WASHINGTON, Dec. 5, 1851.
MY DEAR FRIENDS MR.
AND MRS. COMBE, — Politics in this country do not, as they should, mean a
science, but a controversy; and in this sense we are all involved in politics.
When will the time come that politics can be taken from the domain of passion
and propensity? I have no doubt that such a millennium is in the future. Nor will
the whole world enter that millennium at the same time. Wise and sage
individuals like Mr. George Combe must be the pioneers: then it must be
colonized by a larger number, and then entered and dwelt in by all. But I fear
the epochs and eras which will mark and measure these successive stages of
consummations are to be geological in their distance and
duration. Doubtless you have seen a book entitled the "Theory
of Human Progression," which, from internal evidence, is Scotch in its
origin, and whose object is not only to prophesy, but to prove, the future
triumph of peace and justice upon earth. I have read but part of the book. I am
reading it to my wife at odd hours, when our chances of leisure come together.
I have long believed in the whole doctrine; but it is delightful to see it
argued out, not only to take the Q. E. D. on authority, but to feel the truth
of the solution. All sciences, even the natural ones, have been the subjects of
controversy and of persecution in their beginning: why, then, should not the
science of politics? One truth after another will be slowly developed; and by and
by truth, and not individual aggrandizement or advantage, will be the only
legitimate object of inquiry. Then will its millennium come! -
Doubtless you have through the public papers the political movements of the
country at large. The old struggle for supremacy between the political parties
goes on; but worse means are brought in to insure success than ever before
entered into our contests. The North (or free States) comprises almost
two-thirds of all our population; the South (or slave States) but about a
third. The North is really divided into two great parties, Whigs and Democrats.
These are arrayed against each other in hostile attitude; and, being nearly
equal, they cancel each other. The South is Whig or Democratic only nominally.
It is for slavery exclusively and intensely. Hence we now present the
astonishing and revolting spectacle of a free people in the nineteenth century,
of almost twofold power, not merely surrendering to a proslavery people
one-half the power, but entering into the most vehement competition to join
with them in trampling upon all the great principles of freedom. We have five
prominent candidates for the next Presidency. All of them are from the North.
The South does not put forward as yet a single man; for Mr. Clay can hardly be
considered a candidate. Each one of the five candidates begins with abandoning
every great principle of constitutional liberty, so far as the black race is
concerned; and to this each one has saddled more and more proslavery gratuities
and aggrandizements, as the propositions he advanced were made at a later
period of time. All Whigs professed to be shocked when Gen. Cass offered in
substance to open all our new Territories to slavery. But Mr. Webster's
accumulated proslavery bounties, as compared with those of Gen. Cass, were as
"Pelion to a wart." Mr. Buchanan offers to run the line of 36° 30′
through to the Pacific Ocean, and to surrender all on the south side of it to
slavery. Mr. Dallas, late Vice-President under Mr. Polk, tells the South that
the antislavery spirit of the North will never be quiet under the compromise measures
and the Fugitive-slave Law; and so proposes to embody this whole series into
the Constitution by an amendment, thus putting them beyond the
reach of legislative action. And Mr. Douglas, a young senator from Illinois,
who aspires to the White House, offers Cuba to the South in addition to all the
rest. In the mean time, the South sets forth no candidate for the Executive
chair. Some of their leading politicians avow the policy of taking a Northern
man, because "a Northern man with Southern principles" can do more
for them than any one of their own. All of them are virtually saying to
Northern aspirants, "Proceed, gentlemen; give us your best terms: and,
when you have submitted your proposals, we will make our election between
you." Is it not indescribably painful to contemplate such a picture, — no,
such a reality? You must feel it as a man: I feel
it as an American, you as a lover of mankind, I as a lover of republican
institutions.
You will, of course,
understand that such contests cannot be carried on without corresponding
contests in the States. In Massachusetts, many collateral issues have mingled
with the main question. Mr. Webster's apostasy on the 7th of March, 1850, had
not at first a single open defender in our Commonwealth. Some pecuniary arrangements
were made by which one or two papers soon devoted themselves to his cause. In a
few days after the speech, he visited Boston; and, at a public meeting to
receive him, he held out, in unmistakable language, the lure of a tariff, if
they would abandon principle. This interested motive appealed to both parties.
It was pressed upon them, both in public and in private, during the whole
summer, and indeed until the approaching termination of the 31st Congress
showed that it was only a delusion and a cheat.
During the summer,
another pecuniary element was introduced. The merchants of New York sought a
monopoly of Southern trade through a subserviency to Southern interests. The
merchants of Philadelphia and Boston forthwith became competitors for the same
profits through the same infamous means. In this way, within a twelvemonth, all
the Atlantic cities were carried over to the side of Southern policy. I believe
I told you of efforts made against myself, and their result, in the last year's
election of a representative to Congress from my district. Since that time the
process of defection has gone rapidly on, spreading outwards from the city, and
contaminating the country. The great body of the Whig merchants
and manufacturers in the Northern States now advocate Mr. Webster for the
Presidency. This, of course, determines the character of the mercantile papers.
A large meeting was held in Boston last week to nominate him for that office.
He is expected soon to resign his secretaryship, and to travel South on an electioneering
tour. His health is very much impaired; and that glorious physique, which
should be in full vigor at the age of eighty, is now nearly broken down. He can
do nothing but under the inspiration of brandy; and the tide of excitement also
must be taken "at the flood;" for if a little too early, or a little
too late, he is sure to fail.
In Massachusetts we
have had a fierce contest for State offices. Mr. Winthrop was the Whig
candidate for Governor; and his election would have been claimed as a Webster
triumph, though not justly so. But he falls short of an election by about eight
thousand votes. The Free-soilers and Democrats combined, and have obtained a
majority in both the Senate and the House. This secures an anti-Whig Governor,
and is a triumph of antislavery sentiment. We have never had a more fiercely
contested election. I was "on the stump," as we say, about three
weeks, speaking from two to two and a half hours almost every evening. Since
the election, I have been delivering lyceum lectures; so that you may well
suppose I am pretty much "used up." With this term in Congress, I
hope to escape from political broils, and to live a life more in accordance
with both natural and acquired tastes. . . .
H. M.
SOURCE: Mary Tyler
Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 352-5
