of dollars had been disbursed, and I have no doubt that Bragg's army at Tupelo, and Van Dom’s at Vicksburg, received enough salt to make bacon, without which they could not have moved their armies in mass, and from ten to twenty thousand fresh arms and a due supply of cartridges have also been got, I am equally satisfied. As soon as got to Memphis, having seen the effect in the interior, I ordered (only as to my command) that gold, silver, and Treasury notes were contraband of war, and should not go into the interior, where all were hostile. It is idle to talk about Union men here: many want peace, and fear war and its results, but all prefer a Southern, independent government, and are fighting or working for it. Every gold dollar that was spent for cotton was sent to the seaboard to be exchanged for banknotes and Confederate scrip, which will buy goods here and are taken in ordinary transactions. I therefore required cotton to be paid for in such notes, by an obligation to pay at the end of the war, or by a deposit of the price in the hands of a trustee—viz., the United States quartermaster. Under these rules cotton is being obtained about as fast as by any other process, and yet the enemy receives no “aid or comfort.” Under the “gold” rule the country people who had concealed their cotton from the burners, and who openly scorned our greenbacks, were willing enough to take Tennessee money, which will buy their groceries; but now that trade is to be encouraged and gold paid out, I admit that cotton will be sent in by our own open enemies, who can make better use of gold than they can of their hidden bales of cotton.

I may not appreciate the foreign aspect of the question, but my views on this may be ventured. If England ever threatens war because we don't furnish her cotton, tell her plainly if she can't employ and feed her own people to send them here, where they can not only earn an honest living, but soon secure independence by moderate labor. We are not bound to furnish her cotton. She has more reason to fight the South for burning that cotton than us for not shipping it. To aid the South on this ground would be hypocrisy which the world would detect at once. Let her make her ultimatum, and there are enough generous minds in Europe that will counteract in the balance. Of course her motive is to cripple a power that rivals her in commerce and manufactures that threaten even to usurp her history. In twenty more years of prosperity it will require a close calculation to determine whether England, her laws and history, claim for a home the continent of America or the isle of Britain. Therefore, finding us in a death struggle for existence, she seems to seek a quarrel to destroy both parts in detail.

Southern people know this full well, and will only accept the alliance of England in order to get arms and manufactures in exchange for their cotton. The Southern Confederacy will accept no other mediation, because she knows full well that in old England her slaves and slavery will receive no more encouragement than in New England.

France certainly does not need our cotton enough to disturb her equilibrium, and her mediation would be entitled to a more respectful consideration than on the part of her present ally. But I feel assured the French will not encourage rebellion and secession anywhere as a political doctrine. Certainly all the German states must be our ardent friends, and, in case of European intervention, they could not be kept down.

With great respect, your obedient servant,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.

SOURCES: William T. Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman, by Himself, Volume 1, p. 266-8; Manning F. Force, General Sherman, 92-4.

Judah P. Benjamin to General Albert Sidney Johnston, February 8, 1862

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Richmond, February 8, 1862.

General A. SIDNEY JOHNSTON,

Bowling Green:

SIR: The condition of your department in consequence of the largely superior forces of the enemy has filled us with solicitude, and we have used every possible exertion to organize some means for your relief.

With this view the following orders have been issued to-day and the following measures adopted:

1st. We have ordered to Knoxville three Tennessee regiments—Vaughn's, Maney's, and Bate's—the First Georgia Regiment and four regiments from General Bragg's command to be forwarded by him. This will give you in East Tennessee the following force, viz: As above, eight regiments. Add Gillespie's Tennessee, one regiment; Vaughn's North Carolina, one regiment;* one regiment cavalry; Stovall's battalion and another from North Carolina, together one regiment—total, twelve regiments, besides Churchwell's command at Cumberland Gap, the other forces stationed at different passes by General Zollicoffer, and a number of independent companies.

The whole force in East Tennessee will thus amount, as we think, to at least fifteen regiments, and the President desires that you assign the command to General Buckner.

2d. The formation of this new army for Eastern Tennessee will leave General Crittenden's army (augmented by Chalmers' regiment and two or three batteries of field pieces already sent to him) free to act with your center.

Colonel Chalmers will be nominated to-morrow brigadier-general. You might assign a brigade to him at once.

The President thinks it best to break up the army of General Crittenden, demoralized by its defeat, and that you should distribute the forces composing it among other troops. You can form a new command for General Crittenden, connected with your own corps, in such manner as you may deem best.

General Crittenden has demanded a court of inquiry, and it has been ordered; but from all the accounts which now reach us we have no reason to doubt his skill or conduct in his recent movements, and feel convinced that it is not to any fault of his that the disaster at Somerset is to be attributed.

3d. To aid General Beauregard at Columbus I send orders to General Lovell to forward to him at once five or six regiments of his best  troops at New Orleans.

4th. I have sent to Memphis arms for Looney's regiment; to Knoxville 800 percussion muskets; to Colonel Chalmers 800 Enfield rifles for his regiment, and to you 1,200 Enfield rifles. The Enfield rifles will be accompanied by a full supply of fixed ammunition. They form part of a small cargo recently received by us, and of the whole number (6,000) one-third is thus sent to you, besides which we send 1,600 to Van Dom.

5th. We have called on all the States for a levy of men for the war, and think that in very few weeks we shall be able to give you heavy re-enforcements, although we may not be able to arm them with good weapons. But we have another small cargo of Enfield rifles close by, and hope to have some 10,000 or 12,000 safe in port within the next two or three weeks.

I forgot to say that the rifles already received may not reach you for eight or ten days, as they were introduced at a port quite far south.

I am, your obedient servant,

J. P. BENJAMIN,      

Secretary of War.

_______________

*The records show to Vaughn’s North Carolina regiment.  Probably R. B. Vance’s Twenty-ninth North Carolina.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 862-3

Major-General Stephen Hurlbut: General Orders No. 112, October 8, 1862

GENERAL ORDERS No. 112.

HDQRS. 4TH DIV., DIST. OF WEST TENN.,       

Bolivar, Tenn., October 8, 1862.

Officers and soldiers of the Fourth Division! Comrades in battle! Partakers of the weary march and the long watches, by your discipline and courage the victory has been won; and the title of the “Fighting Fourth,” earned at Shiloh, has been burnished with additional splendor on the Hatchie.

We were ordered on a forlorn hope to the aid of our beleaguered brothers in arms at Corinth. The march was arduous, the undertaking desperate. My orders were to reach Rosecrans at all hazards and relieve him or perish.

By the blessing of the God of our Fathers and our Country the forces which assailed that indomitable garrison at Corinth were scattered and broken by their invincible courage before our turn came; but there was yet work for the "old Fourth." The heavy mass of the enemy were retreating by the State Line road, when, after crossing the Muddy, we met them. Each arm of this division, gallantly co-operating with the other—cavalry, infantry, and artillery—over a rough and dangerous country, overhill and through ravines, forest, thicket, and a desperate enemy, made no breach in the serried advance of this command. Aided by your brave comrades of the Sixty-eighth Ohio and Twelfth Michigan, from General Ross' command, field after field was swept, position after position seized and occupied, until the crowning struggle of the day came on for the occupation of the high grounds east of the Hatchie.  The bridge across that stream was carried at a charging step, the work of the artillery was done, that of the infantry commenced in deadly earnest.

Major-General Ord, a stranger to you, but to whom the division by its well-won reputation was no stranger, and who had hitherto led the advance, was struck at the bridge and disabled. The command then devolved upon your old commander. By misapprehension of the nature of the country across the Hatchie a large portion of the division had been massed in impracticable ground on the right of the road and exposed to a terrific fire of canister at short range. That you bore it without the possibility of active return speaks well for your discipline. Knowing the ground, I immediately determined to throw out the main force to the left, crown the hill-side, and flank the enemy, and it is among the proudest moments of my life when I remember how promptly the several regiments disengaged themselves from their temporary confusion and extended to the left, and with what a will they bent themselves to conquer the hill. In twenty minutes all was over, the crest was gained and held, the artillery rapidly in place, and the field of Matamora was won. The broken fragments of the Confederate Army recoiled before your solid advance; their main line of retreat was cut off and their troops forced over the broken ground east of the Hatchie. Our duty was accomplished. Our wounded, the bloody witnesses to the desperation of the fight, were to be cared for. Already the victorious column of Rosecrans was thundering on their rear. It was my duty to bring in the forces that remained to me.

You have returned to camp; no colors lost, not a man nor a gun missing. It is a triumph, and you, and I for you, have a right to be proud.

With you in this achievement were associated the Sixty-eighth Ohio and Twelfth Michigan Regiments. They were worthy to be with you, and their conduct receives the praise of their commanding officer.

And now the necessities of the service remove me from the immediate command of the Fourth Division. A promotion won by your courage and discipline removes me to a larger command. I wish you to understand from these my parting orders that I know full well that no regiment in my old division desired to be under my command when we met at Donelson. The reason why I know well, but care not to tell now.

Your respect I conquered at Shiloh, your regard I hope to have acquired since. Give to the officers who may succeed me the same prompt obedience, the same steady devotion to duty, and you will make me, wherever I am, proud of the high reputation of the Fourth Division.

Remember, every man and officer, that I here again publicly acknowledge that whatever I may have of military reputation has been won by you, and that I wear it only as coming from you, and that any misconduct or want of discipline on your part will grieve your old commander. Remember that I place my honor as well as your own in your hands, and that if I find a difficult place that must be held I shall call for the Fourth. I have no fears how you will answer.

Our dead—our glorious dead! The joy of victory is dimmed when we think of them. But they have died as they would wish—died in defense of the Union and the laws; died bravely on the red field of battle with their unconquered banner over them. Their comrades will avenge them. And when at last our victorious flag shall float over the national domain reconquered and united, and the weary soldier shall forget his toil in the endearments of home, around your firesides and among your children and your neighbors you shall recite as part of your glorious history how you swept the rebel hosts with every advantage of position across the Hatchie and crowned the opposing hill with a wall of fire and of steel that repelled the chosen troops of Van Dorn and Price.

Infantry, artillery, and cavalry of the Fourth Division, and your well-deserving companions of the Sixty-eighth Ohio and Twelfth Michigan, you have done your duty, each in his place and each at the right time. You have satisfied your general, and the country in due time shall know what is due to each of you. I bid you for a while farewell.

Officers and men, continue to deserve your lofty reputation, and then as heretofore you will receive the approbation of your general and strengthen his hands in the performance of his duties.

S. A. HURLBUT, 

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 17, Part 1 (Serial No. 24), p. 308-9

Captain Charles Wright Wills: March 7, 1863

Camp 103d Illinois Infantry, Jackson, Tenn.,

March 7, 1863.

The rumors from Vicksburg in the Tribune of the 5th are enough to make one's flesh creep, and more than sufficient to account for my little touch of the blues I do feel to-night as though some awful calamity had befallen our army somewhere. God grant it may not be so! We have another report in camp this evening that is not calculated to enliven me much, viz.; “Lawler and some four companies of the 18th Illinois Infantry have been captured some 30 miles east of town.” In my last I spoke of an expedition having started out to look for some of Van Dorn's forces which were reported as being on the Tennessee river, looking for a crossing place. We don't give credence to the story of Lawler's being a prisoner. But if he is, and the Vicksburg rumor be true and we have been repulsed at Charleston, and were whipped at Tullahoma, I wouldn't feel half as badly over it all if our people at home would quit their wicked copperheadism and give us the support and encouragement they should, as I do now when we are worsted in even a cavalry skirmish. For every little defeat we suffer only seems to make them so much bolder, as is shown in every new set of resolutions which reaches us through the Times and the Enquirer. So that miserable Davidson really published the lie that only one man in my company really voted for the resolutions. Every man in Company G voted for them and with a will, too. I don't have any politics in my company, although there are some companies in the regiment which indulge considerably in discussing questions of State. Above all things I dislike to hear it. I am glad to hear that my men speak well of me in their letters. I think I have had less trouble in my company than most of the officers. Allen Roodcape, the man you sent your letter of the 1st inst. by, got here to-night. Poor fellow, he will never be fit for a soldier. Davidson has gone home again. The 50th Indiana went out yesterday morning to reinforce Lawler, so we will again be on picket every other day. When it is here, once in three days is the rule. I was out on the worst post last night and it rained nearly all night. It thundered and lightened most splendidly. I like to get pretty wet once and a while for a change. It's raining hard now. I go on picket again to-morrow. I'm sleepy, tired, and the rain is coming through my tent so much that I believe I'll get into bed.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 160-1

Captain Charles Wright Wills: March 5, 1863

Camp 103d Illinois Infantry, Jackson, Tenn.,

March 5, 1863.

You certainly should not complain of my neglect, in writing no more than once in ten days while we are quartered at such an intolerably stupid place as this, for there really have not been two incidents ocurred worthy of notice, since we pitched our tents on this ground. Never since I first entered the service have I passed two months in which there seems so little worth remembering Nothing but a dull round of picket, fatigue, and camp guard; no alarms and no enemy within a hundred or more miles of us, save “citizen guerrillas,” and they in no force sufficient to scare even a foraging party. In lieu of something real to talk of and speculate about, I give you the following items: There seems this morning to be some movement on foot, though I have not heard a word of the object which has raised such a commotion in our usually quiet military circles. I only know that all the mounted men stationed here have this morning started under command of Colonel Mizner, with an ammunition train and small provision ditto. Also hear that Dodge at Corinth and the command out at Trenton have set all their cavalry in motion. To make the case a little stronger I will add that one of Sullivan's aids galloped into camp half an hour since, and required at short notice the number of rounds of ammunition on hand. Well, I expect that Van Dorn or Morgan is on our side of the Tennessee again. It can't be more than that. I'd give a month's pay to get this regiment into a fight. Don't want it for myself particularly, but think it would do the regiment a great deal of good. The feeling is some better among the men, but there is still much room for improvement. Desertions are not so numerous, but one slips off occasionally. Colonels Kellogg and Babcock were both here a few nights ago. Both in good health, never saw them looking better Don't know that anything of importance was connected with their visit. My own health continues prime. I know that I don't fully appreciate the Lord's goodness to me in granting me such continued excellent health, but I assure you I do feel grateful to the Power that rules that matter, although I am tolerably regular in my habits and intemperate in none, yet I know I am very careless of myself and health in regard to dress, sleeping any and everywhere, etc. General Sullivan will visit our camp at 3 o'clock to-day to look into its sanitary conditions, and inspect our policing. The health of the regiment is much improved. Two months more and we will be veterans. Another of my boys, the second, died in General Hospital at this place yesterday. James Conyers, is his name. Formerly worked for Stipp.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 158-60

Captain Charles Wright Wills: February 1, 1863

Camp 103d Illinois Infantry, Jackson, Tenn.,

February 1, 1863.

I'm on duty as “field officer of the day,” and have been temping around in the mud looking to policing, guards, etc., and just now a detail has come for me to go on picket to-morrow. I was only relieved from picket yesterday morning. We are very short of officers, having only 11 for duty in the regiment. All sick. D--n 'em, they ought to resign and let men draw the pay who do the work. I have seven men in the hospital now, one of whom is going to die. Poor fellow, how I do pity him. I never thought as much, even of my sick comrades in the 8th, as I do of my men when they get sick. James Colton is the one's name who is the sickest. He is a real good young man and has a wife. Lives in the west part of the country. Mine is the only company that has no deserters yet, and I don't believe I will have any. Half of these desertions are the fault of officers. I have been out this evening calling on a family named Stephens, living near our camp. They are strongly secesh, but very fine people. No girls in the family but a splendid looking young wife. I guess that we are cut out of that Vicksburg fight, though if this place is evacuated, there is a chance yet. That is the only one though, for all the troops except our brigade have left here. Some to Memphis, and I suppose, below. It makes our duty pretty heavy. Picket every third day, besides police, foraging, and fatigue and camp guard. But I always enjoy duty better than quiet camp life. I'm afraid this agitation North is going to play the d---1 with the army. The great body is loyal enough but can't help being discouraged and, in a degree, disappointed when treason is preached openly in the North and unrebuked. Confining a lot of those traitors would have an excellent effect on the soldiers; but I believe that Lincoln is almost afraid to try that again. If this regiment is paid off before there is the change in officers there should be, I'm afraid desertions will be very numerous. I begin to feel some of the old soldier's prejudice against the “forty-dollar man,” but I do believe we can, if properly officered, make a crack regiment. I tell you, between ourselves, that of the 30 line officers there are not more than six that are worth their salt. The others do 100 times more harm than good to the service. I modestly count myself one of the six, so that you can judge better what I think they are. I read Dick Oglesby's speech to-day. The sentiment is all right, but he can talk much better than that. Suppose he is out of practice. We are a little afraid of the result of the Vicksburg fight. If we get whipped I'd like to die there, for I believe if that army is whipped it will be annihilated; and the cause about lost, which little event I don't care to live to hear. You can't imagine how careful the commanders are here of secesh property. Well, if 'tis through the right motive, I say all right, and I guess it is, but it hurts me anyway. I can't help hoping that this town will be burned when evacuated, for it is the most intensely secession place of all. It first unfurled the Rebel flag in this State, and sticks to its colors nobly. It is rumored that Van Dorn is coming in this direction again. I do hope he will come here, for if we can drive him off, it would hurt the natives so much to see him whipped.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 151-3

Captain Charles Wright Wills: January 22, 1863

Camp Reed, Jackson, Tenn.,

January 22, 1863.

I received your four-volume letter of the 5th, 12th, 13th inst. last night, and return you my sincere thanks for the time and writing material you expended in my behalf. I suppose that you now understand why you did not receive my letters.

You ask me how I like the news from Vicksburg. All right. That was only a little reconnoisance in force, which paid its way by gobbling up Arkansas post. We want to get these seceshers all together at Vicksburg and then close the war in this country. Wait about a month, if you want to hear a call for bombazine, etc. We'll have that little town then, or a very large portion of the loyal people of Illinois will go to make that a very fertile point. By the way, aren't you afraid that Rosecrans will get his hands full if it be true that Longstreet with 13 brigades has arrived at Chattanooga? Guess those Eastern Rebels must know better how to fight than Bragg, Price, Van Dorn, etc., at any rate I'm a little suspicious of that Longstreet and wish that one or two of these divisions here could be sent to oppose. Believe I would rather we would be whipped here than see "Rosy" beaten. There will be somebody awfully hurt though, before that latter item takes place, and Rosecrans himself will never live to read an account of it.

Staff appointments are nicer than the line business, but chance for promotion is not so great nor so honorable in my opinion. Although one does get more credit in reports, and has more influence. Anyway the chances for a captain to be detached on staff duty are very limited, and nearly always matters of outside influence. A first lieutenant's chance on his merits are much better for several reasons. Officers are beginning to resign in a very lively manner in our regiment. Am satisfied that of the original captains, only Sid., Frank Post and myself will be left in two months from now, and I can see that both Sid. and Frank would not object to being let out gently and honorably, especially if they could happen on a good little fight shortly, and then leave. Poor fellows! One has a new wife and the other an old girl, each gets five letters a week and looks a little sicker after each letter than before. Guess I'll have to get me one of them girls to be in the fashion, though I haven't yet got over that one's patting me on the shoulder when I enlisted, telling me what a fine, brave fellow, etc., I was and then marrying within three weeks after I'd gone. I'm not very desperate in consequence, but can't think it was fair. Sid. got back from Cairo to-night with his men, minus 30, of whom some ten deserted and the remainder were left sick. Profitable trip. We are on half rations again for five days, but I managed to secure a 700pound beef for my company, so we'll not starve. I report more men for duty than any other company in the regiment. Call that doing pretty well when you consider that mine is a picked company. Major Phelps is here and says we will be paid off shortly. That means between now and July as I take it. Am not particular though. Uncle Sam can go to the d---1 with his greenbacks, if he'll only send us to Rosy or Vicksburg. Weather here has moderated considerably. It is 1 o'clock a. m. now and I am without coat or fire and am comfortable. I never retire before 1 or 2 o'clock any more. Am ashamed to say what time I get up. We think here that this place and Corinth will be evacuated ere long Troops are passing through here from Corinth every day, going to Vicksburg. Every sign says that we will leave here within ten days, but all signs are unsartin. The moon to-night says a dry month. Don't I hope she won't fool us. This half-ration business is only so in name, the full ration has a tremendous margin for waste and men can grow fat on half rations. I do believe that they live just as well. When the 1st of January proclamation was issued a number of our officers became very much excited. Several of them talked strongly of tendering their resignations in consequence thereof, and one of them really did. But we were too strong for the d----d compromising lickspittles, and to-day you can't hear a whimper against it. The major and adjutant were strongly opposed to it, but they dare not say so to-day. All of that excitement at home is working on the army though, and even if it requires bayonets, the good of the army demands that the agitation cease. That is the cause of all the desertions, and they are many that are occurring, and nine-tenths of the discontent and demoralization spring from the same source. A tremendous number have deserted of late and the evil is growing.. Thousands would leave if we could be stationed on the border. Well, the old soldiers are very, very tired of the war. Any number of them would recognize three or four confederacies to get home, and their influence over the new men is boundless. The Confederate rank and file feels the same way. Nineteen-twentieths would vote for the United States or any other man to secure peace, but their officers and citizens control the matter. It don't make any difference what commission you intrust your sanitary stores to for the stealings are all in the hospitals, and these sanitary commissaries all issue to any hospital that is in need.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 149-51

Captain Charles Wright Wills: January 4, 1863

January 4, 1863.

There I quit, for we received orders to get ready at once to march to Jackson, Tenn. The colonel ordered me to take charge of the train (wagons) and with my company guard it through by the wagon road, while the other nine companies went through by railroad. The regiment got off that evening, but I was delayed until the 31st, when just as I got my company into line to start a couple of the finest houses in town took fire, and burned down. The colonel commanding the 15th Illinois Infantry, which had just arrived, put me under arrest and stationed a guard around my company, but after an hour's detention, my strong protestations against arrest and my arguments in favor of the honorable acquital of my men of the charges, induced him to allow us to proceed on our way. By Lieutenant Mattison's personal smartness the train was taken from the road in the p. m., while I was ahead selecting camping grounds for the night, and I did not get with it for two days, which I traveled alone. The distance is about 90 miles. The first night I stayed at Holly Springs and slept in the bed which General Pemberton, Van Dorn and Lovell of the Rebel Army, and Hamilton, of ours, in turn occupied. 'Twas in the room they occupied for headquarters. Mrs. Stricklin, the lady of the house, was charming. Her husband is a major in the Rebel Army. I ate my New Year's dinner at Dr. Ellis'. He was not at home, but his lady treated me very politely, and I give her credit for having the noblest face I ever saw on woman. She is a sister of Rebel General Hindman. Stayed at a private house at Lagrange that night (Mrs. Cockes) and heard some delightful music made by a daughter. Saw seven mounted Rebels on the 2d, and felt uneasy traveling alone, but got through safe to Bolivar. Here I caught up with my train which I thought was behind. When we started my men were on foot, when I caught up with them at Bolivar, 38 of them were mounted on horses or mules. Stayed at Medon Station last night, and arrived here at 3 this p. m., all safe. I have to go back to Holly Springs to-morrow to testify against the 109th for disloyalty.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 140

Captain Charles Wright Wills: December 30, 1862

Provost Marshal's Office, Waterford, Miss.,

December 30, 1862.

Fifteen days outside the world and still we live. No papers of later date than the 15th inst. have reached us, and 'twill be at least five days' move before we can hope to see one. In that time there have been some six or eight fights in this country all to our disadvantage, and two cowardly surrenders, Holly Springs and Trenton. Pemberton's cavalry under Van Dorn, turned our left, and striking at our line of communication, first surprised and captured Holly Springs, burned everything belonging to our army with the houses containing the stores; then while a portion of the column retreated another portion successively attacked our troops stationed at Coldwater bridge, Middleton, Grand Junction, and outposts near Bolivar, in all of which they were repulsed. About the same time a portion of Bragg's forces crossed the Tennessee river at or near Musch Shoals, Ala., and marched along the south side of the river toward Corinth. General Dodge at Corinth sent out Colonel Sweeny, who met and defeated the enemy, driving him across the river. The enemy then again crossed the river near Savannah, and moving toward Jackson were met by Bob Ingersoll, whom, after something of a fight, 'tis said, they captured with his command. Trenton was then cowardly surrendered by some 250 Tennessee cavalry. Attacks were made on several other posts garrisoned by our troops, in all of which the enemy were repulsed. Altogether there has been a d---1 of a time. When Van Dorn had finished his little bonfire at Holly Springs, this army was left with about five day's rations, which we have to make do 15 at least. In order to make up the deficit in commissaries, General Grant ordered that everything eatable that could be found in the country be seized for army use. In the strip of country from Holly Springs to Coffeeville, for, say 15 miles wide, there is not enough left to feed 50 chickens a week. Colonel Dickerman and I visited Holly Springs yesterday and took a little look at the ruins. I suppose the damage to the citizens amounts to nearly as much as the Government's loss. Most of the best and largest houses were burned. General Grant told Colonel Dickerman that our regiment would be sent to Jackson in a few days to guard that place. Well, if we have to go into winter quarters that will suit your brother very much. We will be nearer home and communication will not be so apt to be broken between us.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 138-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 11, 1863

Lieut.-Gen. J. T. Jackson died at 3 P.M. yesterday. His remains will arrive in the city at 5 P.M. this afternoon. The flags are at half-mast, and all the government offices and even places of business are closed. A multitude of people, mostly women and children, are standing silently in the streets, awaiting the arrival of the hero, destined never again to defend their homes and honor.

A letter from Gen. Lee says, emphatically, that if cavalry be not brought from North Carolina and the South, the enemy's cavalry will be enabled to make raids almost anywhere without molestation. I recollect distinctly how he urged the Secretary of War (Randolph), months ago, to send to Texas for horses, but it was not attended to — and now we see the consequences.

The exchanged prisoners here, taken at Arkansas Post, are ordered to the Mississippi. Gen. Longstreet urged the Secretary to send them off, if that were their destination, without a moment's delay, several days ago — else they would be too late to participate in the campaign.

Northern papers set down Hooker's loss at 20,000, a modest figure, subject to revision.

The Federal Secretary of War has issued a statement to mollify the panic. He is bound to acknowledge that, whereas Hooker advanced upon Lee across the river, he is now, after the battle, back again, where he started from. But he says not more than a third of the army was engaged; and as 30,000 reinforcements have been sent from Washington, and as many from Suffolk, the army will soon be as strong as ever, and in condition for another advance — and defeat.

But what credit can we attach to such statements, since McClellan, under oath, said that he had ninety odd thousand men at the battle of Sharpsburg, 75,000 of whom only were actually engaged, while Lee had 100,000? We know that he did not have 40,000 engaged!

Gen. Van Dorn is dead—being killed by a man whose peace he had ruined.

More applications for passports to leave the country are coming in — and they are "allowed" by the Assistant Secretary of War. How could he refuse, since his own family (at least a portion of it) have enjoyed the benefits of sojourning in the North since the war began?

A letter was received to day from Mr. Ranney, president of the N. C., Jackson, and Great Northern Railroad Co., asking the protection of government from harm for violations of the Act of Congress of April 19th, 1862, prohibiting the transportation of cotton within the enemy's lines. He incloses a number of peremptory orders from Lieut.-Gen. Pemberton, dated January 19th, February l6th and 19th, to take large amounts of cotton into the enemy's lines for S. J. Josephs (Jew?), and for Messrs. Clarke, Ford, and Hust, etc. etc. He says Gen. P. threatened to seize the road if he did not comply, and asserted that he had authority from the Secretary of War to issue the orders. One of these orders was from Gov. Pettus, for a small lot not more than fifty bales, to be exchanged for salt. This was authorized by the President, who most positively forbid the others. The letter from Gen. Johnston the other day said this traffic was subjugating the people. Was that “allowed” to reach the Secretary and the President? I know not; it has not yet passed through my hands from the President back to the department.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 319-21

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 15, 1863

There is a dispatch, unofficial, from the West, contradicting the news of the defeat of Van Dorn. On the Cumberland River, another dispatch says, we have met with new successes, capturing or destroying several more gun-boats. And Wheeler has certainly captured a railroad train in the rear of the enemy, containing a large sum of Federal money, and a number of officers.

We have nothing from the South, except a letter from Gen. Whiting, in regard to some demonstration at Bull Bay, S. C.

Major Griswold, Provost Marshal, is now himself on trial before a court-martial, for allowing 200 barrels of spirits to come into the city. He says he had an order from the Surgeon-General; but what right had he to give such orders? It is understood he will resign, irrespective of the decision of the court.

Congress, yesterday (the House of Representatives), passed a series of resolutions, denying the authority of the government to declare martial law, such as existed in this city under the administration of Gen. Winder. It was a great blunder, and alienated thousands.

We have a seasonable rain to-day.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 293

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 14, 1863

We have nothing additional from Gen. Wise's expedition against Williamsburg; but it was deprecated by our people here, whose families and negroes have been left in that vicinity. They argue that we cannot hold the town, or any portion of the Peninsula in the neighborhood; and when the troops retire, the enemy will subject the women and children to more rigorous treatment, and take all the slaves.

We have news from Tennessee, which seems to indicate that Gen. Van Dorn has been beaten, losing a battery, after a sanguinary battle of several hours. Van Dorn had only cavalry — 7000. This has a depressing effect. It seems that we lose all the battles of any magnitude in the West. This news may have been received by the President in advance of the public, and hence his indisposition. We shall have news now every day or so.

Albert Pike is out in a pamphlet against Gens. Holmes and Hindman. He says their operations in Arkansas have resulted in reducing our forces, in that State, from forty odd thousand to less than 17,000. It was imprudent to publish such a statement. Albert Pike is a native Yankee, but he has lived a long time in the South.

Gov. Vance is furious at the idea of conscribing magistrates, constables, etc. in North Carolina. He says it would be an annihilation of State Rights — nevertheless, being subject to militia duty by the laws of the State, they are liable under the Act of Conscription.

Well, we are getting only some 700 conscripts per month in Virginia — the largest State! At this rate, how are we to replenish the ranks as they become thinned in battle? It is to be hoped the enemy will find the same difficulty in filling up their regiments, else we have rather a gloomy prospect before us. But God can and will save us if it be His pleasure.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 292-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 12, 1863

Gen. Van Dorn, it is reported, has captured or destroyed another gun-boat in the West.

Night before last another riot was looked for in this city by the mayor, and two battalions of Gen. Elzey's troops were ordered into the city. If the President could only see the necessity of placing this city under the command of a native Southern general, he might avoid much obloquy. The Smiths, Winders, and Elzeys, who are really foreigners, since the men from their States are not liable to conscription (vide Judge Campbell's decision), are very obnoxious to the people. Virginians can never be reconciled to the presence of a mercenary Swiss guard, and will not submit to imported masters.

Notwithstanding the Enquirer urges it, and Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, persistently advocates it, Congress still refuses to confer additional powers on the President. Twice, within the last week, Congress has voted down the proposition to clothe the President with power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. Congress has likewise refused to reconsider the vote postponing the consideration of the bill to create a Court of Claims Judge S— was here, working for it; but was doomed to disappointment.

A few nights since a full Federal band came within a hundred yards of our men, the Rappahannock only separating them, and played “Dixie.” Our men cheered them lustily. Then they played “Yankee Doodle,” when the Yankees cheered. After this they played “Home, sweet Home!” and all parties cheered them. There may be something significant in this. The pickets have orders not to fire on each other, when no demonstration is in progress.

Our members of Congress get salaries of $2750. A cobbler (free negro), who mends shoes for my family, told me yesterday that he earned $10 per day, or $3000 per annum.

A pair of pantaloons now costs $40; boots, $60; and so on.

We have warm weather at last, and dry. Armies will soon be in motion.

Our government and people seem now to despair of European intervention. But the President says our armies are more numerous, and better armed and disciplined than at any period during the war. Hence the contest will be maintained indefinitely for independence. With these feelings the third year of the war opens. May God have mercy on the guilty men who determine more blood shall be shed. The South would willingly cease the sanguinary strife, if the invader would retire from our territory; but just as willingly will she fight hereafter as heretofore, so long as a foeman sets foot upon her soil. It must soon be seen with what alacrity our people will rush to the battle-field!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 290-1

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 5, 1863

Yesterday the government seized the flour in the mills and warehouses; and now the price has risen from $30 to $40 per barrel. I wrote to the Commissary, in view of the dissatisfaction of the people, and to prevent disturbances, advising him to seize the 5000 barrels in the hands of the small speculators, and to allow so many pounds per month to each inhabitant, at the rate paid by government. This would be beneficent and popular, confining the grumblers to the extortioners. But he will not do it, as the Constitution only provides for impressments for the public use.

Our dinner to-day (for seven, for the servant has an equal share) consisted of twelve eggs, $1.25; a little corn bread, some rice and potatoes. How long shall we have even this variety and amount? Bad beef in market, this morning, sold at $1.25 per pound.

After bombarding Fort McAlister on the 3d inst. and all night, the enemy's fire ceased. The fort was not much injured, says the dispatch. There is a rumor to-day that the fort has been reduced — but no one believes it.

Gen. Van Dorn has had a fight in Tennessee, killing and wounding 1000 and capturing 2600 prisoners. Our loss is said to have been heavy.

Gen. Lee writes that now, since Lincoln may call out 3,000,000 men, and has $900,000,000 voted him, we must put out all our strength, if we expect to keep the field. We shall certainly have an exciting time. But there may be use for some of the Federal troops in the North! If not, I apprehend that Richmond must withstand another siege and assault. It is said they have dropped the “Constitution and the Union” in the United States, and raised the cry of the “nation” and the “flag.” This alarms me. If they get up a new sensation, they will raise new armies.

Gold is selling at a premium of $4.25 in Confederate notes.

We bought a barrel of flour to-day (that is, my wife paid for one not yet delivered), from a dealer who was not an extortioner, for the moderate sum of $28.00. This, with what we have on hand, ought to suffice until the growing wheat matures.

For tea we had meal coffee, and corn cakes without butter. But we had a half-pint of molasses (for seven) which cost 75 cts. The gaunt specter is approaching nearer every day!

Every morning there is a large crowd of Irish and Germans besieging Gen. Winder's office for passports to go North. Is it famine they dread, or a desire to keep out of the war? Will they not be conscripted in the North? They say they can get consular protection there.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 267-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 27, 1862

The successes in the West have been confirmed. Morgan captured 2000 and Van Dorn 1500 prisoners at Holly Springs. They likewise destroyed a large amount of stores.

We have intelligence of a great armament, under Gen. Sherman, sailing from Memphis against Vicksburg. At the last accounts the President was at Vicksburg; and he may be witness of this decisive struggle for the possession of the Mississippi River, the result of which involves immense interests. We await with much anxiety the issue of the naval operations during the ensuing month. We are content with the land achievements of this year; and if we should be equally successful in resisting the enemy's fleets, we shall deem ourselves fortunate indeed.

The agents of the Commissary and Quartermaster-General make grievous complaints against Lieut.-Gen. Pemberton, at Grenada, Mississippi; they say he interferes with their arrangements to procure supplies — for cotton; and it is intimated that he has some little arrangements of his own of that nature. This illicit trade is very demoralizing in its nature.

Oh, that peace would return! But with Independence!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 225

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 25, 1862

Christmas Day.—Northern papers show that there is much distraction in the North; that both Seward and Chase, who had resigned their positions, were with difficulty persuaded to resume them. This news, coupled with the recent victory, and some reported successes in the West (Van Dorn's capture of Holly Springs), produces some effect on the spirits of the people here; and we have a merrier Christmas than the last one.

It is said the Federal Congress is about to provide for the organization of 100 regiments of negroes. This does not occasion anxiety here. The slaves, once armed, would cut their way back to their masters. The only possible way to restore the Union — if indeed it be possible — is to withdraw all the Federal troops, and maintain an effeitive blockade. There might possibly ensue dissensions among our politicians and States, detrimental to any required unity of purpose. But the Yankees, with all their smartness, cannot perceive this. They can never appal us with horrors, for we have fed upon nothing else for so long a period, that we have become accustomed to them. And they have not men enough to subjugate us and hold us in subjugation. Two millions would not suffice!

The boys are firing Chinese crackers everywhere, and no little gunpowder is consumed in commemoration of the day.

But turkeys are selling at $11 each! Shoes for $25 per pair. Salt, however, has fallen from $1.50 to 33 cents per pound. Fresh meats sell at from 35 to 50 cents per pound.

A silver (lever) watch, which had been lying in my trunk for two years, and which cost me $25, sold at auction yesterday for $75. This sufficed for fuel for a month, and a Christmas dinner. At the end of another month, my poor family must be scattered again, as this house will be occupied by its owner. I have advertised for boarding in the country, but get no response. It would require $300 per month to board my family here, and that is more than my income. What shall we do? Trust in God!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 224-5

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Friday, May 29, 1863

I took a walk before breakfast with Dr Quintard, a zealous Episcopal chaplain, who began life as a surgeon, which enables him to attend to the bodily as well as the spiritual wants of the Tennessean regiment to which he is chaplain. The enemy is about fifteen miles distant, and all the tops of the intervening hills are occupied as signal stations, which communicate his movements by flags in the daytime, and by beacons at night. A signal corps has been organised for this service. The system is most ingenious, and answers admirably. We all breakfasted at Mrs –––'s. The ladies were more excited even than yesterday in their diatribes against the Yankees. They insisted on cutting the accompanying paragraph out of to-day's newspaper, which they declared was a very fair exposition of the average treatment they received from the enemy.² They reproved Mrs ––– for having given assistance to the wounded Yankees at Wartrace last year; and a sister of Mrs –––'s, who is a very strong-minded lady, gave me a most amusing description of an interview she had had at Huntsville with the astronomer Mitchell, in his capacity of a Yankee general. It has often been remarked to me that, when this war is over, the independence of the country will be due, in a great measure, to the women; for they declare that had the women been desponding they could never have gone through with it; but, on the contrary, the women have invariably set an example to the men of patience, devotion, and determination. Naturally proud, and with an innate contempt for the Yankees, the Southern women have been rendered furious and desperate by the proceedings of Butler, Milroy, Turchin, &c. They are all prepared to undergo any hardships and misfortunes rather than submit to the rule of such people; and they use every argument which women can employ to infuse the same spirit into their male relations.

At noon I took leave for the present of General Hardee, and drove over in his ambulance to Shelbyville, eight miles, in company with Bishop Elliott and Dr Quintard. The road was abominable, and it was pouring with rain. On arriving at General Polk's, he invited me to take up my quarters with him during my stay with Bragg's army, which offer I accepted with gratitude. After dinner General Polk told me that he hoped his brethren in England did not very much condemn his present line of conduct. He explained to me the reasons which had induced him temporarily to forsake the cassock and return to his old profession. He stated the extreme reluctance he had felt in taking this step; and he said that so soon as the war was over, he should return to his episcopal avocations, in the same way as a man, finding his house on fire, would use every means in his power to extinguish the flames, and would then resume his ordinary pursuits. He commanded the Confederate forces at the battle of Perryville and Belmont, as well as his present corps d'armée at the battles of Shiloh (Corinth) and Murfreesborough. At 6.30 P.M., I called on General Bragg, the Commander-in-chief. This officer is in appearance the least prepossessing of the Confederate generals. He is very thin; he stoops, and has a sickly, cadaverous, haggard appearance, rather plain features, bushy black eyebrows which unite in a tuft on the top of his nose, and a stubby iron-grey beard; but his eyes are bright and piercing. He has the reputation of being a rigid disciplinarian, and of shooting freely for insubordination. I understand he is rather unpopular on this account, and also by reason of his occasional acerbity of manner. He was extremely civil to me, and gave me permission to visit the outposts, or any part of his army. He also promised to help me towards joining Morgan in Kentucky, and he expressed his regret that a boil on his hand would prevent him from accompanying me to the outposts. He told me that Rosecrans's position extended about forty miles, Murfreesborough (twenty-five miles distant) being his headquarters. The Confederate cavalry enclosed him in a semicircle extending over a hundred miles of country. He told me that “West Tennessee, occupied by the Federals, was devoted to the Confederate cause, whilst East Tennessee, now in possession of the Confederates, contained numbers of people of Unionist proclivities. This very place, Shelbyville, had been described to me by others as a “Union hole.” After my interview with General Bragg, I took a ride along the Murfreesborough road with Colonel Richmond, A.D.C. to General Polk. About two miles from Shelbyville, we passed some lines made to defend the position. The trench itself was a very mild affair, but the higher ground could be occupied by artillery in such a manner as to make the road impassable. The thick woods were being cut down in front of the lines for a distance of eight hundred yards, to give range. During our ride I met Major-General Cheetham, a stout, rather rough-looking man, but with the reputation of "a great fighter. It is said that he does all the necessary swearing in the 1st corps d'armée, which General Polk's clerical character incapacitates him from performing. Colonel Richmond gave me the particulars of General Van Dorn's death, which occurred about forty miles from this. His loss does not seem to be much regretted, as it appears he was always ready to neglect his military duties for an assignation. In the South it is not considered necessary to put yourself on an equality with a man in such a case as Van Dorn's by calling him out. His life belongs to the aggrieved husband, and “shooting down"”is universally esteemed the correct thing, even if it takes place after a lapse of time, as in the affair between General Van Dorn and Dr Peters.

News arrived this evening of the capture of Helena by the Confederates, and of the hanging of a negro regiment with forty Yankee officers. Every one expressed sorrow for the blacks, but applauded the destruction of their officers.²

I slept in General Polk's tent, he occupying a room in the house adjoining. Before going to bed, General Polk told me an affecting story of a poor widow in humble circumstances, whose three sons had fallen in battle one after the other, until she had only one left, a boy of sixteen. So distressing was her case that General Polk went himself to comfort her. She looked steadily at him, and replied to his condolences by the sentence, “As soon as I can get a few things together, General, you shall have Harry too.” The tears came into General Polk's eyes as he related this episode, which he ended by saying, “How can you subdue such a nation as this!”

_______________

¹ “Losses Of William F. Ricks. — The Yankees did not treat us very badly as they returned from pursuing our men beyond Leighton (at least no more than we expected); they broke down our smokehouse door and took seven hams, went into the kitchen and helped themselves to cooking utensils, tin ware, &c.; searched the house, but took nothing. As they passed up the second time we were very much annoyed by them, but not seriously injured; they took the only two mules we had, a cart, our milch cows, and more meat. It was on their return from this trip that our losses were so grievous. They drove their waggons up in our yard and loaded them with the last of our meat, all of our sugar, coffee, molasses, flour, meal, and potatoes. I went to a Lieut.-Colonel who seemed very busy giving orders, and asked him what he expected me to do; they had left me no provisions at all, and I had a large family, and my husband was away from home. His reply was short and pointed — ‘Starve, and be d----d, madam.’ They then proceeded to the carriage-house, took a fine new buggy that we had never used, the cushions and harness of our carriage, then cut the carriage up and left it. They then sent about sixty of the slyest, smoothest-fingered rogues I have ever seen in the Federal army (all the rogues I ever did see were in that army), into the house to search for whisky and money, while the officers remained in the back-yard trying to hire the servants to tell them where we had money hid. Their search proving fruitless, they loaded themselves with our clothing, bed-clothing, &c.; broke my dishes; stole my knives and forks; refused the keys and broke open my trunks, closets, and other doors. Then came the worst of all — the burners, or, as they call themselves, the ‘Destroying Angels.’ They burned our gin-house and press, with 125 bales of cotton, seven cribs containing 600 bolls of corn, our logs, stables, and six stacks of fodder, a waggon, and four negro cabins, our lumberroom, fine spinning-machine and 500 dollars' worth of thread, axes, hoes, scythe-blades, and all other plantation implements. Then they came with their torches to burn our house, the last remaining building they had left besides the negro quarter. That was too much; all my pride, and the resolutions that I had made (and until now kept up) to treat them with cool contempt, and never, let the worst come, humble myself to the thievish cutthroats, forsook me at the awful thought of my home in ruins; I must do something, and that quickly; — hardened, thieving villains, as I knew them to be, I would make one effort for the sake of my home. I looked over the crowd, as they huddled together to give orders about the burning, for one face that showed a trace of feeling, or an eye that beamed with a spark of humanity, but, finding none, I approached the nearest group, and pointing to the children (my sister's), I said, ‘You will not burn the house, will you? you drove those little ones from one home and took possession of it, and this is the only sheltering place they have.’ ‘You may thank your God, madam,’ said one of the ruffians, ‘that we have left you and your d----d brats with heads to be sheltered.’ Just then an officer galloped up — pretended to be very much astonished and terribly beset about the conduct of his men — cursed a good deal, and told a batch of falsehoods about not having given orders to burn anything but corn — made divers threats that were forgotten in utterance, and ordered his ‘Angels’ to fall into line, — thereby winding up the troubles of the darkest day I have ever seen. Mrs. Ricks.

“Losses before this last raid: six mules, five horses, one waggon (four-horse), fifty-two negroes.”

² This afterwards turned out to be untrue.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 141-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 9, 1862

Early this morning I was at the depot. The superintendent suggested that I should send some one to Weldon in search of the trunk. He proffered to pass him free. This was kind; but I desired first to look among the baggage at the depot, and the baggage-master was called in. Only two were unclaimed last night; but he said a gentleman had been there early in the morning looking for his trunk, who stated that by some mistake he had got the wrong one last night. He said he stopped at the Exchange, and I repaired thither without delay, where I found my trunk, to the mutual joy of the traveler and myself. It was sent to the cottage, and the stranger's taken to the hotel. Had it not been for my lucky discovery, we should have had no spoons, forks, etc.

My wife has obviated one of the difficulties of the blockade, by a substitute for coffee, which I like very well. It is simply corn meal, toasted like coffee, and served in the same manner. It costs five or six cents per pound — coffee, $2.50.

I heard a foolish North Carolinian abusing the administration to-day. He said, among other things, that the President himself, and his family, had Northern proclivities. That the President's family, when they fled from Richmond, in May, took refuge at St. Mary's Hall, Raleigh, the establishment of the Rev. Dr. Smedes, a Northern man of open and avowed partiality for the Union; and that the Rev. Dr. Mason of the same place, with whom they were in intimate association, was a Northern man, and an open Unionist. That the President's aid, and late Assistant Secretary of State, was an Englishman, imported from the North; Gen. Cooper, the highest in rank of any military officer, was a Northern man; Col. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance, was also a Northern man; Gen. Lovell, who was in the defeat at Corinth, and who had surrendered New Orleans, was from Pennsylvania; Gen. Smith, in command of Virginia and North Carolina, from New York; and Gen. Winder, commanding this metropolis, a Marylander, and his detectives strangers and aliens, who sold passports to Lincoln's spies for $100 each. He was furious, and swore all the distresses of the people were owing to a Nero like despotism, originating in the brain of Benjamin, the Jew, whose wife lived in Paris.

The Senate, yesterday, passed the following resolutions, almost unanimously:

1st. Resolved by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, That no officer of the Confederate Government is by law empowered to vest Provost Marshals with any authority whatever over citizens of the Confederate States not belonging to the land or naval forces thereof or with general police powers and duties for the preservation of the peace and good order of any city, town, or municipal district in any State of this Confederacy, and any such exercise of authority is illegal and void.

2d. Resolved, That no officer of the Confederate Government has constitutional or other lawful authority to limit or restrict, or in any manner to control the exercise of the jurisdiction of the civil judicial tribunals of the States of this Confederacy, vested in them by the constitutions and laws of the States respectively, and all orders of any such officer, tending to restrict or control or interfere with the full and normal exercise of the jurisdiction of such civil judicial tribunals are illegal and void.

3d. Resolved, That the military law of the Confederate States is, by the courts and the enactments of Congress, limited to the land and naval forces and the militia when in actual service, and to such other persons as are within the lines of any army, navy, corps, division or brigade of the army of the Confederate States.

Yesterday, the Dispatch contained an article, copied from the Philadelphia Inquirer, stating that a certain person who had been in prison here, arrested by order of Gen. Winder, for disloyalty, and for attempting to convey information to the enemy, had succeeded in obtaining his release; and, for a bribe of $100, a passport to leave the Confederacy had been procured from Gen. Winder's alien detectives. The passport is printed in the Philadelphia paper, and the bearer, the narrative says, has entered the United States service.

This must have been brought to the attention of the President; for a lady, seeking a passport to go to her son, sick and in prison in the North, told me that when she applied to Gen. Winder today, he said the President had ordered him to issue no more passports. And subsequently several parties, government agents and others, came to me with orders from the Secretary (which I retain on file), to issue passports for them. I hope this may be the end of Winder's reign.

A letter from Gen. Lee states that, in view of certain movements, he had, without waiting for instructions, delivered the sword, horse, etc. of Gen. Kearney, lately killed, to his wife, who had made application for them. The movements referred to we shall know more about in a few days.

Gen. Van Dorn dispatches the department that his army is safe; that he took thirteen guns and 700 prisoners. So it was not so disastrous a defeat. But the idea of charging five times his number!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 165-7

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 8, 1862

At last we have definite accounts of the battle of Corinth, on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday last. We have been defeated, and fearful has been the slaughter on both sides. The enemy had overwhelming numbers. We have no particulars, further than that our army retreated This is bad for Van Dorn and Price.

My family arrived last night, well, and pleased with the cottage, which they call Robin's Nest. But we were saddened by the loss of a trunk — the most valuable one — containing some heavy spoons, forks, and other plate, saved from the wreck at Burlington; my wife's velvet cloak, satin dress (bought in Paris), my daughter's gold watch, and many other things of value. Twelve trunks, the right number, were delivered; but one did not belong to us.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 165