The mud was stiff
enough to walk on this morning & a thin ice around the edges of the ponds
We drilled in bayonet exersize & at 4 Oc ware on Dress perade I have felt
verry feeble & after Dress perade I was quite sick & vomited severely
evening I took a dose of oil & have powders to take every 4 hours through
the night A soldier shot & killed a black man this evening cause not yet
known
SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 108
We ware on Dress perade in the mud I believe I feel a little stouter today & have some apetite There was an alarm of an attack this morning but I think none of our Reg knew it until it was announced on dress perade in the evening A Soldier shot a black man it is thought the wound will prove mortal, cause they ware taking all negro men found near to unload boats & the soldier halted the Negro he passed on he fired at him 3 times with a pistol missing then he loaded a gun & fired shooting him through the boddy
SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 108
Long before sunrise the whole division was astir, and at seven o'clock moved forward, our brigade in the center. Far as the eye could reach, both in front and rear, the road was crowded with men. A score of bands filled the air with martial strains, while the morning sun brightened the muskets, and made the flags look more cheerful and brilliant. The day was warm and pleasant. The country before us was, in a military sense, unexplored, and every ear was open to catch the sound of the first gun. The conviction that a battle was imminent kept the men steady and prevented straggling. We passed many fine houses, and extensive, well improved farms. But few white people were seen. The negroes appeared to have entire possession.
Six miles from Green river a young and very pretty girl stood in the doorway of a handsome farm-house and waved the flag of the Union. Cheer after cheer arose along the line; officers saluted, soldiers waved their hats, and the bands played "Yankee Doodle" and "Dixie." That loyal girl captured a thousand hearts, and I trust some gallant soldier who shall win honorable scars in battle may return in good time to crown her his Queen of Love and Beauty.
From this on for fifteen miles we found neither springs nor streams. The country is cavernous, and the only water is that of the ponds. In all of these we discovered dead and decaying horses, mules, and dogs. The rebels in this way had sought to deprive us of water; but while their action in this regard occasioned a vast deal of profanity among the boys, it did not in the least retard the column. We were, however, delayed somewhat by the felled trees with which they had obstructed miles of the road. At sunset we halted and pitched our tents in a large field, near what is known as Bell's Tavern, on the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. We had marched eighteen miles.
The water used in the preparation of the evening meal was that of the ponds. The thought of the rotting dogs, horses, and mules, could not be banished, and when the Major sipped his coffee in a doubtful way and remarked that it tasted soupy, my stomach quivered on the turning point, and, hungry as I was, the supper gave me no further enjoyment.
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, pp. 105-6
Spent the forenoon at the river assisting somewhat in getting our transportation over. It is a rainy day, and I got wet to the skin and thoroughly chilled. After dinner I went to bed while William, my servant, put a few necessary stitches in my apparel, and dried my underclothing and boots. I am badly off for clothing; my coat is out at the elbows, and my pantaloons are in a revolutionary condition, the seat having seceded.
The Cincinnati Gazette of the 14th instant reports that I have been promoted. Thanks.
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 108
Crossed the Cumberland and moved through Nashville; the regiment behaved handsomely, and was followed by a great crowd of colored people, who appeared to be delighted with the music. General Mitchell complimented us on our good behavior and appearance.
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 111
I will here relate a
little incident that occurred while we were picketing at Marietta. Captain
McKnight was informed (August 4th) that a man who had belonged to the
Confederate army, but had deserted and visited the Federals, was at home fixing
to move his family inside the Federal lines. This man lived about ten miles north.
Determined to make an effort to capture him, Captain McKnight, I and a few
others left our schoolhouse a little after dark, and awhile before day we
surrounded his house. We called at the door, as though we were some of his
neighbors. His wife answered. We told her that we wanted to see her husband,
calling him by name, as though we were well acquainted with him. She said he
was not at home, but had gone to his father's. On being asked to open the door,
she said she would as soon as she could get a light. We believed he was at
home, because she was so much excited and so long getting a light. After so
long a time she opened the door, and Captain McKnight searched the house while
I guarded the door. We noticed three ladies lying on one bed, but did not find
our man. searched other houses, and finally went to his father's, but still
failed to find him. Our trip, however, was not altogether in vain, for one Mr.
Malone gave us a splendid breakfast, his daughters made some sweet music for us,
besides we had as many melons and peaches as we could eat. Who but a soldier,
though, could appreciate such a treat as that! While at Mr. Malone's we
learned, to our surprise and chagrin, that the object of our search was, at the
time we were searching his house, between the straw and feather beds under
those three ladies. After taking a real hearty laugh over the
affair, we mounted and returned to our picket base.
While McKnight's
Company was picketing at Marietta our camps were moved from Fulton to within
two miles of Guntown. The latter place is on the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, some
thirteen miles south-west from Marietta. The Federals were kind enough not to
visit Marietta while we were there, though they came within about five miles, taking
cotton, negroes, horses, etc.
I will here relate
another little incident, which, I am sure, some of McKnight's Company will
remember. A good lady who lived near Marietta had any amount of fine peaches,
but neither she nor we had any flour. So we told her to use corn meal in
making the crust, as we were bent on having a "peach cobbler." Novel
as the idea was, she made the "cobbler." And right heartily did we
eat of it. Well, it was a great deal better than no pie. We remained at
Marietta until [August 14, 1862.]
SOURCE: Richard R.
Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee
Confederate Cavalry, p. 204-5
Cleaning house day
in the hospital. I have been helping so one of the nurses can get off for a
walk outside. We found a burying ground where I counted fifty from the 12th
Connecticut Volunteers. Nearly all died in August and September last. So we
have not had all the sickness and death. I will try and not complain as much as
I have. There were only eight from our regiment besides two we have sent home.
From there we followed the parapet to the Jackson & Mississippi R. R.,
which runs not far back from camp. Saw a regiment of negro soldiers, who seemed
to feel fine, were having all sorts of games and were in first-rate spirits.
Their camp was clean and at the head of each company street were flower beds.
Just outside they had planted a garden and onions and other things were
growing. The commissioned officers were white. Everything else was black.
But for get-up and style they beat any white regiment I have yet seen. It made
me ashamed to go home. When I get out of the hospital I mean to try and get the
boys to be more like them.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, pp. 95-6
One of Company A's
men died to-day. His name was Burch. A boat-load of negroes landed here to-day
and were taken down towards the city, what for I did not learn. Many of the men
in camp are having diarrhea, and some have to go to the hospital, where the
diet can be regulated. Some corn and contraband goods were seized to-day a
short distance up the river. A man has been suspected for a long time and
to-day was seized upon with all his goods. We are expecting letters every day
now. We watch the papers for the mail steamers, and if we get no letters are
much disappointed.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, pp. 96-7
A little excitement
to-day. An attempt was made to spike some guns near the negro troops
headquarters. A few shots were fired but no one hit, hurt or captured. A letter
from my sister, Mrs. Rowley. All well at home. For a change I have a
troublesome boil on my leg. The weather is beautiful. Everything is growing—I
never saw leaves and flowers come so fast.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 97
I had a letter last
evening from Secretary McCulloch, inclosing copy of one addressed to the
President, requesting that Commodore S. P. Lee might be put on the Lighthouse
Board in place of Admiral Davis, who had consented to retire. The intrigue and
the impudence of the thing annoyed me excessively. McCulloch is guiltless of
intentional wrong, but is, unaware, the instrument of Lee, who has moved his
father-in-law, Blair, in the matter. I wrote a strong remonstrance to the
President and also to McCulloch against this mischievous and demoralizing
scheme. The President and McCulloch both spoke to me on the subject to-day,
neither having received my letter. The President wished me to dispose of Lee as
I pleased. Said he was a great annoyance to him. McCulloch said he cared
nothing about Lee, but was willing to oblige Mr. Blair.
Stanton read
telegrams in Cabinet from General Sheridan concerning New Orleans disturbances.
Stanton manifested marked sympathy with the rioters, and the President and
others observed it. There is little doubt that the New Orleans riots had their
origin with the Radical Members of Congress in Washington. It is part of a
deliberate conspiracy and was to be the commencement of a series of bloody
affrays through the States lately in rebellion. Boutwell and others have stated
sufficient to show their participation in this matter. There is a determination
to involve the country in civil war, if necessary, to secure negro suffrage in
the States and Radical ascendancy in the General Government. Stanton, in great
excitement, repeatedly spoke of the Attorney-General of Louisiana and the Mayor
of New Orleans as pardoned Rebels who had instigated the murder of the people
in the streets of the city, [said] that they were guilty of this terrible
bloodshedding.
Sheridan's dispatches
are somewhat conflicting. Although a brave and excellent officer, Sheridan
lacks judgment and administrative ability. He is impulsive, but his intentions
are honest and his first telegram was an honest impulse. It struck me that he
was tutored as regards the others, either from Washington or by some one at New
Orleans duly advised.
Stanton is evidently
in deep sympathy and concert with the Radicals in this matter, though he
studied to conceal it. In striving to influence the President and prejudice him
against the authorities of New Orleans, he betrayed his feelings.
There has been a
story circulating in the newspapers that a naval vessel had captured a
slave-trader with a cargo of negroes on board, which were being transported
from the South to Cuba. It was a manufactured rumor which came
from the Radical Freedmen's Bureau agents or tools. Seward alluded to some
information from Cuba to the effect that they wanted none of our negroes on the
island, and in conversation growing out of his allusion, I mentioned the
fabrication of a rumor of a captured slaver. I saw at once that Stanton was
disturbed. I mentioned that I two or three months since instituted inquiries on
information communicated by the War Department, which I found to be totally
groundless. Stanton rose at once on his feet and said the information came from
General Foster. I answered, yes; it was a rumor of negroes kidnapped at Indian
River, but our inquiries had satisfied us that the rumors were without
foundation.
Stanton is, in
matters of this description, a Radical sensationalist, ready to believe
anything bad of those to whom he is opposed; and is himself complicated with,
if not a prime mover in, the New Orleans difficulties and these mischievous
rumors.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 569-71
To day I paid Dr. [ ] Billingslea $5. for his medical attendance upon Lear (my mother's freed woman). He presented a bill stating Lear as my servant. I refused to pay the bill as a debt due by me, or to make myself, in any way liable for such claims, as there are now near 40 free negro[e]s emancipated by my mother and sister, but handed him $5. in acknowledgment of his kindness to Lear.
The National Intelligencer of July 12, contains various articles worth memory [.]
1. Botts'22 letter about the liability of naturalized citizens to compulsory military service — in condemnation of Sec.[retar]y. Cass' doctrine [.]
2 The "Mexican Question"23 by Geo[rge] L. Stevens[.]
3. "MOBILRZATION"24 — as applied to the Prussian Army. Explanation of the term — taken from a French Military Journal[.] <The term I think is also used in France, and, in its generic sense, means only — the common meaning of the word — the putting of troops in condition to move or march — E. B.> "In Prussia, says the Journal, the obligation of military service is incumbent on all." . . .
"The military system of Prussia rests upon an organization which divides the forces of that monarchy into two distinct armies: the one the army of the line, or regular troops: the other the army of the reserve, or the militia, who are called the landwehr, and which consists of the same men who, having passed through the army of the line, are subject to landwehr duty, from their 26th. [25th.] to their 32d. year[.]
Besides the landwehr, which is divided into [a] first and [a] second levy, there is also the Landsturm or general levy, which comprises men between the ages of 40 and 50 years."
4th. A curious snake story, which seems well: avouched — A man was bitten by a rattlesnake, spots appeared on him like the spots on the snake, and when he died (which was in a few hours) there was found on his person, an exact likeness of the snake — true as a degeurrotipe [daguerreotype] — extending from the wound, on the hand, up to the shoulder, and down the body, to the groin.25
[Marginal] Note. Nov 20. 1859. A case fully as remarkable [sic][.]
22 John M. Botts of Virginia: Whig congressman, 1839-1843, 1847-1849; defeated Know-Nothing candidate for Congress in 1854; opponent of the "gag law" of 1836, of the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War, and of secession. On Virginia's withdrawal from the Union, he withdrew from public life, was imprisoned by the Confederacy but finally paroled, and later became a leading Conservative supporter of Johnsonian restoration policies.
23 This appeared in the issue of July 11, not in that of July 12.
24 This, too, appeared in the issue of July 11. And Mr. Bates has not quoted from it accurately.
25 This, too, appeared in the issue of July 11, rather than that of July 12.
SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 30-2
Rained last night & thought myself quite fortunate in having procured enough pieces of Reb tents to make a tent large enough to hold Temp & I, we having no tents they being with the teams none of which were brought over I went out after breakfast although the rain was still falling to see fort Sdney Jonston. just finished, a work that 100 men could have held against 1,000 with ease the more I see of the works the more I am glad we did not have to charge them for it would have been attended with great slaughtr. I wished to visit the city but no one was permitted to go. I visited the cemetery where I saw the graves of about 60 men killed in Spanish fort. Some splendid marble mouments, the grond is all laid out in small lots these fenced & the whole enclosure a beautiful flower garden, the graves ornamented with some of the most beautiful shells I ever saw, I returned to camp at 11. at which time unexpectedly to all the Genl was blown the whole Div moved out. The men had without leave gone to the city so that I had but 14 men when we fell in, did not know where we were to go marched through town in platoons, colors flying music playing many remarks made by the by standers about our no's Streets full of negros & creoles. saw thousands of bales of cotton marched through Royal St. the whits did not show themselves much, two Brigs of the Div take the wagon road, an Brig take the R. R. track march out to the 6 mile staton, 2½ mile Citizen rides up says off to the left is a squad of Reb. cav. Col Krez goes to rear, to see about, thinks there are bout 25 same cit says we will find more at the station at Whistler where the R. R. shops are. When we approach, the other Brigs are arriving. See them unslingin knap sacks & double quicken to the front. Our Brig ordered to do the same.
Some sharp skirmishes in front. & can see the bridge at 8 mile creek burning. they were destroying the work shops when our men come up. The Reb run & co G. & B. of 33d & a co of 28th Wis were sent back immediately to a bridge across Black Creek just 2 mile from town to guard it. we marched back reaching it about 5 P. M. on the march back met most of my runaway boys coming up. Several negros come in from the Rebs & report their force at 700 cav & 4 pieces of Artilery. All quiet in the front Rumors. That Lee has surrendered his army to Grant & with it the Southern confederacy. A salute of 100 guns was fired in Mobile Bay at 9. A. M. in honor of the fall of the city.
SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, pp. 590-1
Spend a pleasant day, have a skiff ride, boys fishing a great deal. plenty of eels in the creek, the train gone in with 3 wounded of the 91st Ill. our whole loss of yesterday, the Rebs lost by accounts of negros who have come in since 10 killed besides the wounded, boys go out to the houses close by & get milk butter & eggs. forage good fat beef & plenty of meal at an old Reb commissary. at 5. P. M. cos B. & G. are relieved & ordered to report to the Regt. 4 miles distant, get our supper over & start at 5.30 making mile heats, it would have been all right had we not tried to take a short cut across to save a few steps. got lost & marched about in the brush & sloughs for a mile before we found the regt. by which time it was 9 o clock. found Capt with a tent up. Many flying rumors in camp. that Grant captured 37000 of Lees army then Lee surrendered 40,000 more, That Thomas has captured Forest & his men. & Thomas men skalped Forest (?) — that Steele captured a train & 5 locomotives which attempted to run out last night. Capt Gibson (Ex Major 33 Iowa) in C. S. Post of Mobile.
SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 591
Soon as breakfast is over sit down to write a letter, not finished before I was detailed to take charge of 40 men & report to Div Head Quarters, was about 9. A. M. when I reported, the detail was to go on the train to Mobile for the purpose of loading & unloading 200 sacks of corn, while we waited for the train saw a squad of 10 negro soldiers with arms come in who had deserted the Rebs & report none closer than 20 miles, they say the Rebs declare they will bush whack us. & also report that Genl Lee had issued an order that all Rebs found in arms after the 1st of April (I think they meant May) should be considered as outlaws. The train started at 9.15, & run down in 20 minutes, left the detail at the depot & went with Capt Jordan A. A. Q. M. to the wharf to see about the corn. was in the Provost Martials office & the citizens of Mobile was doing a big job of swearing swallowing the oath at a gulp. The streets are full of Yankee officers. with their starch on. It was 1. P. M. before the corn was brought to the cars, after which we waited for Cols. Patterson & Grier to come before the train starts, while we wait the coquette a reb. steamer comes down the Mobile river loaded with cotton, she had tried to get off with it but the Yanks got on the river ahead of her & she returned with her cargo. about 4. P. M. our teams just over from the Eastern shore start out to camp. train starts at 4. unload the corn & get to camp just in time as it rains soon after. I have just time to distribute the mail, of which there was but little before the rain fell in perfect floods, rained hard for about an hour, a Regt of Cavalry camp out beyond us tonight & the artilery belonging to the Div moves out, rumors of Lees defeat & surrender grow more in favor. Reported that a fed. force had taken Meridian & that Galveston Texas had surrendered & Texas had sent commissioners to Washington asking to come back into the Union & the privalege of free trade as the residents were starving.
SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, pp. 591-2
Quiet all night, a little shower about Midnight. As I was not notified that we would march today lay in bed until late. Our Nigger Charlie brought breakfast for me which I greatly relished. It is talked that this is about the only place on the river the Jonnies could bring guns to bear on transports & is to be fortified & held by a garrison a gunboat lies in the river here & I hear that 5 more are 5 miles above. I am relieved & return to camp at 11. a m after dinner Lt Loughridge & I walk to the river about ¼ mile from camp. The bank a very steep bluff 50 ft high, on the bank a good & large frame house splendidly furnished & the folks at home. I hear the man is a parolled prisoner from Lees army. I understand that there are two cuts off one about 3 miles & the other about 10 or 15 miles above here & that it is the object to go above these & plant guns large enough to keep the Reb fleet which is above from coming down. Patrolls arrest quite a no of men for foraging and more fore nothing, march them to Div Hd Quarters, all punished alike riding a wooden horse, a beautiful day but Evening somewhat cool, a negro dance in the battery near by. Amusing.
SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 594
By 6. a. m. all ready march to the river descend at a steep bluff. was possible to get down but impossible to get up if up was the word, were conveyed from the shore to the boat on a coal flat at 2 loads, & at 7.15, the boat started. the weather was fine & had a pleasant ride no accidents, the boat laid in too close in making one short turn & was some 10 minutes getting her clear. All the country until we reach Mc Intoshs Bluffs is over flowed we disembark at Mc Intoshs Bluffs at 11 a. m. Bluffs here are not more than 12 ft high, there are 4 dwellings, 3 families living here one story & a half dwelling house through which one of the gunboats fired a shell just a week ago at a Mr Vaugn who shot at a skiff load of negroes coming down to the Boat. is vacant the family having left soon after the gunboat left which stayed but a short time, a black smith shop with 6 forces [sic] & cranes built for heavy work, a large carpenter shop & piles of timber which were to have been a Gunboat had not the yankees come too quick a good saw & grist mill at work, the hull of an unfinished ram built 20 miles above & float here & burned lay at the landing. Several small flats of negros & some whites come down the river, all report the Reb fleet of 2 gunboats & 27 transports at Damopolus, found chickens & pigs plenty, no fat cattle. at 4, P. M. just as a transport was landing we were about to build breastworks, but being reinforced thus did not. & I took a cart & five men to the contry for some bacon. Capt Rankin took two others out to old Parson Rushs (an old nigger driver) for Sweet potatoes. I got back just at dusk. fond the Regt together & camping about ½ mile from the river. The whole Brigade had arrived on Transports. The Regt teams not coming we took the cars & were to 10. P. M. getting all our baggage up to the Regt. Quite a no of citizens come in amongst whom was the wife of Capt Jonston who surrendered the Tennesee. Capt Taylor & river Pilots, Mrs Bates & others. Any no of darkies, the balance of the Division is said to becoming by land.
SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 595
A. M. to commissary for stores. The fort is laid out today, & details made to work on it. At noon was detailed for picket to report immediately. The Off of Day did not know where the line of our Brigade was, took us out on the wrong road making a walk extra of about 3 miles, was 4 P. M. when we arrived on our own line, found there the detail of 33 had been sent away to a bayou 1½ miles below the bluffs. Which post was to be relieved, having no place on the line for me The Off of Day ordered me to march my detail to camp. Short picketing that soon after return to camp supper ready. After supper Lt Laughridge & myself go to the river for a bath. talk with a squad of a Sergt of 4 men bearers of dispatch from Mobile & just arrived say a flag of truce from Taylor had been at Whistler for 5 days & rumor said Taylor wished to surrender. Told us of a Reb gunboat running out of Red River past New Orleans & being too closely chased beeched & blew up, saw a little nig. who gathered a mess of ripe haws to make us a pie, we to give him his supper of which he had had none, when we return to camp Lt Sharman says "the dispatch is just reed from Genl Canby announcing the surrender of Genl Taylor & all his forces. & that our men should respect him & his officers enroute to Mobile" as this order is published cheer after cheer rends the air, Lt Stocker 29th Iowa stays with us tonight, he come up from the Arsenal with an escort of 10 men & says that his segt captured 2 men of the squad who captured the teamsters near Fish river & that all the teamsters were sent to Vicksburgh for exchange. The Lt says there is no doubt this is a correct statement, Fleas Fleas. Fleas
SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 596
The best news for us since the war began has come within a day or two; and it is confirmed. Beaufort, S. C., is taken by a federal fleet, and the secessionists are in real consternation. All agree that this is a decisive blow, and if we can maintain our position, the war will end speedily. But after that, there will be the same question to settle "Are we one country or not?" We shall not be any more agreed than we were before, until slavery is abolished. The idea that the negroes are attached to the "institution" is well shown up now, when two hundred slaves, the property of one man in the very heart of slavedom, hasten at once to board our war steamers for protection; and when their masters vainly try to whip them before them in their retreat. If now our government undertakes to cultivate cotton by free labor of colored men, it will be a grand step towards the general liberation. And if thus the South can be made to honor labor, we may by and by be reunited in spirit; for that is the element of separation. We are carried onward in a way we little know, and it is impossible not to rejoice when we feel ourselves borne by a mighty and loving Power towards a glorious goal.
SOURCE: Daniel Dulany Addison, Lucy Larcom: Life, Letters, and Diary, pp. 111-2
This P. M., Miss O. and myself accompanied Rev. E. P. Smith to listen to his "colored preaching," as he termed it, in the same church in which is the school for the colored children. It was a rare treat and the first colored audience I ever saw.
Do not imagine a squalid, ragged, filthy audience; but one where silks, ribbons, velvet, broadcloth, spotless linen and beavers predominated, with a sprinkling of beautifully carved or silver, and gold-headed canes, with about the usual proportion of fops to the canes that one may find in an audience of equal size, of our own color. Some of these persons are free and own property. But one would scarcely covet some of the ladies their silks and velvets, when she learns that it is purchased with the avails of extra labor at night after the day's work "for de missus is done."
But so it is. And although the church was built some years ago with their money, yet it was held in trust by white people because "negroes cannot own property."
I have been repeatedly told that I would turn pro-slavery when I came south and saw how things really were. I do not feel any of the first symptoms as yet, but quite the contrary. Instead, I'm getting to believe that the day when the Emancipation Document was sent forth, was that of which it is said "a nation shall be born in a day," and I'm learning to think that this gospel, which is
"Writ in burnished rows of steel,"
and read by
"The watch-fires of an hundred circling camps,"
is the "word" which "makes men free," and will forever strike the manacles from the oppressed bondsman.
One indignant white man, during the first prayer which was made by a negro preacher, and in which he asked for blessing upon the Union arms and freedom for slaves, left his seat and walked the whole length of the church, with heavy tread and with his hat on his head, while a voice called out,"Take your hat off!"
During the closing prayer the negro very properly prayed, "Oh Lord, wilt dou give de people good manners and teach 'em right behaviour wen dey come into de house ob de Lord!"
The sermon was the Bible-story of the death of James and the release of Peter from prison. It was told in a simple, earnest, impressive manner, to a deeply attentive, impressible audience. When he drew the picture of the angel entering the prison, and taking Peter away as easily as though "his chains were made of wax and a lighted candle was held beneath them, while the four quarternians—sixteen—soldiers were powerless to act," one old man laughed outright, a joyous, grateful laugh, others made their peculiar grunting noise which no combination of sounds will give exactly, while others shook hands and cried "Glory to God." During the singing some women had the "power” so that they passed round, embraced and shook hands.
Some joined the church, and the negro preacher told them he "hoped that wouldn't be the last of it, and that they'd be faithful and come to church;" but that some joined whom he "never could get a chance to set eyes on again, so that when they died he never could tell WHICH PLACE THEY'D GONE TO!"
I have forgotten to note in its proper place, that upon entering the church Miss O. and myself took seats in the only unoccupied pew in the body of the church. But Rev. Mr. S. beckoned us forward to a side seat by the pulpit. We took our seats there, but soon a neat, elderly negress came forward and said with a coaxing smile and voice, "Young ladies go up in de altar an' set-you doesn't want to set down here wid dese yere colored folks." We preferred remaining, and she urged the matter in vain. Soon an elderly mulatto man, probably a prominent member in the church, whose portly form was assisted in its waddles by a gold-headed cane, came forward and made the same request. But not being accustomed to the highest seat in the synagogue on account of our possessing a lighter color, we declined doing so until all the seats were filled and some must stand, when we did go; but upon others coming in they also were induced to take a seat in the altar.
During the sermon Mr. S. related an interesting personal experience. He said that a year ago last July he was in front of Vicksburg, in that dreadful fever region-the Yazoo bluffs. He felt the fever coming upon him-he knew something of its workings-he was two thousand miles from anybody he knew. He said he "had been talking to the boys, to the sick ones in the hospital, telling them that it didn't matter where they died if they only had Jesus with them, and he found that on his back, and on his blanket, had come the time to take some of his own medicine." He said he "tried to do so, but found it rather hard to take. He tried to think that it was just as well to be sick there and to die and be buried on the Yazoo bluffs, and never see his family again; but somehow he couldn't get in that frame of mind, but kept thinking he would much rather be at home. One morning, after he had burned and tossed with fever all night, Aunt Nancy came and drew back the folds of the tent and said: "Massa, how are you this morning-have you found the bright side?'
"Well no, Aunt Nancy, I haven't found any bright side.” "Well, Massa, I'se sorry you can't, for Aunt Nancy never get in such trouble but she can find the bright side.”
"Well, Nancy,” I said, “I guess you've never had any very great trouble—guess you don't know what it is.”
"Well,” said she with a sigh, “may be I don't know what trouble is, but my old man was sold away from me down in old Virginny and I never see him any more, and then my son, the staff of my old age, was sold way down in de rice fields, an' I never see him any more. No-maybe I don't know what trouble is, but after that my last little boy an' girl was sold away from me, an' I never see them any more-an' now I'm getting so old I'll never go back to ole Virginny any more!”
"Well, Aunt Nancy, that is trouble; but tell me how you managed to find the bright side.'
"Well, Massa,” she said, “when I see the storm coming, and the clouds are thick and get black and blacker, then I just go 'round the other side of the cloud where Jesus is!'
"Then I turned over in my bed, with my face to the back of the tent, and said:
"Come now fever, death and burial upon the Yazoo bluffs, if God wills, I am ready!"
SOURCE: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, pp. 66-9
Spring has long delayed her coming here as well as northward. I could not be comfortable this P. M. in my room without a fire. Still, despite the cold, I have seen the blossom of a species of magnolia, which is very beautiful. It is in shape and size something like the African lily, and grew upon a tree the size of the common apple. It is of a peachblow hue upon the outside and white within, and with the mingled fragrance of the roses and lemon.
Aunt Nanny, the former housekeeper of the rebel banker who owned this residence, has just been giving me a highly interesting account of the scenes here when it became known that our forces were coming towards Nashville. It was on Sunday morning the news reached the white citizens, when they were on their way to church. And the streets were soon filled with half-crazed people flying here and there, women and children and even men running out of breath, and screaming, "The Yankees are coming," while the less excited ones were securing every possible conveyance to use for flight.
"We colored folks," said Aunt Nanny, "knew it in the night, and all de mornin' while de white ones was so quiet a putin' on dere finery for church, we knew it wouldn't last long. An' we was all so full wid de great joy, dat we'se a sayin' in our hearts all de time "Bless de Lord," "Thank de good God," for de "day of jubilee has come!"
"But we was mighty hush, an' put on just as long faces as we could, an' was might' 'sprized when they told us of it. An' missus she come runnin' back from the street wid' her bonnet on her neck, an' the strings a flyin', an' she come to the kitchen and put up both arms, an' she said:
"Oh, Aunt Nanny, we'll all be killed! The Yankees are coming! They'll hang or cut the throat of every niggar that's left here!'
"An' after that she tried to have me go south with her, but I told her I'd risk the Yankees a killin' us, an' I wouldn't go."
Aunt Nanny is respected by all who know her. She is neat, industrious, well-informed, although she cannot read, respectful, polite, affectionate, virtuous, and a Christian. Her husband is here, and she has one little daughter who is in my division at school.
She tells me also that only last Sunday she saw the body of a dead negro boy of about nine years who died from blows received from his mistress. The cause was her anger that his mother had run away in search of freedom. But the mother heard of the illness of her child and returned in time to hear him say that "the whipping his mistress had given him had killed him," and to find upon his back the terrible gashes from the whip, and bruises from blows.
I wish I had known of this before the child was buried. Having the name of speaking my mind, it might be as well to do so, occasionally.
Have just listened to a little incident which occurred some months since. While Grant had charge of this department, General Rousseau in his absence, issued an order to the effect that slaveholders, who had taken the oath of allegiance, might dispose of their slaves. One man from the country, accordingly drove in several slave women tied hand to hand. But Grant had suddenly returned and countermanded the permit, and he could not dispose of them. He got into his carriage and ordered his negro women to march home. They refused to obey. This was unprecedented insolence. He caught his horse-whip and was about laying it over their shoulders when the "blue coats" appeared as suddenly and as thick around him as if like fairies they had popped out of the ground.
"No whipping here! No whipping here!" they exclaimed, and the result was, he was forced to return alone, and they were slaves no longer.
SOURCE: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, pp. 70-2
