Showing posts with label Negro/Negroes. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Negro/Negroes. Show all posts

Thursday, November 13, 2025

Diary of Private John C. West, Thursday, May 25, 1863

While we are encamped life is so monotonous that I do not usually regard it as necessary to keep a diary, but occasionally we have a little variety and spice which is exciting and pleasant. Yesterday we received notice early in the morning to prepare to march five miles to attend a review of our division which was to take place about a mile beyond General Hood's headquarters. We left our camp about 8 o'clock a. m. and reached the muster ground about 10 o'clock. We found the artillery posted on the extreme right about three-quarters of a mile from our regiment.

The brigades, Anderson's, Laws', Robertson's and Benning's, were drawn up in line of battle, being over a mile long; our regiment a little to the left of the center. As we were properly formed General Hood and staff galloped down the entire length of the line in front and back again in the rear, after which he took his position about 300 yards in front of the center. The whole division was then formed into companies, preceded by the artillery of about twenty pieces; passed in review before the General, occupying about an hour and a march of over two miles and a half for each company before reaching its original position. The spectacle was quite imposing and grand, and I wish Mary and the children could see such a sight. After passing in review we rested awhile and were then again placed in line of battle, and the artillery divided into two batteries, came out on opposite hills in front of us, where they practiced half an hour or more with blank cartridges. This was the most exciting scene of the day except the one which immediately followed, viz: We were ordered to fix bayonets and the whole line to charge with a yell, and sure enough I heard and joined in the regular Texas war whoop. This was the closing scene of the day, after which we marched back to camp. There was an immense crowd of citizens out on the occasion as spectators, reminding me very much of an old time South Carolina review.

On our return to camp Companies E and F were ordered on picket guard about a mile and a half from camp. We packed up everything and were soon off and are now encamped on the bank of the Rapidan at Raccoon Ford. Last night was quite cool but I slept comfortably after the tramp of yesterday.

To-day Companies E and F are variously employed. There is one squad fishing, another has made a drag of brush and are attempting to catch fish by the wholesale. Two or three other squads are intensely interested in games of poker; some are engaged on the edge of the water washing divers soiled garments as well as their equally soiled skins. I belonged to this latter class for a while, and have spent the remainder of the morning watching the varying success or failure of the fishermen and poker-players, and in reading a few chapters and Psalms in the Old Testament and the history of the crucifixion in the New. I forgot to say that on yesterday I met on the parade ground Captain Wade and Major Cunningham, of San Antonio, and also John Darby and Captain Barker. Darby is the chief surgeon of Hood's Division. I went up to a house to-day about half a mile from our picket camp and found a negro woman with some corn bread and butter milk. A friend who was with me gave her a dollar for her dinner, which we enjoyed very much. The woman was a kind-hearted creature and looked at me very sympathetically, remarking that I did not look like I was used to hard work, and that I was a very nice looking man to be a soldier, etc., etc.

Here are the chapters I have read to-day: Deut., 23:14; II Chron., 32:8; Jeremiah, 49:2; Revelation, 21:14.

SOURCE: John Camden West, A Texan in Search of a Fight: Being the Diary and Letters of a Private Soldier in Hood’s Texas Brigade, pp. 54-6

Wednesday, October 15, 2025

Diary of Musician David Lane, August 7, 1863

It was with a bounding heart, brimful of gratitude to God, that I stepped on board the Dakota and bade farewell to Haines Bluff on the second day of August. We have three hundred sick and wounded on this boat and are short of help. Quite a number who started as nurses are sick. Four men died the first night. We ran the boat ashore, dug a grave large enough for all, and laid them in it, side by side. Our Chaplain read the burial service, and we hastened on board to repeat the ceremony, the next morning, for some one else. It seems hard—even cruel—but it is the most solemn burial service I ever witnessed. Nine have died since we started, and one threw himself overboard in the frenzy of delirium and was drowned. We kill a beef every evening. Two nights in succession the best part of a hindquarter has been stolen. The boat hands were questioned, and a huge Irishman acknowledged the theft. He was court martialed and sentenced to be "banked." The boat was stopped opposite a wilderness. No human habitation was in sight. He was forced to pack his bundle, take to the woods and run his chance with hunger and the Rebels.

As we were running leisurely along, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon of yesterday, my curiosity was aroused by our boat running suddenly against the shore and sticking there. All hands were called, and, with the aid of soldiers, she was soon shoved off, and on we went again. A Sergeant asked the Mate why we landed there. His reply was, "Something wrong in the wheel house." One of our boys asked a darkey the same question. "Well, boss, I 'specs dey see a rabbit ober dere, an' t'ink dey kotch 'im." Soon after, as two comrades and myself were sitting in the bow enjoying the cool breeze, my attention was attracted by the glassy stillness of the water in front of us. Pointing to the right, I said, "Yonder is the safe place to sail." The words had scarcely left my mouth when we felt a sudden shock, the bow of the boat was lifted about two feet, a full head of steam was turned on, which carried us over the obstruction. We had "struck a snag." Soon after, we anchored for the night, as the pilot was "too sick" to run the boat.

The sick from our regiment are doing well. I never saw wounded men do so nicely. Of five who came as nurses, four are on the sick list. As for myself, I have not been so well in years.

SOURCE: David Lane, A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 74-5

Wednesday, October 8, 2025

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 8, 1863

Then Lieut. Newell told us to "go," and we went, as well as we could, for quarters. Arriving at the granary, and having left our chickens at a negro shanty to be cooked, we turned in, all booted and muddy, and slept through everything till nearly noon. When we started up for breakfast it was a comical sight. Nearly all had turned in their wet clothes, and of course were about as wet when they got up, and very stiff. We found our chickens and ate them. While eating, the 27th guard called us, saying the regiment was under orders and we were to leave immediately. The way those chickens disappeared made those darkies laugh. We went back happy, as we knew when once on board the steamer we could sleep for a while and get rested; for after being on an all-night march of twenty-five miles at least, we were tired out, and felt we would be safer from another trip, for a day or two, than if on shore. We were all on board by half-past four o'clock, and soon after dropped down stream, leaving Plymouth and the 27th in all their glory. The boys who had bunks coming up are forbidden that pleasure now, so a dozen of us congregated together on the deck, outside the cabin, with shelter tents tacked up as roofs ; and we think we are having a better time than those inside, and no "sour grapes" in the mess either.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 38

Thursday, October 2, 2025

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, July 12, 1864

DREADFUL DAYS DRAG ON—NIGGER IN THE EXCHANGE FENCE.

A man shot through the body and killed while dipping water from the stream several feet inside the dead line. Two sentries fired.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 90-1

Sunday, September 21, 2025

Diary of Major Joseph Stockton, April 17, 1863

Today two brigades of our division were reviewed by Adjutant General Thomas of the United States Army. Afterwards we were closed in "mass by divisions" and the general made a speech to us on the "contraband" question. They expect to raise negro regiments and expect to raise 20,000 in the West, who are to be officered by white men. He said he had the power to issue commissions to those who were desirous of becoming officers, but the rush had been so great that the applications had to be limited to sixty from each regiment; more than that number have applied, or will apply, from our regiment. General Sanborn, our brigade commander, told General Thomas as they rode by that our regiment was the best drilled of the new troops he had seen.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 12

Saturday, September 13, 2025

Diary of George Templeton Strong, Friday, March 2, 1860

Stopped at Barnum’s on my way downtown to see the much advertised nondescript, the "What-is-it.”1 Some say it’s an advanced chimpanzee, others that it’s a cross between nigger and baboon. But it seems to me clearly an idiotic negro dwarf, raised, perhaps, in Alabama or Virginia. The showman’s story of its capture (with three other specimens that died) by a party in pursuit of the gorilla on the western coast of Africa is probably bosh. The creature’s look and action when playing with his keeper are those of a nigger boy. But his anatomical details are fearfully simian, and he’s a great fact for Darwin.
_______________

1 This “What-is-it.”—shortly to be viewed by the Prince of Wales—became the most famous circus freak in America. Often called "the missing link," he was really a Negro of distorted frame and cone-shaped head named William H. Johnson, who survived until 1926.

SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, p. 12

Thursday, August 28, 2025

Last Will and Testament of Peter Jefferson, October 13, 1757

In the Name of God Amen I Peter Jefferson of the County of Abemarle being of perfect and sound memory (for which I bless God) Do make and Publish this my Last Will and Testament revoking & annulling all former or other Wills by me heretofore made in manner & form following that is to say Imprima I Give and devise to my Dear & Well beloved Wife Jane Jefferson for and During her Natural Life or Widdowhood the use and profits of the House & plantation wherein I now live comprehending four hundred acres of Land being the same I purchased from the Late William Randolph of Tuckahoe Esqr the Water mill only Excepted Item I Give and bequeath unto my Dear Wife the sixth part of my Slaves During her Natural Life which slaves I hereby impower her by a Deed Executed in her Lifetime or by her Last Will and Testament to dispose of amongst & to such & so many of my Children as she shall think fit but if she shall fail or omitt to make such Disposition then my Will is that such as shall be undisposed of by her be Equally Divided between my two sons Thomas & Randolph in the same manner as I have Directed my other slaves to be Divided Item my Will is that my Wife shall have & Enjoy all my Hous hold stuff (my Cherry Tree Desk and Bookcase only Excepted) dureing her Natural Life or Widowhood with full power and liberty to Disposing of1 the same amongst my Children according to her discretion & if any part thereof shall remain undisposed of at the time of her Death or Marriage then my Will is that the same be Disposed of by my Execrs as to them shall seem most to the Interest & Benefit of my Children Item I Give and bequeath to my Daughter Jane one of my two Negro Girls Chloe or Patt, which she shall Chuse and her futur Increase to her and her Heirs forever and the sum of two hundred pounds to be paid unto her in one year after she shall Attain the age of twenty one years or shall marry which ever shall first Happen Item I Give and bequeath to my Daughter Mary my Negro Girl nan salls Daughter & her future Increase to her and her Heirs forever & the sum of two hundred pounds to be paid unto her in the like manner as is appointed for the Payment of her sister Janes Fortune Item I give & bequeath unto my Daughter Elizabeth my Negro Girl Cate & her futer Increas to her and her Heirs forever & the sum of two hundred Pounds to be paid in Like manner as is appointed for the Payment of her sister Janes Fortune Item I Give & bequeath unto my Daughter Martha my mulattoe Girl named Rachel & her future Increase to her & her Heirs forever & the sum of Two hundred Pounds to be paid unto her in the like manner as is appointed for the Payment of her sister Janes Fortune Item I Give & bequeath unto my Daughter Lucy my Negro Wench Cutchina & her Child Phebe together with their Future Increase to her and her Heirs forever and the sum of two hundred Pounds to be paid unto her in the like manner as is appointed for the Payment of her sister Janes Fortune Item I Give and bequeath unto my Daughter Anne Scoot my Negro Girl Eve and her future increase to her and her Heirs forever and the sum of two hundred Pounds to be paid in as is appointed for the payment of her other sisters Fortunes that is to say in one year after she shall attain the age of twenty one years or shall Marry whichsoever shall first happen: and if it shall happen that any of the slaves bequeathed to my Daughters as aforesd die before they come to the Possession of my said Daughters respectively then it is my Will that such & so many Female slaves of near the same age be set apart out of my Estate & Given to such Daughter or Daughters whose slaves shall be so Dead in the list thereof and if any of my said daughters die before they attain the age of twenty one years or marry then it is my Will that the Portion or Legacys bequeathed to such Daughter Immerge into my Estate & that no Distribution thereof be made: and it is my Will & Desire that what ready money I may have & Debts owing to me at the time of my Death together with the clear Profits of my Estate (after the maintainance of my Family & Education of my Children is provided for) shall be appropriated to the Paying off my Daughters Portions at the respective times they become due & if these should prove insufficient for that purpose I then & in that case Empower & authorise my Execrs to sell & Convey my Lands in the Countys of Cumberland & Bedford in such manner & in such proportions as shall make Good the Deficiency the Lands in Cumberland being to be first sold Item I Give & Bequeath to my son Thomas my mulattoe Fellow sawney my Books mathematical Instruments & my Cherry Tree Desk and Book case Item I Give unto my son Randolph [. . .] My Negro Boy Peter Mytillas Son to him and his Heirs forever Item I give and bequeath all my Slaves not herein otherwise disposed of to be equally divided between my two Sons Thomas and Randolph, at such Time as my son Thomas shall attain the Age of twenty one years each of my said Sons to have and to hold the Slaves allotted to them on such Division to them and their Heirs forever, but Subject nevertheless to this Condition, that the Estate bequeathed to my son Thomas, as to the clear Profits thereof, be and remain equally liable with my other Estates to provide for the Maintenance and Support of my Family, the Education of my younger Children, and the Payment of my Daughters Portions. Item I give and devise unto my Son Thomas either my Lands on the Rivanna River and it’s Branches, or my Lands on the Fluvanna in Albemarle County which I purchased from John & Noble Ladds, together with all my other Lands adjacent thereto which I have taken up by Virtue of an Order of Council which of the two he shall choose he being to make his Election within one year after he shall attain to the age of Twenty one years if he be at that time in this colony but if he be out of the same then he shall make his Election in six months after his Return therto Item I Give and devise to my son Randolph & his Heirs forever either my Land on the Rivanna and its branches or my Land on the Fluvannah in Albemarle County which I purchased of John & Noble Ladds together my other Lands thereto adjacent which I have taken up & surveyed by Virtue of an order of Council after my son thomas has made his Election & Choice which of the two he will take Item I Give & Devise unto which soever of my said sons shall be possest of my Lands on the Fluvanna River to them and their Heirs forever the Land I hold on Hard ware River in partnership with Authur Hopkins and others called the Limestone Land and wheareas I have Bought of one Joseph Smith two hundred acres of Land Joyning to my Lands on the Rivanna River being part of a Tract of Land Granted to Edwin Hickman by Pattent & others for which I have no Deed my Desire is that my Execrs procure from the said Joseph Smith a Conveyance to them in Trust for the use of such one of my sons Thomas or Randolph as shall Take my other Lands on the Rivanna River & its branches which is left to the Election of my said son Thomas in the Devise of the said Lands Item whereas I have a right to and Interest in Certain Lands, on the branches of missisippi River in Partnership with Doctor Thomas Walker & others & to two hundred acres on Rocky Run in albemarle County in parthership with John Harvie & others whereon it is immagined to be a Vein of Copper Oar my Desire is that my Execrs sell & Convey or Otherwise dispose of the same in such manner as shall to them seem to be the most for the benefit of my Famely & any money that may arise from the sale or Profits thereof to be equally Divided amongst my Children Item whereof I have surveyed and laid of for James Spears one hundred acres of Land on Carrols Creek adjoining the Land he lives upon which is not yet Conveyed to him I therefore Impower my Execrs to Convey it to him in Fee simple whenever he shall require the same

Item it is my Will and desire that all my Family live & be maintained & my Children Educated out of the Profits of my Estate until such time as they shall severly Attain to the age of Twenty one years or marry and at what time soever my Wife shall require a Division of my Estate & to have her part ascertained & laid out for her (which on her Request my Execrs are hereby Authorised to do without any Judgment or Decree of the Court for that Purpose) I Order & appoint that my Execrs shall pay and deliver unto her for her only use and behoof one full & Equal third part of all my real Cattle Hoggs & sheep that shall be at any or all my plantations together with two Good serviceable Work Horses and further it is my Will & I Do hereby Appoint & direct that if any Diffirence or dispute shall hereafter arise amongst my Children about the distribution of my Estate that the same shall be finally determined by my Execrs or such of them as shall remain & be alive at the time & if they should all be dead that then such Difference or Dispute shall be finally Determined by the three first Justices in the Commission of the peace for that County where the matter or thing shall Lye, and if any of my Children shall refuse to abide by such Determination then it is my Will that such Child or Children shall foever forfit all manner of Claim and right either in Law or Equity to the thing in Dispute

Item I Give & bequeath to my Executors herein after mentioned all my stocks of Horses Cattle Hoggs & sheep (excepting the part already bequeathed to my Wife) to be disposed of by their discretion for the support & Maintainance of my Famely & for the benifit of my two sons equally & for no other use or purpose whatsoever

Item I do Give & bequeath unto my son Thomas all the residue of my Estate whether real or Personal of what kind soever and finally I do appoint Constitu[t]e & Ordain The Honorable Peter Randolph Esqr Thomas Turpin the Elder John Nicholas Doctor Thomas Walker & John Harvie Execrs of this my last will & Testament & Guardian to all my children In Testimony whereof I have signed sealed & Published this as my Last Will and Testament on the thirteenth Day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and fifty seven

Note the Words (& Guardians to all my Children) were Interlined before signed In Presence of

John Bell

Peter Jefferson (Ls)

Edwin Hickman

Samuel Cobbs

At a Court Held for Albemarle County the thirteenth Day of October 1757 This Last Will and Testament of Peter Jefferson Gent. decd was presented to Court by one of the Exors therein named proved by the Oaths of John Bell Edwin Hickman & Samuel Cobbs the Witnesses thereto & Ordered to be record and At another, Court Held for the said County the tenth Day of November 1757 On the Motion of John Harvie Thomas Walker & John Nicholas three of the Exors therein named who made Oath According to Law Certificate was Granted them for Obtaining a Probat thereof in due Form giveing securety

SOURCE: https://tjrs.monticello.org/letter/1797 accessed August 28, 2025 which sites its source as MS (Albemarle Co. Will Book, 2:32-4).

Monday, August 11, 2025

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan, Tuesday, February 7, 1865

Day cool. A. M. making Inspection reports. P. M. rec my commission as 2d Lt of co G. aggregate too low to muster. The Negro Brigade from Ft Smith is doing most of the Picket duty

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 573

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan, Wednesday, February 15, 1865

Start at 2 A. M. Rowena passed us in the night. touched at St Charles at 8. A. M. negro Regt. there & fortifications Landed at mouth of White river at 1. P. M. & camped 12 mile from river at 2 P. M. carried all our water from the river 126th Ill & detachment of 1st Ind Cav garrison this Post under comd of Genl ———. Liu Wm Wallace arrives from Pine Bluffs with F. I. & K cos of 1st Iowa Cav enroute for Memphis. Some 6 or 8 boats here Weather Pleasant.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 574

Saturday, July 26, 2025

Diary of Private John C. West, Tuesday, May 5, 1863

Yesterday evening there were heavy clouds and a good deal of lightning in the North; after supper laid down on the deck and slept very comfortable until awakened by a heavy rain; gathered up my blanket and crowded into the state room, which proved to be almost suffocating. I was very sleepy, so went down in the engine room and slept until morning, crosswise on two barrels of rum; waked up quite refreshed to enjoy the beautiful scenery on the banks of the Ouachita, among the most picturesque of which was a high bluff on which was a single grave; a romantic lady, the wife of a pilot, was buried there by her request, where her gentle spirit might keep vigil over the destinies of her husband. We stopped during the morning to take an old rail fence for fuel; a soldier shot a hog, which gave us fresh pork for dinner; found some very nice mulberries on shore and wished my children, little Stark and Mary, had some of them. Had a very pleasant trip on to Hamburg; went ashore there and got transportation to Trinity; after supper proceeded down to the river and met the steamer, Tucker; stopped and had a talk and got the Natchez Courier.

Forgot to say above that I met Dr. Rock on this steamer; learned from him that Lieutenant Brandon was at Pine Bluff on the 8th of April, and was going to Virginia. Dr. Rock is on his way to Richmond. We reached Trinity about 12 o'clock at night, on Tuesday, the 5th, and have not stopped long enough during the day to write up this diary, and at night had no light; left the Trinity in a skiff with five others; proceeded up the Ouachita for about six miles; then into Brushy Bayou; after following this for about two miles the thorns and bushes were so troublesome that we had to get to land and walk about four miles, while the negroes worked the skiff through. In this walk I got far enough ahead of the skiff to take a nap; laid down on the ground and slept gloriously for an hour; would have enjoyed it more with a blanket to lie on. At the end of this walk we had a very good breakfast by paying five dollars a dozen for some eggs and furnishing our own coffee, and then paying two dollars a piece for breakfast. After breakfast pulled the skiff overland into Cane Bayou, and proceeded up this for six miles to Turtle Lake, a beautiful sheet of water three miles long; from this we entered Cocoda Bayou, which we followed for eight miles into Concordia Lake, up which we rowed for seven or eight miles, which landed us about three miles from Natchez. All this skiff trip is through just such a country as an alligator would thrive in; affording fine facilities for fishing and duck shooting; no one but a Newfoundland dog would enjoy it. We procured a cart to take our baggage to the Mississippi river; crossed in a skiff to Natchez; remained there all night and left Thursday morning for Brookhaven; stopped at Dr. Holden's and got the second good dinner I have had since I left home; reached McDaniel's at dark and found it quite a nice place, and met here that rare creature of the West an old maid; she seems to be quite a nice person and I think has been doomed to this state of single felicity by circumstances for which she is not responsible. We got a good breakfast at 4 o'clock in the morning, which enabled us to reach Brockhaven (where I am now writing) by 10 o'clock. On the road to this place I passed a bridge which Grierson's Cavalry had destroyed, and here I see the remains of the depot which they burned. These are the first practical examples of Yankee vandalism I have seen during the war. I expect to leave here to-day at 2 o'clock.

Reached Jackson at 6 o'clock and found the train for Meridian about to start and had no time to get transportation, and so have to remain here against my will until to-morrow evening. All these days which I have been delayed I had hoped to spend in Columbia, South Carolina.

SOURCE: John Camden West, A Texan in Search of a Fight: Being the Diary and Letters of a Private Soldier in Hood’s Texas Brigade, p. 33-6

Sunday, July 13, 2025

Diary of Private Seth J. Wells, December 19, 1862

Jesse Walker and I went out foraging and succeeded in capturing a shoat. The nigs were left very destitute and there will be a great deal of suffering if the government does not feed them. There is a report that Jackson, Tenn., is threatened by Bragg; that there is fighting there and our communications are cut off, at any rate troops are on the move, being taken back by rail as fast as possible. There is a great battle being fought this morning by Burnside's men. They have already fought one whole day. Burnie has crossed the river and holds Fredericksburg.

SOURCE: Seth James Wells, The Siege of Vicksburg: From the Diary of Seth J. Wells, Including Weeks of Preparation and of Occupation After the Surrender, p. 19

Diary of Private Seth J. Wells, December 24, 1862

On picket guard today. Got my boots half soled. Gen. McPherson passed through here, and Logan's division is coming up and passing through. Our old brigade (Col. Stevenson's) also passed. A train came in a little after dark and was loaded with cotton. The country is stripped of everything and so we are on half rations. All the hogs and live stock have been killed. The Negroes are suffering and I think they would welcome their old masters. There are a great many leaving, a large carload left today. We have poorer fare than at any time since we enlisted.

SOURCE: Seth James Wells, The Siege of Vicksburg: From the Diary of Seth J. Wells, Including Weeks of Preparation and of Occupation After the Surrender, p. 21

Sunday, May 11, 2025

An Act for the Better Preventing of a Spurious and Mixt Issue, December 5, 1705

Be it enacted by His Excellency the Governour, Council and Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same,

[Sect. 1.] That if any negro or molatto man shall commit fornication with an English woman, or a woman of any other Christian nation within this province, both the offenders shall be severely whip'd, at the discretion of the justices of assize, or court of general sessions of the peace within the county where the offence shall be committed; and the man shall be ordered to be sold out of the province, and be accordingly sent away, within the space of six months next after such order made, and be continued in prison, at his master's charge, until he be sent away; and the woman shall be enjoyned to maintain the child (if any there be) at her own charge; and if she be unable so to do, she shall be disposed of in service to some of her majesty's subjects within the province, for such term as the justices of the said court shall order, for the maintenance of the child.

[Sect. 2.] And if any Englishman, or man of other Christian nation within this province, shall commit fornication with a negro, or molatto woman, the man so offending shall be severely whip'd, at the discretion of the justices of the court of assize, or court of general sessions of the peace, before whom the conviction shall be; and shall also pay a fine of five pounds to her majesty, for and towards the support of the government, and be enjoyn'd to maintain the child, if any there be. And the woman shall be sold, and be sent out of the province as aforesaid.

[Sect. 3.] And if any negro or molatto shall presume to smite or strike any person of the English or other Christian nation, such negro or molatto shall be severely whip'd, at the discretion of the justices before whom the offender shall be convicted.

And be it further declaimed and enacted by the authority aforesaid,

[Sect. 4.] That none of her majesty's English or Scottish subjects, nor of any other Christian nation within this province, shall contract matrimony with any negro or molatto; nor shall any person duely authorized to solemnize marriages presume to joyn any such in marriage, on pain of forfeiting the sum of fifty pounds, one moiety thereof to her majesty for and towards the support of the government within this province, and the other moiety to him or them that shall inform and sue for the same in any of her majesty's courts of record within the province, by bill, plaint or information.

[Sect. 5.] And no master shall unreasonably deny marriage to his negro with one of the same nation, any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,

[Sect. 6.] That from and after the first day of May in the year one thousand seven hundred and six, every master of ship or vessel, merchant or other person, importing or bringing into this province any negro or negro's, male or female, of what age soever, shall enter their number, names and sex in the impost office; and the master shall insert the same in the manifest of his lading, and shall pay to the commissioner and receiver of the impost four pounds per head for every such negro, male or female; and as well the master, as the ship or vessel wherein they are brought, shall be security for payment of the said duty, and both or either of them shall stand charged, in the law, therefore to the commissioner, who may deny to grant a clearing for such ship or vessel until payment be made, or may recover the same of the master, (at the commissioner's election), by action of debt, bill, plaint or information, in any of her majesty's courts of record within this province.

[Sect. 7.] And if any master of ship or vessel, merchant or others, shall refuse or neglect to make entry, as aforesaid, of all negro's imported in such ship or vessel, or be convicted of not entring the full number, such master, merchant or other person shall forfeit and pay the sum of eight pounds for every one that he shall refuse or neglect to make entry of, one moiety thereof to her majesty, for and towards the support of the government of this province, and the other moiety to him or them that shall inform of the same, to be recovered by the commissioner in manner as aforesaid.

[Sect. 8.] And if any negro, imported as aforesaid, for whom the duty is paid, shall be again exported within the space of twelve months, and be bona fide sold in any other plantation, upon due certificate thereof produced, under the hand and seal of the collector, or naval officer, in such other plantation, the importer here shall be allowed to draw back the whole duty of four pounds by him paid, and order shall be given accordingly. And the like advantage of the drawback shall be allowed to the purchaser of any negro sold within this province, in case such negro happen to dye within the space of six weeks next after importation, or bringing into this province.   [Passed December 5.

SOURCE: The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Volume 1, pp. 578-9

Thursday, April 24, 2025

Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: Monday, November 17, 1862

On shore again. The well ones are drilling and the sick are enjoying themselves any way they can. Mail came to-day and I have a long letter from home. Every mail out takes one from me and often more. I have so many correspondents, I seldom fail to get one or more letters by each mail. On the bank or shore, up and down as far as I have seen, are negro shanties which look as if put up for a few days only. They dig oysters and find a ready sale to the thousands upon thousands of soldiers that are encamped on the plains as far as the eye can reach. This gathering means something, but just what, we none of us know, A case of black measles is reported on board ship and if true we may be in for a siege of it. I hope I may get entirely well before it hits me. Jaundice is quite common too, and many men I see are as yellow as can be and look much worse than they appear to feel.

SOURCE:  Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 62-3

Sunday, March 30, 2025

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 3, 1865

Another clear and bright morning. It was a quiet night, with its million of stars. And yet how few could sleep, in anticipation of the entrance of the enemy! But no enemy came until 9 A.M., when some 500 were posted at the Capitol Square. They had been waited upon previously by the City Council, and the surrender of the city stipulated—to occur this morning. They were asked to post guards for the protection of property from pillage, etc., and promised to do so.

At dawn there were two tremendous explosions, seeming to startle the very earth, and crashing the glass throughout the western end of the city. One of these was the blowing up of the magazine, near the new almshouse—the other probably the destruction of an iron-clad ram. But subsequently there were others. I was sleeping soundly when awakened by them.

All night long they were burning the papers of the Second Auditor's office in the street—claims of the survivors of deceased soldiers, accounts of contractors, etc.

At 7 A. M. Committees appointed by the city government visited the liquor shops and had the spirits (such as they could find) destroyed. The streets ran with liquor; and women and boys, black and white, were seen filling pitchers and buckets from the gutters.

A lady sold me a bushel of potatoes in Broad Street for $75, Confederate States money—$5 less than the price a few days ago.

I bought them at her request. And some of the shops gave clothing to our last retiring guards.

Goods, etc. at the government depots were distributed to the poor, to a limited extent, there being a limited amount.

A dark volume of smoke rises from the southeastern section of the city, and spreads like a pall over the zenith. It proceeds from the tobacco warehouse, ignited, I suppose, hours ago, and now just bursting forth.

At 8½ A.M. The armory, arsenal, and laboratory (Seventh and Canal Streets), which had been previously fired, gave forth terrific sounds from thousands of bursting shells. This continued for more than an hour. Some fragments of shell fell within a few hundred yards of my house.

The pavements are filled with pulverized glass.

Some of the great flour mills have taken fire from the burning government warehouses, and the flames are spreading through the lower part of the city. A great conflagration is apprehended.

The doors of the government bakery (Clay Street) were thrown open this morning, and flour and crackers were freely distributed, until the little stock was exhausted. I got a barrel of the latter, paying a negro man $5 to wheel it home—a short distance.

Ten A.M. A battery (United States) passed my house, Clay Street, and proceeded toward Camp Lee. Soon after the officers returned, when I asked the one in command if guards would be placed in this part of the city to prevent disturbance, etc. He paused, with his suite, and answered that such was the intention, and that every precaution would be used to preserve order. He said the only disturbances were caused by our people. I asked if there was any disturbance. He pointed to the black columns of smoke rising from the eastern part of the city, and referred to the incessant bursting of shell. I remarked that the storehouses had doubtless been ignited hours previously. To this he assented, and assuring me that they did not intend to disturb us, rode on. But immediately meeting two negro women laden with plunder, they wheeled them to the right about, and marched them off, to the manifest chagrin of the newly emancipated citizens.

Eleven A.M. I walked down Brad Street to the Capitol Square. The street was filled with negro troops, cavalry and infantry, and were cheered by hundreds of negroes at the corners.

I met Mr. T. Cropper (lawyer from the E. Shore) driving a one-horse wagon containing his bedding and other property of his quarters. He said he had just been burnt out—at Belom's Block—and that St. Paul's Church (Episcopal) was, he thought, on fire. This I found incorrect; but Dr. Reed's (Presbyterian) was in ruins. The leaping and lapping flames were roaring in Main Street up to Ninth; and Goddin's Building (late General PostOffice) was on fire, as well as all the houses in Governor Street up to Franklin.

The grass of Capitol Square is covered with parcels of goods snatched from the raging conflagration, and each parcel guarded by a Federal soldier.

A general officer rode up and asked me what building that was—pointing to the old stone United States Custom House—late Treasury and State Departments, also the President's office. He said, "Then it is fire-proof, and the fire will be arrested in this direction." He said he was sorry to behold such destruction; and regretted that there was not an adequate supply of engines and other apparatus.

Shells are still bursting in the ashes of the armory, etc.

All the stores are closed; most of the largest (in Main Street) have been burned.

There are supposed to be 10,000 negro troops at Camp Lee, west of my dwelling.

An officer told me, 3 P.M., that a white brigade will picket the city to-night; and he assured the ladies standing near that there would not be a particle of danger of molestation. After 9 P.M., all will be required to remain in their houses. Soldiers or citizens, after that hour, will be arrested. He said we had done ourselves great injury by the fire, the lower part of the city being in ashes, and declared that the United States troops had no hand in it. I acquitted them of the deed, and told him that the fire had spread from the tobacco warehouses and military depots, fired by our troops as a military necessity.

Four P.M. Thirty-four guns announced the arrival of President Lincoln. He flitted through the mass of human beings in Capitol Square, his carriage drawn by four horses, preceded by out-riders, motioning the people, etc. out of the way, and followed by a mounted guard of thirty. The cortege passed rapidly, precisely as I had seen royal parties ride in Europe.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 467-70

Saturday, March 29, 2025

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 4, 1865

Another bright and beautiful day.

I walked around the burnt district this morning. Some seven hundred houses, from Main Street to the canal, comprising the most valuable stores, and the best business establishments, were consumed. All the bridges across the James were destroyed, the work being done effectually. Shells were placed in all the warehouses where the tobacco was stored, to prevent the saving of any.

The War Department was burned after I returned yesterday; and soon after the flames were arrested, mainly by the efforts of the Federal troops.

Gen. Weitzel commanded the troops that occupied the city upon its abandonment.

The troops do not interfere with the citizens here any more than they do in New York—yet. Last night everything was quiet, and perfect order prevails.

A few thousand negroes (mostly women) are idle in the streets, or lying in the Capitol Square, or crowding about headquarters, at the Capitol.

Gen. Lee's family remain in the city. I saw a Federal guard promenading in front of the door, his breakfast being just sent to him from within.

Brig. Gen. Gorgas's family remain also. They are Northern-born.

It is rumored that another great battle was fought yesterday, at Amelia Court House, on the Danville Road, and that Lee, Johnston and Hardee having come up, defeated Grant. It is only rumor, so far. If it be true, Richmond was evacuated prematurely; for the local defense troops might have held it against the few white troops brought in by Weitzel. The negroes never would have been relied on to take it by assault.

I see many of the civil employees left behind. It was the merest accident (being Sunday) that any were apprised, in time, of the purpose to evacuate the city. It was a shameful abandonment on the part of the heads of departments and bureaus.

Confederate money is not taken to-day. However, the shops are still closed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 470

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 5, 1865

Bright and pleasant.

Stayed with my next door neighbors at their request last night—all females. It was quiet; and so far the United States pickets and guards have preserved perfect order.

The cheers that greeted President Lincoln were mostly from the negroes and Federals comprising the great mass of humanity. The white citizens felt annoyed that the city should be held mostly by negro troops. If this measure were not unavoidable, it was impolitic if conciliation be the purpose.

Mr. Lincoln, after driving to the mansion lately occupied by Mr. Davis, Confederate States President, where he rested, returned, I believe, to the fleet at Rocketts.

This morning thousands of negroes and many white females are besieging the public officers for provisions. I do not observe any getting them, and their faces begin to express disappointment.

It is said all the negro men, not entering the army, will be put to work, rebuilding bridges, repairing railroads, etc.

I have seen a New York Herald of the 3d, with dispatches of the 1st and 2d inst. from Mr. Lincoln, who was at City Point during the progress of the battle. He sums up with estimate of 12,000 prisoners captured, and 50 guns.

The rumor of a success by Gen. Lee on Monday is still credited. Per contra, it is reported that President Davis is not only a captive, but will soon be exhibited in Capitol Square.

The Rev. Mr. Dashiell, who visited us to-day, said it was reported and believed that 6000 South Carolina troops threw down their arms; and that a large number of Mississippians deserted giving such information to the enemy as betrayed our weak points, etc.

Three P.M. I feel that this Diary is near its end.

The burnt district includes all the banks, money-changers, and principal speculators and extortioners. This seems like a decree from above!

Four P.M. The Square is nearly vacated by the negroes. An officer told me they intended to put them in the army in a few days, and that the Northern people did not really like negro equality any better than we did.

Two rumors prevail: that Lee gained a victory on Monday, and that Lee has capitulated, with 35,000 men.

The policy of the conquerors here, I believe, is still undecided, and occupies the attention of Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 471-2

Thursday, March 27, 2025

Diary of Private Theodore Reichardt, Thursday, February 13, 1862

Considerable picket firing. Captain Owen opened with his twenty-pound Parrott guns, from Edwards Ferry, on Fort Beauregard. Kept up firing for an hour. Four negroes crossed the river, bringing two horses along. Owen's Battery opened a second time in the afternoon.

SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 32

Saturday, March 8, 2025

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan, Thursday, January 26, 1865

Night cold. ice 2 inches off. at 7. road bad 4 miles slow. rest of march fast. 1 pris. taken. 25 Rebs seen by scout. Make 12 miles. troops from Pine Bluffs with us 106th & 126th Ill. Inft & 1 sec of Negro battery

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, Thirty-Third Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, Vol. XIII, No. 8, Third Series, Des Moines, April 1923, p. 572

Thursday, February 13, 2025

Diary of Elvira J. Powers: Thursday, April 7, 1864

Nashville, Tenn., Thursday Evening, April 7.

The present week, thus far, has been to me, full of new and thrilling experiences.

On Sabbath, the day after our arrival, I entered an ambulance and visited a camp for the first time. The company consisted of three, besides myself—Rev. Dr. D., a young theological student who is passing vacation here, and Miss T. The day was warm and springlike; the hyacinths, crocuses, and peach trees in blossom. It was the camp of the 7th Pennsylvania Cavalry, and situated upon one of the hights overlooking the City. The tents were white, the soldiers well-dressed, the uniform bright and everything tidy. A new and gaily painted banner pointed out the tent of the Colonel. As we entered the grounds, that gentleman, with the Major, met us cordially, a seat was prepared for the ladies at the opening of the Colonel's tent, while a huge box in front served for a speaker's stand. The bugle then summoned such as wished to listen, and service was held by the two gentlemen of our party. Books and papers were afterward distributed, for which the soldiers seemed eager. The Colonel informed us that the Regiment had just been reorganized, and new recruits filled the vacant places in the ranks, made so by the heroes, who fell at such battles as Lookout Mountain, Mission Ridge, and Chickamauga. There is a long list of such inscribed upon this banner, of which they are justly proud.

On Monday, visited a hospital for the first time. Was accompanied by Mrs. E. P. Smith, Mrs. Dr. F. and my travelling companion Miss O, beside the driver. As the ambulance halted, we saw through the open door and windows the homesick, pallid faces raised from the sick beds to greet us with a look of pleasure. Upon entering, almost the first object was that of a dying boy. His name was John Camplin, of Co. G. 49th Illinois Vols. He was a new recruit of only seventeen, and the victim of measles. He "did'nt want to die," but, after the singing of such hymns as "Rock of Ages," and "Jesus lover of my soul," he grew more resigned. I took the card which hung in a little tin case at the head of his bed, and copied the name and address of his father. The dying boy had been watching, and he then with difficult speech asked me to write to his people and tell them "good bye,” and that he was "going home." I tried to obtain a more lengthy message to comfort them, but speech was soon denied nd reason wandered. He died a few hours after, and the sad tidings was sent next day.

Found another poor boy quite low, with pneumonia. He knew his condition, but with an heroic smile upon his wasted features said, that "if" his "life would do his dear country any good" he was "willing to give it."

The Masonic Hall and First Presbyterian Church constitute Hospital, No. 8. We visited that on Tuesday.

As we enter the Hall, past the guard, we find a broad flight of stairs before us, and while ascending, perceive this caution inscribed upon the wall in evergreen.

"Remember you are in a hospital and make no noise." Up this flight, and other cautions meet us, such as "No smoking here"—" Keep away from the wall," &c. We here pause at a door, and are introduced to the matron who is fortunately just now going through the wards. It is Miss J-tt, of Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Ascending another broad flight, and asking in the meantime of her duties, she throws open the door of the linen room where are two clerks, and says:

"This department comprises all the work assigned to me whatever else I do is voluntary and gratuitous. "But today," she adds laughingly, "it would be difficult to define my duties. I think I might properly be called 'Commandant of the Black Squad,' or Chief of the Dirty Brigade;" and she explained by saying that she had seven negro women and two men, subject to her orders, who were cleaning the building. She next throws open the door of a ward which contains but a few patients, and has a smoky appearance. She tells us, they are fumigating it, having had some cases of small pox, most of which have been sent to the proper Hospital.

We pass to another, where she tells us, previous to entering, is one very sick boy. He is of a slight form, only fifteen, and with delicate girlish features. His disease is typhoid fever, from the effects of which he is now quite deaf. As we approach, he says to her faintly, "Sit down here, mother, on the side of my bed.”

She does so, when he asks her to "to bend her head down so he can tell her something." This she does, when he says, quite loud, but with difficulty;—“There's some money under my pillow, I want you to get it, and buy me some dried peaches."

"I don't want your money," she says, "but you shall have the peaches if I can get them," and she writes a note and dispatches it to the sanitary rooms for them." "This boy always calls me mother," she says, "and the first day he was brought here, he sent his nurse to ask if I would come up and kiss him. He has always been his mother's pet, and I now correspond with her on his account."

His fever is very high, and we pass our cold hand soothingly over his forehead and essay to speak words of cheer, and as we turn to leave, he looks up pleadingly and says:

"Can't you kiss me?"

"Yes, indeed, I can—am glad to do so," and we press our own to his burning lips and receive his feverish, unpleasant breath, not a disagreeable task though, for all, when we remember that he is the pet of his mother, who misses him so very much, and who may never look upon her boy again.

Of one-a middle-aged, despondent looking man we ask cheerily, how he is to-day.

"About the same," he replies coldly, but with a look which is the index of a thought like this:

Oh, you don't care for us or our comfort,—you are well, and have friends, and home, probably near you, and you cannot appreciate our suffering, and only come here to satisfy an idle curiosity."

He does not say this, but he thinks it, and we read the thought in the voice, manner, and countenance. We determine to convince him of his mistake, if possible, notwithstanding he looks as if he prefers we should walk along and leave him alone.

"Were you wounded?" we ask.

"No-sick," was the short gruff answer.

"Your disease was fever was'nt it?" we persist," your countenance looks like it."

"Yes, fever and pneumonia,” he replies in the same cold, but despairing tone.

"Ah-but you're getting better now."

"Don't know about it—reckon not."

"Well, how is it about getting letters from home?"

His countenance, voice and manner undergo a sudden change now, and his eyes overrun with tears, at the simple words "letters from home."

And as he raises his hand to his mouth, to conceal its quivering, he tells us with tremulous voice that he has sent three letters to his wife and can get no answer. She has left the place where they used to live, and he does not know certainly where to direct. We ask who we can write to, to find out, and learn that a sister would know. We take the probable address of the wife, and that of the sister, and after some farther conversation leave him looking quite like another man as we promise to write to each in the evening. (Subsequently, we learned that he received a reply to both, and was comparatively cheerful and very grateful.)

Down stairs, and we enter a ward on the first floor. Here is a thin sallow visage, the owner of which piteously asks if we "have any oranges," "No," but we provide means, by which he can purchase.

"I'm from North Carolina," he says, "I hid in the woods and mountains and lived on roots and berries for weeks, before I could get away."

In reply to our query as to whether he would like a letter written home, he informs us that his wife and father arrived in town only a few days ago,

"Then you have seen them," we say.

"Yes, they both visit me, but my wife comes oftenest."

Just now, his nurse, a young man who should know better, interrupts him by telling us that "it isn't so, and his family are all in North Carolina."

"That's just the way," said the sick man, turning to me with a flushed and angry look, "that they're talking to me all the time, and trying to make everybody think I'm crazy. I reckon I know whether I've seen my wife or not!"

"Of course you do," we say quietingly; "does she bring you anything nice to eat?" and we add that we wish she would come while we were there, so we could see her.

"Well, she don't bring me much to eat," he says in a weak, hollow voice, but earnestly, "she don't understand fixin' up things nice for sick folks, and then she's weakly like, but she does all she can, for she's a right gude heart. She doesn't fix up, and look like you folks do, you know," he added, “for she's sort o' torn to pieces like by this war."

“Yes, we can understand it."

Upon inquiring about this man a few moments after of the Ward-Master, we find that he is really a monomaniac upon this subject, persisting in the declaration that his wife and father visit him often though no one sees them.

"He can't live," said the Ward-Master, "he has lost all heart and is worn out. The chance of a Southerner to live after going to a hospital is not over a fourth as good as for one of our Northern boys. They can do more fighting with less food while in the field, but when the excitement is over they lose heart and die.”

We find upon several subsequent visits that he is growing weaker, and at the last when his countenance indicates that death is near, we are thankful that he is still comforted by these imaginary visits from father and wife.

We crossed the street and entered the First Presbyterian Church, which constitutes a part of the hospital. This place is notable for the promulgation of secession sentiments from its pulpit in other days. A specimen of the style was given here a short time before the entrance of our troops, by Prof. Elliott of the Seminary, who in a prayer besought the Almighty that he would so prosper the arms of the Confederates and bring to naught the plans of the Federals, that every hill-top, plain and valley around Nashville should be white with the bones of the hated Yankees!”

“After hearing this it was doubly a pleasure, in company with Miss J., another "Northern vandal," to make the walls of the old church echo to the words of "The Star Spangled Banner," with an accompaniment from the organ; and it would have done any loyal heart good to see how much pleasure it gave to the sick and wounded soldiers.

SOURCE: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, p. 13-19