Showing posts with label 6th MA INF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 6th MA INF. Show all posts

Friday, October 11, 2019

Colonel Edward F. Jones to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 30, 1861

UNOFFICIAL.

Headquarters, 6th Regiment, M.V.M. Capitol,
WASHINGTON, April 30th, 1861
General B. F. BUTLER, ANNAPOLIS, MD.

MY DEAR GENERAL: I am anxious to get my regiment out of this Capitol and under canvas. I also understand that camp equipage is coming forward, and what I ask is that you will place me in position to take sufficient for my wants when it comes. I have good quarters here, but the men are getting sick from eating everything which they have a chance to get hold of, and from catching colds which the damp, stone floors furnish to any extent. Also do not place me in any position which will detach me from my regiment, as I want nothing, if God spares my life, but an opportunity to take them home with our laurels untarnished. I received a telegraph from Gov. Andrew to Geo. Abbott, saying “every requisition from Col. Jones will be answered,” and I have sent forward to Gov. Boutwell to take some measures to put us in decent apparel, as they are in just the condition which I prophesied some 3 months since, viz., rag, tag, and bobtail. The idea of getting up an “Esprit de Corps” in a man with his shirt-tail sticking out!

I regret exceedingly that we are separated in this campaign. Please inform of your position and future prospects. I am getting my regiment into pretty good state of discipline, but it was a trial of titles at first, - and you can guess who came out ahead if he came out alive. I have not heard from my family since I left home. Too bad, I cannot succeed in getting me a decent horse. Are they to be had out your way? I do not know what to do in regard to drawing clothing, &c., from
the government here.

Your old Friend,
E. F. Jones

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 60-1

Friday, July 12, 2019

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: November 4, 1861

Sunday morning in Baltimore, and a stiller or more quiet place I never saw. No sounds are heard, no people or carriages are seen in the street. It looks and seems like a deserted city. We took a hurried glance at a portion of the city, visiting Pratt street, where the assault on the 6th Massachusetts took place. The bullet holes and scars on the walls of the buildings, gave proof that the boys got a good deal interested, while passing through that street.

OFF FOR ANNAPOLIS.

We embarked on the steamer Louisiana, about 9 a. m., for Annapolis. As we steamed past old Fort McHenry, I was reminded of an interesting scrap of history connected with this fort. When the British fleet bombarded this fort during the last war with England, there was aboard one of the ships, an American prisoner, a Mr. Key, I think his name was, who watched with the most intense anxiety, the result of the bombardment, and during its progress, wrote the song that has since become famous as one of our national anthems, The Star Spangled Banner.

"By the cannon's red glare, the bombs bursting in air,
Gave proof through the night, that our flag was still there."

Arrived at Annapolis about noon, and marched up to the Naval academy, where we quartered and took dinner with the 21st Massachusetts, now doing garrison duty at this post.

Religious services this afternoon, by Chaplains Ball of the 21st and James of our own regiment. I cannot say that I was much interested in the meeting, as I was very tired, and preaching about the Pharisees and other antiquated sinners of a thousand years ago, did not seem to apply to my ease, or the present time.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 10-11

Tuesday, February 19, 2019

Colonel Edward F. Jones to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 26, 1861

WASHINGTON, April 26th, 1861
Gen. B. F. BUTLER, ANNAPOLIS, MD.

MY DEAR GENERAL: I have an opportunity to send to you and embrace it. We are in very good condition, and my boys are pretty well satisfied. My family, as you are aware, is large, and the responsibilities very great, and I have been living in hopes you would soon be with us to take off some of the responsibilities from my shoulders. It has always been my good fortune to be the recipient of unbounded praise in my military career, and believe me it has not lessened in quantity for the last fortnight. Col. Monroe and his regiment arrived last night, also Col. Lawrence and portions of his command yesterday and today. I think that the 8th are in rather a disorganized state, and appear to be very much dissatisfied with their Colonel, and there were many threats that they would not be mustered in under his command. I had the captains together to try and encourage them to do all that was required of them, and not disgrace the Old Bay State by backing down. They promised to do all that I asked of them, and I hope that matters will now go right. However, I think your presence here would be very acceptable to the Mass. troops. I have some 20 letters for you awaiting your orders. I took the liberty of opening a telegram for you, and find that “You are ordered to transfer Company A of Salem, Captain Devereaux, to the Fifth Regiment, said transfer to be made before the Regt. is mustered into the service of the U.S.”

I am very much fatigued to-night as well as every night.

In haste.
E. F. JonES, Col. 6th Mass.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 50

Wednesday, January 23, 2019

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 23, 1861

Headquarters. Third Brigade Mass. Vol. Militia, ANNAPOLIS, Apr. 23, 1861

To His Excellency JoHN A. ANDREw, Com. in Chief

DEAR SIR: By telegraph I kept your Excellency advised of the movement of the 8th Regt. to Friday April 19, & so far as I thought it reliable of the sad mishaps & glorious action of the Sixth Regt. I also forwarded you a memorial of a proposed plan of action, which plan I have the honor to announce has been successfully carried out. Through the loyal exertions and generous sympathy of S. M. Felton, Esq. Pres. of Phil. and Wilmington R.R., I had the Steam Boat “Maryland,” which plied between Havre de Grace and Perryville, put fully at my disposal, and acting under the advice of the Major. We had learned that the bridges had been burned between Havre de Grace and Baltimore, and all means of communication through to Baltimore had been cut off. It occurred to me that the best method of opening communication between the Northern States for the loyal citizens and soldiers of the Union could be best through the city of Annapolis, that the Route that way would be but little if any longer in point of time than the more direct way through Baltimore, which required two transhipments of any considerable body of troops by the cars.

The passage from Perryville to Annapolis being but six hours, and the passage from Baltimore being four, besides the time for the passage by horse-cars across the city; and the distance from Washington being 40 miles against 46 via Baltimore, — acting under the advice of S. M. Felton and other gentlemen who feared that the Eighth Regiment was too small a force for such an undertaking, I waited at Philadelphia six hours for the N.Y.V. under Col. Lefferts to come up. But fearing lest the Ferry Steamer, which was all important to our enterprise, might be seized upon by the enemies of the country, I detailed Capt. Devereaux’, Co. of Salem, and Capt. Briggs’, Co. of Pittsfield, for the special duty of proceeding forward by train and seizing the Ferry Boat at one o’clock Friday. Their march was successfully made to place where they found Col. Lefferts' Regt. had arrived, but he declined to take part in the expedition, therefore they did not go forward to seize the boat. At eight o’clock in the morning, after telegraphing for Maj. (Cook's) Battery, which I am happy to inform your Excellency arrived at Annapolis on the morning of 25, & is now drilling on the grounds of the Academy, I put forward the 8 Regt. in position and got on towards the cars at Phil. at 10 o’clock. After waiting two hours time in a vain attempt to induce Col. Lefferts to accompany us, we determined to go on alone. On our Route to Perryville we heard at various stations that 1800 of a Baltimore mob were waiting at Perryville for the purpose of disputing with us the passage of the Susquehanna. This information was one of the thousand exaggerated rumors which reached us and undoubtedly reached you, & is only mentioned here for the purpose of showing to your Excellency and people of Commonwealth how the men under my command behaved themselves in firm belief of its truth. During the passage from Phil. to Perryville the Regt. prepared itself for the attack. Ammunition, 10 rounds to each man was distributed, & our muskets were carefully inspected and loaded. About 100 men who know nothing about the use of arms were furnished by me at Phil. with axes, pickaxes, & other intrenching tools. Arriving within a mile of Perryville, and not intending to be caught in the cars by a mob as had been the 6th Regt., we left the cars and made our dispositions for the purpose of forcing a passage to the Boat. Capt. Devereaux's command were thrown out in advance as skirmishers, to occupy both sides of the Road supported by Capt. Briggs’ Co. one hundred paces in the rear. He was immediately followed by a detachment of our axe and hatchet men, who were instructed to rush upon any barrier and cut it down, while covered by the fire of our skirmishers. The rest of the Regt. we formed in solid columns, 50 paces in the rear with orders to march steadily forward & throw themselves into the boat by the weight of the column. The Company then marched steadily forward, not a man blanched or faltered, – indeed the prospect of meeting those in battle who had murdered our brothers in Baltimore seemed to give them pleasure, so that I can hardly say that, when in reaching the Boat we found there was no foe to oppose us, the surprise was more agreeable than disagreeable. I can assure your Excellency, however, that to myself it was most agreeable, for it relieved me from a great weight & a fearful responsibility.

The embarkation was immediately effected, & the boat steamed down the bay at six o'clock in the evening. At this time we had scarcely two days’ rations with us, — the men exhausted by the night march from Boston of Thursday night and Friday, the incessant preparation of Friday night at Phil. threw themselves upon their blankets on the deck of the boat and were soon buried in the profoundest slumber, — so profound, indeed, that when it became necessary, in the course of official duties, to go about the Boat among them, I found myself literally stepping upon them without breaking their slumbers.

We arrived off the bar at Annapolis about 12 at night, and instead of finding that quiet old town buried in repose (great care having been taken that our destination should not be known), we were surprised to find our approach signaled by rockets, lights dancing on the shore, and that we were evidently expected. In the uncertainty of a descent upon the shore by night we came to anchor some two miles below the town. Soon after a boat came alongside, and Lieut. Mathews, a gentleman of the U.S. Naval Academy, announced himself as the bearer of a dispatch from his Exc'y the gov. of Maryland, which is as follows – to wit1 . . . & detailed Capt. Haggerty of my staff to accompany Lieut. Mathews to the Gov. of Maryland. While Capt. Haggerty was absent — being uncertain as to the good faith of those dispatches of the state of things in the town — I sent my brother, Col. Andrew J. Butler of California (who happened to be with me on a visit) in plain clothes in a boat belonging to the Steamer to make a reconnaissance of the town, & to report as to the best place & manner of landing the troops. About daybreak Capt. Haggerty returned, bringing with him Capt. Blake of the U.S. Navy, Superintendent of the Naval School at Annapolis, to whom for his loyalty to the Union, untiring efforts to aid us in our enterprise, & his kindness & attention to our wants, too much praise cannot be given. If Mass. at this unhappy junction, could separate herself from the Union in so far as to give a reward for well-doing in an officer of the U.S. I know of no one who would deserve it more than Capt. Blake.

From him I learned that there was this special cause of anxiety. The Frigate “Constitution,” in use as a practice ship for the Naval Academy, lay at her mooring in Annapolis with a crew of less than 30 men to take care of her, & the Secessionists were ready to erect a battery on the opposite side of the river to command her. He expressed great anxiety lest she could not be got off, and informed me that the Confederate States had determined to take her and to raise upon old “Iron Sides” their flag.

Capt. Blake inquired of me if my instructions would permit me to put my boat alongside her, take out of her her guns, and tow her into the outer harbor & to detail a sufficient guard for her to prevent a sudden surprise. To this I replied that your Excy's instructions left me a latitude for the exercise of my discretion, & I thought it indispensable to save the “Constitution,” whether the ship or form of Govt., from the enemies of the country; & that I would coƶperate with him for the purpose of cutting her out. I immediately lay our steamer alongside & commenced to lighten her by taking her heavy guns on board our boat. One hundred fifty workmen of my command were detailed to assist the crew in getting off the ship, and in this service the men of Marblehead were conspicuous for their strength and alacrity. At half past two in the afternoon we had the pleasure of seeing the good Frigate towed down the bay, safe beyond the reach of her enemies. On the morning of Tuesday the 21st the Brig. order was issued which I herewith submit to your Exc'y’s inspection.

In the afternoon, as we were towing the “Constitution,” our boat ran aground in endeavouring to save the life of a man who had fallen overboard, and remained there hard and fast until the following Tuesday morning at one o’clock, when she was got off and brought up to this city and the men on board landed.

On Monday morning I received a communication from His Excellency the Gov. of Maryland which is herewith submitted, together with my reply. On Monday morning the Steamer “Boston” appeared off the bay, having on board Col. Lefferts’ Regiment. Before he had spoken to us I had issued the enclosed order. Finding it impossible to get the steamer off after several efforts, I went on board the “Boston” and proceeded to effect a landing with Col. Lefferts' Reg’t, but before landing I had addressed the enclosed communication to Gov. Hicks, the only reply to which was a protest against my landing my troops at all. After I got ashore I met Gov. Hicks and city authorities at the office of the Supt. of the Naval Academy. I was informed by Gov. Hicks that the State of Maryland would make no interference with my landing, but said I must march my troops three or more miles out of the city.

In this request he was joined by the Mayor and city authorities, who said that at a meeting of the corporation it had been voted that I should not be molested, but that there were bad men in the place and others might come from Baltimore and other places whom they could not control, therefore it was better that I should march out of town, that if I remained in town their people were much excited, and they were afraid they would not be able to control them. I asked, as I was in need of supplies, if they would furnish me if I would march. To that they replied they would not, nor allow me to buy anything in the city. I asked if I could be furnished with means of transportation to Washington, to that they replied I could not, there were not five horses in the place, and that the Railroad Co. had taken up their tracks to prevent the troops from passing over it. To all this I replied in substance that without supplies I could not march, that I could not put three or four miles between me and my boats, which were the basis of my operations, when the alleged reason why I should march was that in marching I should leave between myself and boats so very excited a mob that the city authorities were not able to control it, and that my troops from Massachusetts were also very much excited because of the murder of their brothers at Baltimore by a mob. But therein I had this advantage, that we could not only control our own excitement, but could also control and suppress the excitement of others, but that I proposed to stay as long as convenient at Annapolis, and march when it was convenient, that if we were attacked we would repel the attack, and that there were none that we should be more happy to see than a representation of the murderers of Baltimore whenever and wherever they should choose to visit us, and that while we staid at Annapolis, if the citizens chose not to have any collision with us, there must be on their part neither stray bricks, nor fugitive shots, thrown at us, and whoever should attempt would find it an unsafe operation.

During the night the Eighth Regiment occupied the Naval Academy. On the following morning Lieut. Hinks, having under his command Capt. Newhall’s Co. of Lynn, having with them an Engineer party of eighty under Lieut. Hodges, proceeded and took possession of the Rail Road, where we found the rolling stock disabled, and the rails taken up. They went forward on the track about four miles where they encamped for the night. The next morning the 8th Regt. went forward, and were followed by the 7th N.Y. Regiment.

I should have stated, before this, that I had detailed Capt. Devereaux Co. & Capt. Briggs’ Co. to go on board the “Constitution,” to defend her against surprise, so that they did not march with the Regiment.

On the morning of Thursday large bodies of troops, including the 5th Regt. 3 Batt., Rifles, and Cook's battery arrived here, and were safely landed.

As soon as preparations could be made I forwarded the 5th regiment with three days’ rations for Washington. They marched last evening at 8 o’clock. I have retained the Rifles and Cook's battery to defend this post, which I am ordered to hold and fortify by Genl. Scott.

I have received information from Fortress Monroe. Col. Wardrop's and Col. Packard’s Regts. are in good health. Col. Wardrop's Regt. made a dashing attack on Norfolk Navy Yard, burning and destroying it, so that it could be of no use to the enemies of the country. Col. Jones’ Regt. is in Washington, the men fast recovering from their wounds & bruises, and in the enjoyment of good health. It is now ten days since the Mass. troops were first called into the field, and their operations may be summed up thus: Two Regts. have relieved Fortress Monroe and put it beyond danger of attack; one, Col. Jones’, marched to the aid of the Federal Capitol through Baltimore, and were baptized in blood; another, the 8th, has rescued the Frigate “Constitution” and put her on the side of law and order, has taken possession of Annapolis and of the Railroad, building it as they went, and together with their brethren of the 5th have marched to the Capital & thereby opened a communication through which thousands of troops are now passing. The two battalions are now guarding this depot of troops. Are not these sufficient deeds for a campaign of many months?

At a future day, as soon as communications are freely opened, I shall have the honor to report in full detail the state and condition of the men under my command; the present disturbed state of things renders that nearly impossible. There is one subject, however, I desire to press upon your Excellency’s most serious attention, — it is the necessity of a light uniform for the troops. I would suggest a blue light flannel, similar to that worn by the Rhode Island troops, to be made plain and serviceable without ornament or tinsel. There is needed at this moment four thousand such uniforms to supply the troops in the field. The form or shape should be that of a short “round about,” or a jacket like an undress in the Army. Let the cloth be bought at once and the swift, sympathetic fingers of our sisters and sweethearts be employed in making it up. These are practical suggestions, and I will have no doubt meet your Excellency's views. I have the honor
to be

Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant,
BENJ. F. BUTLER
_______________

1 It was General Butler's habit to prepare the drafts of his letters by his own hand, leaving quotations, references, etc. to be inserted by his secretary. It is, therefore, sometimes difficult to identify the addenda referred to. In the present instance, undoubtedly, the reference is to the letter from Governor Hicks on page 18.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 43-9

Thursday, November 17, 2016

Diary of John Hay: May 1, 1861

There were a half-dozen good-looking members of the Seventh Regiment called upon the Commander-in-Chief of the Armies and Navies this afternoon. He was very frank and cordial with them. He spoke amusedly of the Times’ proposition of deposing him, and said that the Government had three things to do: — Defend Washington; Blockade the Ports; and retake Government property. All the possible despatch was to be used in these matters, and it would be well if the people would cordially assist in this work before clamoring for more. The proclamation calling out the troops is only two weeks old. No people on earth could have done what we have in that time.

Montgomery Blair came in with the intelligence that our office-holders had been quietly installed at Baltimore under the floating of the constellated banner, and that the police-board had removed the restriction on the sale of flour. He thought the outbreak at the Massachusetts passage was the work of secession officials who were unwilling to lose their lease of plunder. He thoroughly believed in the loyalty of Maryland. The President seemed to think that if quiet was kept in Baltimore, a little longer, Maryland might be considered the first of the redeemed. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 28-9; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 16;

Monday, October 10, 2016

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: June 28, 1865

Harper's Ferry. A fine morning. Early on board train, waiting for it to move. At 8 A. M. the train began to move slowly along the banks of the Shenandoah River, on over the iron bridge across the Potomac River, into Maryland. The cheering was loud, with shouts of “Good-bye old Virginia.” The cheering echoed and re-echoed between the mountains of Maryland and Virginia. I knew all the points of interest in this vicinity. We are in passenger cars, running along the banks of the Potomac River. At the Point of Rocks, about ten miles from Harper's Ferry, the road turns to the left, headed to the north. At this point we bid farewell to the old Potomac. No more picket duty along its banks in all kinds of weather, watching for the enemy, and looking at the turkey buzzards as they go sailing through the air. Many times have I waded the old Potomac, swam in its water, drank it, made coffee, fished in it. When clear its waters appeared blue, or yellow from the storms. Either blue or yellow we were obliged to use it and make the best of it.

The country looked fine with its summer dress on, as we passed through it. Arrived in Baltimore this afternoon. Marched from the Camden Street station, across the city to the Philadelphia Railroad station. Passed through Pratt Street, the point where the 6th Massachusetts Regiment was attacked in April 1861. Soon on board train where hilarity continued. No one allowed to go to sleep. All are in good spirits and very happy as we go speeding on towards Philadelphia, bound for home.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 157-8

Wednesday, March 2, 2016

Diary of William Howard Russell: May 6, 1861

I forgot to say that yesterday before dinner I drove out with some gentlemen and the ladies of the family of Mr. George N. Sanders, once United States consul at Liverpool, now a doubtful man here, seeking some office from the Government, and accused by a portion of the press of being a Confederate spy — Porcus de grege epicuri — but a learned pig withal, and weatherwise, and mindful of the signs of the times, catching straws and whisking them upwards to detect the currents. Well, in this great moment I am bound to say there was much talk of ice. The North owns the frozen climates; but it was hoped that Great Britain, to whom belongs the North Pole, might force the blockade and send aid.

The environs of Montgomery are agreeable — well-wooded, undulating, villas abounding, public gardens, and a large negro and mulatto suburb. It is not usual, as far as I can judge, to see women riding on horseback in the South, but on the road here we encountered several.

After breakfast I walked down with Senator Wigfall to the capitol of Montgomery — one of the true Athenian Yankeeized structures of this novo-classic land, erected on a site worthy of a better fate and edifice. By an open cistern, on our way, I came on a gentleman engaged in disposing of some living ebony carvings to a small circle, who had more curiosity than cash, for they did not at all respond to the energetic appeals of the auctioneer.

The sight was a bad preparation for an introduction to the legislative assembly of a Confederacy which rests on the Institution as the corner-stone of the social and political arch which maintains it. But there they were, the legislators or conspirators, in a large room provided with benches and seats, and listening to such a sermon as a Balfour of Burley might have preached to his Covenanters — resolute and massive heads, and large frames — such men as must have a faith to inspire them. And that is so. Assaulted by reason, by logic, argument, philanthropy, progress directed against his peculiar institutions, the Southerner at last is driven to a fanaticism—a sacred faith which is above all reason or logical attack in the propriety, righteousness, and divinity of slavery.

The chaplain, a venerable old man, loudly invoked curses on the heads of the enemy, and blessings on the arms and councils of the New State. When he was done, Mr. Howell Cobb, a fat, double-chinned, mellow-eyed man, rapped with his hammer on the desk before the chair on which he sat as speaker of the assembly, and the house proceeded to business. I could fancy that, in all but garments, they were like the men who first conceived the great rebellion which led to the independence of this wonderful country — so earnest, so grave, so sober, and so vindictive — at least; so embittered against the power which they consider tyrannical and insulting.

The word "liberty" was used repeatedly in the short time allotted to the public transaction of business and the reading of documents; the Congress was anxious to get to its work, and Mr. Howell Cobb again thumped his desk and announced that the house was going into “secret session,” which intimated that all persons who were not members should leave. I was introduced to what is called the floor of the house, and had a delegate's chair, and of course I moved away with the others, and with the disappointed ladies and men from the galleries; but one of the members, Mr. Rhett, I believe, said jokingly: “I think you ought to retain your seat. If the ‘Times’ will support the South, we'll accept you as a delegate.” I replied that I was afraid I could. not act as a delegate to a Congress of Slave States. And, indeed, I had been much affected at the slave auction held just outside the hotel, on the steps of the public fountain, which I had witnessed on my way to the capitol. The auctioneer, who was an ill-favored, dissipated-looking rascal, had his “article “ beside him, on, not in, a deal packing-case — a stout young negro badly dressed and ill-shod, who stood with all his goods fastened in a small bundle in his hand, looking out at the small and listless gathering of men, who, whittling and chewing, had moved out from the shady side of the street as they saw the man put up. The chattel character of slavery in the States renders it most repulsive. What a pity the nigger is not polypoid — so that he could be cut up in junks, and each junk should reproduce itself.

A man in a cart, some volunteers in coarse uniforms, a few Irish laborers in a long van, and four or five men in the usual black coat, satin waistcoat, and black hat, constituted the audience, whom the auctioneer addressed volubly: “A prime field hand! Just look at him — good-natered, well-tempered; no marks, nary sign of bad about him! En-i-ne hunthered — only nine hun-ther-ed and fifty dol'rs for 'em! Why, it's quite rad-aklous! Nine hundred and fifty dol'rs! I can't raly
That's good. Thank you, sir. Twenty-five bid — nine huntherd and seventy-five dol'rs for this most useful hand. The price rose to one thousand dollars, at which the useful hand was knocked down to one of the black hats near me. The auctioneer and the negro and his buyer all walked off together to settle the transaction, and the crowd moved away.

“That nigger went cheap,” said one of them to a companion, as he walked towards the shade. “Yes, Sirr! Niggers is cheap now — that's a fact.” I must admit that I felt myself indulging in a sort of reflection whether it would not be nice to own a man as absolutely as one might possess a horse — to hold him subject to my will and pleasure, as if he were a brute beast without the power of kicking or biting — to make him work for me — to hold his fate in my hands: but the thought was for a moment. It was followed by disgust.

I have seen slave markets in the East, where the traditions of the race, the condition of family and social relations divest slavery of the most odious characteristics which pertain to it in the States if but the use of the English tongue in such a transaction, and the idea of its taking place among a civilized Christian people, produced in me a feeling of inexpressible loathing and indignation. Yesterday I was much struck by the intelligence, activity, and desire to please of a good-looking colored waiter, who seemed so light-hearted and light colored I could not imagine he was a slave. So one of our party, who was an American, asked him: “What are you, boy — a free nigger?” Of course he knew that in Alabama it was most unlikely he could reply in the affirmative. The young man's smile died away from his lips, a flush of blood embrowned the face for a moment, and he answered in a sad, low tone: “No, sir! I b'long to Massa Jackson,” and left the room at once. As I stood at an upper window of the capitol, and looked on the wide expanse of richly-wooded, well-cultivated land which sweeps round the hill-side away to the horizon, I could not help thinking of the misery and cruelty which must have been borne in tilling the land and raising the houses and streets of the dominant race before whom one nationality of colored people has perished within the memory of man. The misery and cruelty of the system are established by the advertisements for runaway negroes, and by the description of the stigmata on their persons — whippings and brandings, scars and cuts — though these, indeed, are less frequent here than in the border States.

On my return, the Hon. W. M. Browne, Assistant-Secretary of State, came to visit me — a cadet of an Irish family, who came to America some years ago, and having lost his money in land speculations, turned his pen to good account as a journalist, and gained Mr. Buchanan's patronage and support as a newspaper editor in, Washington. There he became intimate with the Southern gentlemen, with whom he naturally associated in preference to the Northern members; and when they went out, he walked over alongwith them. He told me the Government had already received numerous — I think he said 400 — letters from ship-owners applying for letters of marque and reprisal. Many of these applications were from merchants in Boston, and other maritime cities in the New England States. He further stated that the President was determined to take the whole control of the army, and the appointments to command in all ranks of officers into his own hands.

There is now no possible chance of preserving the peace or of averting the horrors of war from these great and prosperous communities. Thy Southern people, right or wrong, are bent on independence and on separation, and they will fight to the last for their object.

The press is fanning the flame on both sides: it would be difficult to say whether it or the telegraphs circulate lies most largely; but that as the papers print the telegrams they must have the palm. The Southerners are told there is a reign of terror in New York — that the 7th New York Regiment has been captured by the Baltimore people — that Abe Lincoln is always drunk — that General Lee has seized Arlington Heights, and is bombarding Washington. The New York people are regaled with similar stories from the South. The coincidence between the date of the skirmish at Lexington and of the attack on the 6th Massachusetts Regiment at Baltimore is not so remarkable as the fact, that the first man who was killed at the latter place, 86 years ago, was a direct descendant of the first of the colonists who was killed by the royal soldiery. Baltimore may do the same for the South which Lexington did for all the Colonies. Head-shaving, forcible deportations, tarring and feathering are recommended and adopted as specifics to produce conversion from erroneous opinions. The President of the United States has called into service of the Federal Government 42,000 volunteers, and increased the regular army by 22,000 men, and the navy by 18,000 men. If the South secede, they ought certainly to take over with them some Yankee hotel keepers. This “Exchange” is in a frightful state — nothing but noise, dirt, drinking, wrangling

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 167-71

Tuesday, November 10, 2015

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 19, 1861, 11:45 p.m.

PHILADELPHIA, April 19th, 1861. 11.45 P.M.

Governor ANDREw, 21 Charles Street, BosTON:

The Massachusetts troops were attacked in Pratt Street, Baltimore. Were assaulted with stones and pieces of iron. One man killed with a piece of iron thrown from an iron foundry. They bore attack with utmost patience until a prominent citizen of Baltimore told them to fire upon the mob. Did so. Part of mob responded with fire. Rest scattered. Troops fought manfully. No man offered to run. All arrived in Washington except six injured, well cared for in Baltimore. Two killed. Twenty-five others at Washington wounded. Large meeting of citizens at Baltimore this evening. Almost unanimously denounced passage of more Northern troops through Baltimore.

B. F. BUTLER, Brig. Genl.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 17

Friday, October 30, 2015

H. Adams Ames to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 19, 1861

PHILA. April 19th, 1861
To Gen’l. BUTLER, Care Condr.

CoL. DAVIS with Sixth Regiment arrived at Baltimore this morning and were fired upon — great excitement. Secessionists reported very strong, no reliable details. Railroad will not transport more troops until definite intelligence obtained and prospect of safe transportation — mob threatened their Buildings if they do – have got quarters for troops to-night.

H. ADAMS AMES

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 16

Thursday, October 22, 2015

Governor John A. Andrew’s Special Order No. 21

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Headquarters, BosToN, Apr. 17, 1861

SPECIAL ORDER No 21

HIS Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief, orders that Brigadier General Benjamin F. Butler of the Third Brigade Second Division M.V.M. assume the command of the Third, Fourth, Sixth and Eighth regiments, which have been ordered into service, and are now at Quarters in the City of Boston, and also of such other regiments and companies as may be attached thereto. The corps composing said regiments shall be known and designated as the Third Brigade, Second Division until otherwise ordered by the Commander-in-Chief. This Order is to be promulgated forthwith to the regiments designated herein, — waiving the usual forms.


By Order of his Excellency,
JoHN A. ANDREw

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 15-6

Sunday, October 18, 2015

Governor John A. Andrew’s Special Order, No. 14, April 15, 1861

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Headquarters, BosToN, Apr. 15, 1861

SPECIAL ORDER, No. 14th

You are hereby ordered to muster the Regiment under your Command, in Uniform, on Boston Common, forthwith, in compliance with a requisition made by the President of the United States. The troops are to go to Washington. The Regimental Band will be dispensed with.


By order of His Excellency JoHN A. ANDREw,
Governor and Commander-in-Chief

To Col. EDwARD F. JonEs 6th Regt.
To Col. ABNER B. PACKARD 4th do.
To Col. DAVID W. WARDROP 3rd do.
To Lieut. Col. TIMOTHY MONROE 8th do.


To Brig. Gen’l. B. F. BUTLER,

SIR: The foregoing order has been sent direct to the Colonels therein named.


WM. BROWN, C.R.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 15

Friday, October 2, 2015

Colonel Edward F. Jones to Governor John A. Andrew, February 5, 1861

BosTON, Feb. 5th, 1861
To His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief:

At our interview this morning you requested me to put the matter which I wished to communicate in writing. In accordance therewith, I make the following statement as to the condition of my command, and take the liberty to forward the same directly to you, passing over the usual channel of communication for want of time. The Sixth Regiment consists of eight companies, located as follows, viz.: Four in Lowell, two in Lawrence, one in Acton, and one in Groton, made up mostly of men of families, “who earn their bread by the sweat of their brow,” men who are willing to leave their homes, families, and all that man holds dear, and sacrifice their present and future as a matter of duty. Four companies of the regiment are insufficiently armed (as to quantity) with a serviceable rifle musket; the other four with the old musket, which is not a safe or serviceable arm, and requiring a different cartridge from the first, which would make confusion in the distribution of ammunition. Two companies are without uniforms, having worn them out, and were proposing to have new the ensuing spring. Six companies and the band have company uniforms of different colors and styles, but insufficient in numbers, and which are entirely unfit for actual service, from the fact that they are made of fine cloth, more for show and the attractive appearance of the company on parade than any other purpose, being cut tight to the form and in fashionable style.

I would (after being properly armed and equipped) suggest our actual necessary wants, viz.: a cap, frock coat, pantaloons, boots, overcoat, knapsack, and blanket to each man, of heavy serviceable material, cut sufficiently loose, and made strongly to stand the necessities of the service. Such is our position, and I think it is a fair representation of the condition of most of the troops in the State. Their health and their efficiency depend greatly upon their comfort.

My command is not able pecuniarily to put themselves in the necessary condition, and should they, as a matter of right and justice, be asked so to do, even were they able? What is the cost in money to the State of Massachusetts when compared to the sacrifices we are called upon to make?

Respectfully,

EDWARD F. JonEs, Col. Sixth Regiment

P.S.. I would also suggest that it would require from ten to fourteen days as the shortest possible time within which my command could be put in marching order.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 5-6

Tuesday, September 29, 2015

Major-General John A. Dix to Colonel Edward Davis Townsend, July 24, 1861

Head-quarters, Deportment of Maryland.
Fort McHenry, July 24,1861.
Colonel E. D. Townsend,
Assistant Adjutant-general, Head-quarters of the Army:

Colonel, — I annex a list of the regiments whose term of service is about to expire, and of those which are mustered for three years. General Banks persuaded the Sixth Massachusetts to remain till the 2d of August. I have been to the encampment of the Twenty-second Pennsylvania, whose term expired yesterday, and the men consent to continue in service a week longer. The Thirteenth New York resolved unanimously this morning to go home to-morrow. I have just returned from their camp, and by the most urgent remonstrances and by strong appeals have induced them to stay another week. By the 2d of August there will not be one of the eight first-named regiments in the annexed list left. I shall have only the three last regiments on the list remaining. I must urge the immediate re-enforcement of the troops under my command. There ought to be ten thousand men here and at Annapolis. I would not venture to respond for the quietude of the Department with a smaller number. The late reverse at Manassas has brought out manifestations of a most hostile and vindictive feeling in Annapolis as well as in Baltimore.

Major-general Banks, on the evening of my arrival here, asked, at my suggestion, for four hundred cavalry. They would, for the special service required, be equal to a full regiment of infantry. I hope they may be furnished without delay. It is understood that a regiment of cavalry leaves New York to-morrow. Can I have a detachment of three or four companies from this regiment, with a field-officer? I will see to the immediate protection of the bridges in all directions.

I am, very respectfully, yours,

John A. Dix, Major-general commanding.

 SOURCE: Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 25

Sunday, August 30, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 22, 1861

To-day was fixed for the visit to Mr. Pringle's plantation, which lies above Georgetown near the Pedee River. Our party, which consisted of Mr. Mitchell, an eminent lawyer of Charleston, Colonel Reed, a neighboring planter, Mr. Ward, of New York, our host, and myself, were on board the Georgetown steamer at seven o'clock, A. M., and started with a quantity of commissariat stores, ammunition, and the like, for the use of the troops quartered along the coast. There was, of course, a large supply of newspapers also. At that early hour invitations to the “bar” were not uncommon, where the news was discussed by long-legged, grave, sallow men. There was a good deal of joking about “old Abe Lincoln's paper blockade,” and the report that the Government had ordered their cruisers to treat the crews of Confederate privateers as “pirates” provoked derisive and menacing comments. The full impulses of national life are breathing through the whole of this people. There is their flag flying over Sumter, and the Confederate banner is waving on all the sand-forts and headlands which guard the approaches to Charleston.

A civil war and persecution have already commenced. “Suspected Abolitionists” are ill-treated in the South, and “Suspected Secessionists” are mobbed and beaten in the North. The news of the attack on the 6th Massachusetts, and the Pennsylvania regiment, by the mob in Baltimore, has been received with great delight; but some long-headed people see that it will only expose Baltimore and Maryland to the full force of the Northern States. The riot took place on the anniversary of Lexington.

The “Nina” was soon in open sea, steering northwards and keeping four miles from shore in order to clear the shoals and banks which fringe the low sandy coasts, and effectually prevent even light gunboats covering a descent by their ordnance. This was one of the reasons why the Federal fleet did not make any attempt to relieve Fort Sumter during the engagement. On our way out we could see the holes made in the large hotel and other buildings on Sullivan's Island behind Fort Moultrie, by the shot from the fort, which caused terror among the negroes “miles away.” There was no sign of any blockading vessel, but look-out parties were posted along the beach, and as the skipper said we might have to make our return-journey by land, every sail on the horizon was anxiously scanned through our glasses.

Having passed the broad mouth of the Santee, the steamer in three hours and a half ran up an estuary, into which the Maccamaw River and the Pedee River pour their united waters.

Our vessel proceeded along-shore to a small jetty, at the end of which was a group of armed men, some of them being part of a military post, to defend the coast and river, established under cover of an earthwork and palisades constructed with trunks of trees, and mounting three 32-pounders. Several posts of a similar character lay on the river banks, and from some of these we were boarded by men in boats hungry for news and newspapers. Most of the men at the pier were cavalry troopers, belonging to a volunteer association of the gentry for coast defence, and they had been out night and day patrolling the shores, and doing the work of common soldiers — very precious material for such work. They wore gray tunics, slashed and faced with yellow, buff belts, slouched felt hats, ornamented with drooping cocks' plumes, and long jackboots, which well became their fine persons and bold bearing, and were evidently due to “Cavalier” associations. They were all equals. Our friends on board the boat hailed them by their Christian names, gave and heard the news. Among the cases landed at the pier were certain of champagne and pĆ¢tĆ©s, on which Captain Blank was wont to regale his company daily at his own expense, or that of his cotton broker. Their horses picketed in the shade of trees close to the beach, the parties of women riding up and down the sands, or driving in light tax-carts, suggested images of a large picnic, and a state of society quite indifferent to Uncle Abe's cruisers and Hessians.” After a short delay here, the steamer proceeded on her way to Georgetown, an ancient and once important settlement and port, which was marked in the distance by the little forest of masts rising above the level land, and the tops of the trees beyond, and by a solitary church-spire.

As the "Nina" approaches the tumble-down wharf of the old town, two or three citizens advance from the shade of shaky sheds to welcome us, and a few country vehicles and light phaetons are drawn forth from the same shelter to receive the passengers, while the negro boys and girls who have been playing upon the bales of cotton and barrels of rice, which represent the trade of the place on the wharf, take up commanding positions for the better observation of our proceedings.

There is about Georgetown an air of quaint simplicity and old-fashioned quiet, which contrasts refreshingly with the bustle and tumult of American cities. While waiting for our vehicle we enjoyed the hospitality of Colonel Reed, who took us into an old-fashioned, angular, wooden mansion, more than a century old, still sound in every timber, and testifying, in its quaint wainscotings, and the rigid framework of door and window, to the durability of its cypress timbers and the preservative character of the atmosphere. In early days it was the grand house of the old settlement, and the residence of the founder of the female branch of the family of our host, who now only makes it his halting-place when passing to and fro between Charleston and his plantation, leaving it the year round in charge of an old servant and her grandchild. Rose-trees and flowering shrubs clustered before the porch and filled the garden in front, and the establishment gave one a good idea of a London merchant's retreat about Chelsea a hundred and fifty years ago.

At length we were ready for our journey, and, in two light covered gigs, proceeded along the sandy track which, after a while, led us to a road cut deep in the bosom of the woods, where silence was only broken by the cry of a woodpecker, the scream of a crane, or the sharp challenge of the jay. For miles we passed through the shades of this forest, meeting only two or three vehicles containing female planterdom on little excursions of pleasure or business, who smiled their welcome as we passed. Arrived at a deep chocolate-colored stream, called Black River, full of fish and alligators, we find a flat large enough to accommodate vehicles and passengers, and propelled by two negroes pulling upon a stretched rope, in the manner usual in the ferry-boats in Switzerland.

Another drive through a more open country, and we reach a fine grove of pine and live-oak, which melts away into a shrubbery guarded by a rustic gateway: passing through this, we are brought by a sudden turn to the planter's house, buried in trees, which dispute with the green sward and with wild flower-beds the space between the hall-door and the waters of the Pedee; and in a few minutes, as we gaze over the expanse of fields marked by the deep water-cuts, and bounded by a fringe of unceasing forest, just tinged with green by the first life of the early rice-crops, the chimneys of the steamer we had left at Georgetown, gliding as it were through the fields, indicate the existence of another navigable river still beyond.

Leaving the veranda which commanded this agreeable foreground, we enter the mansion, and are reminded by its low-browed, old-fashioned rooms, of the country houses yet to be found in parts of Ireland or on the Scottish border, with additions, made by the luxury and love of foreign travel, of more than one generation of educated Southern planters. Paintings from Italy illustrate the walls, in juxtaposition with interesting portraits of early colonial governors and their lovely womankind, limned with no uncertain hand, and full of the vigor of touch and naturalness of drapery, of which Copley has left us too few exemplars; and one portrait of Benjamin West claims for itself such honor as his own pencil can give. An excellent library — filled with collections of French and English classics, and with those ponderous editions of Voltaire, Rousseau, the “MĆ©moires pour Servir,” books of travel and history which delighted our forefathers in the last century, and many works of American and general history — affords ample occupation for a rainy day.

It was five o'clock before we reached our planter's house — White House Plantation. My small luggage was carried into my room by an old negro in livery, who took great pains to assure me of my perfect welcome, and who turned out to be a most excellent valet. A low room hung with colored mezzotints, windows covered with creepers, and an old-fashioned bedstead and quaint chairs, lodged me sumptuously; and after such toilet as was considered necessary by our host for a bachelor's party, we sat down to an excellent dinner, cooked by negroes and served by negroes, and aided by claret mellowed in Carolinian suns, and by Madeira brought down stairs cautiously, as in the days of Horace and Maecenas, from the cellar between the attic and the thatched roof.

Our party was increased by a neighboring planter, and after dinner the conversation returned to the old channel — all the frogs praying for a king — anyhow a prince — to rule over them. Our good host is anxious to get away to Europe, where his wife and children are, and all he fears is being mobbed at New York, where Southerners are exposed to insult, though they may get off better in that respect than Black Republicans would down South. Some of our guests talked of the duello, and of famous hands with the pistol in these parts. The conversation had altogether very much the tone which would have probably characterized the talk of a group of Tory Irish gentlemen over their wine some sixty years ago, and very pleasant it was. Not a man — no, not one — will ever join the Union again! “Thank God!” they say, “we are freed from that tyranny at last.” And yet Mr. Seward calls it the most beneficent government in the world, which never hurt a human being yet!

But alas! all the good things which the house affords, can be enjoyed but for a brief season. Just as nature has expanded every charm, developed every grace, and clothed the scene with all the beauty of opened flower, of ripening grain, and of mature vegetation, on the wings of the wind the poisoned breath comes borne to the home of the white man, and he must fly before it or perish. The books lie unopened on the shelves, the flower blooms and dies unheeded, and, pity ’tis, ’tis true, the old Madeira garnered ’neath the roof, settles down for a fresh lease of life, and sets about its solitary task of acquiring a finer flavor for the infrequent lips of its banished master and his welcome visitors. This is the story, at least, that we hear on all sides, and such is the tale repeated to us beneath the porch, when the moon while softening enhances the loveliness of the scene, and the rich melody of mockingbirds fills the grove.

Within these hospitable doors Horace might banquet better than he did with Nasidienus, and drink such wine as can be only found among the descendants of the ancestry who, improvident enough in all else, learnt the wisdom of bottling up choice old Bual and Sercial, ere the demon of oidium had dried up their generous sources forever. To these must be added excellent bread, ingenious varieties of the galette, compounded now of rice and now of Indian meal, delicious butter and fruits, all good of their kind. And is there anything better rising up from the bottom of the social bowl? My black friends who attend on me are grave as Mussulman Khitmutgars. They are attired in liveries and wear white cravats and Berlin gloves. At night when we retire, off they go to their outer darkness in the small settlement of negro-hood, which is separated from our house by a wooden palisade. Their fidelity is undoubted. The house breathes an air of security. The doors and windows are unlocked. There is but one gun, a fowling-piece, on the premises. No planter hereabouts has any dread of his slaves. But I have seen, within the short time I have been in this part of the world, several dreadful accounts of murder and violence, in which masters suffered at the hands of their slaves. There is something suspicious in the constant never-ending statement that “we are not afraid of our slaves.” The curfew and the night patrol in the streets, the prisons and watch-houses, and the police regulations, prove that strict supervision, at all events, is needed and necessary. My host is a kind man and a good master. If slaves are happy anywhere, they should be so with him.

These people are fed by their master. They have half a pound per diem of fat pork, and corn in abundance. They rear poultry and sell their chickens and eggs to the house. They are clothed by their master. He keeps them in sickness as in health. Now and then there are gifts of tobacco and molasses for the deserving. There was little labor going on in the fields, for the rice has been just exerting itself to get its head above water. These fields yield plentifully; the waters of the river are fat, and they are let in whenever the planter requires it by means of floodgates and small canals, through which the flats can carry their loads of grain to the river for loading the steamers.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 127-32

Tuesday, April 7, 2015

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 5, 1863

Camp On Seneca Creek, July 5, 1863.

Yesterday our teamsters brought rumours of the battle of July 3d and of our immense success, and all day we have been waiting anxiously for the papers; — at length they have come, with Meade's despatch and Lincoln's proclamation. I hope, before this, you had news in New York which will be comforting to your Mother and will make her feel that all is not lost, even for this year. As it now stands, what has been done makes me only the more anxious about what is to come, — the decisive battle is yet to be fought. It seems to me out of the question that after these heavy rains, with bad roads and a river behind him rapidly rising, Lee should dare to retire without another trial, and if the newspaper account is true, Meade's line is much longer and weaker to-day than during the fight of Friday. What croaking this will sound, if your papers have a glorious victory the morning you get this letter. Never mind, I feel a little like croaking, — or rather, perhaps, I feel a good deal perverse and not inclined to rejoice too much when the papers are rejoicing, — you know how perverse I always am with newspapers. Perhaps, too, I am a little more perverse than usual because I am vexed at having to remain here when there is so much going on close by. I almost wish I was back a captain in the Sixth: however, I have done all I dare to get away, and I must e'en bide my time. You must not be disappointed; I suppose there will come a time when the Regiment will have a chance.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 272-3

Saturday, November 15, 2014

Diary of Reverend James Freeman Clarke: April 16, 1861

3d, 4th, and 6th regiments meet on Boston Common.

SOURCE: Edwin Everett Hale, Editor, James Freeman Clarke: Autobiography, Diary and Correspondence, p. 271

Tuesday, October 21, 2014

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: March 29, 1864

Arrived in Baltimore early this morning. Nothing happened to mar the pleasure of the journey. All were soon out of the cars, line quickly formed, ready to march from the Camden Street station to the Philadelphia R. R. station, on the east side. Our march led through Pratt Street, the scene of the attack on the 6th Massachusetts regiment in April, 1861, by the Baltimore toughs, who claimed to be in sympathy with the South.

At the Philadelphia station a train was soon made ready for us, which we quickly boarded, and were soon under way, passing the scenes of our first soldier life, Camp Emory and Fort Marshall. These were points of interest to us, and very pleasant recollections. After an uneventful trip we arrived in Philadelphia late this P. M. Ordered out of the cars, line formed for marching, stopping at a place known as the Cooper Shop, where a good dinner was served by the ladies of Philadelphia. It was a very pleasant occasion in our lives, never to be forgotten. Again journeying on towards New York. Our train being special was often side-tracked and we were forced to wait.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 48-9

Sunday, August 31, 2014

Diary of Amos A. Lawrence: April 17, 1861

The Sixth Regiment muster in Boston, and march through the streets on their way to Washington, midst crowds of people.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 170-1

Thursday, August 8, 2013

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, May 7.

SENATE. – Mr. McDougal from the naval committee, reported a bill for the relief of Capt. D. G. Farragut.  The bill authorizes the payment of advances made by him while in California.  It passed.

A committee from the House appeared and impeached Judge Humphreys of Tenn.

The president said the Senate would take proper order in the premises.


HOUSE. –Mr. Elliott from the committee on commerce, reported a bill establishing a port of entry and delivery in the collection district of Beaufort S. C., at or near Hilton Head, to be called the Port of Port Royal, providing for the appointment of a collector at a salary of $1,500 per annum, and for weighers, guagers; &c.

Mr. Elliott remarked that a letter from the Secretary had been sent to the committee, stating the importance of this measure.  The bill was passed.

Mr. Crisfield caused to be read the resolution of the Maryland Legislature, appropriating $10,000 for the relief of the families of those Massachusetts 6th, who suffered by the 19th of April riot in Baltimore, and the response of the Massachusetts Legislature in acknowledgment of the generous sympathies and kind fraternal feelings they exhibited, which should always prevail among the States of the Union.

Mr. Crisfield said these proceedings afforded some sign of a restoration of peaceful relations, while we were receiving accounts of the glorious success of our arms.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 8, 1862, p. 1

Thursday, October 4, 2012

John Newsome

JOHN NEWSOME has been a resident of Clarke County since 1868. His home is in the northeast quarter of section 2, Franklin Township. He has a fine stock farm of 215 acres, consisting of upland, meadow and timber land, on the main branch of Whitebreast Creek. He has made nearly all of the improvements since he occupied the place.  Mr. Newsome was born November 13, 1834, in West Riding, Yorkshire, England. His parents were James and Rebecca (Illingworth) Newsome, who reared a family of ten children, all of whom are living and prospering. All except the eldest, William, are living in the United States. James Newsome, in early life, was a weaver by occupation, and his son John, the subject of this sketch, was reared to the same calling.  He embarked from Liverpool for the United States on the “City of Manchester,” March 21, 1854, reaching Philadelphia May 10. Near this point he engaged work in a cotton mill for a short time. In June, of the same year, he went to work in a woolen mill at Rockdale, Delaware County, Pennsylvania, where he remained until he volunteered in defense of his adopted country, under the first call of President Lincoln for volunteers.  He enlisted in the Anderson guards, Philadelphia, April 16, 1861, and would have started for Washington, D.C., on the evening of the 19th, but for the attack of the Baltimore mob on the Sixth Massachusetts Volunteers and three companies of their regiment, who were unarmed and got back to Philadelphia with great difficulty. They were eventually mustered into the United States service on May 25, as Company B., Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers, under Colonel Small, for three years or during the war. August, 1861, Company B was detached to guard Government stores, in Washington, D.C.  In the spring of 1862, when General McClellan was about to start on the Peninsula campaign, Sergeant Newsome wrote a petition which all the non-commissioned officers signed, asking to take the field with the regiment. The petition failed, but a second petition, January, 1863, was granted by General Hooker, who formerly commanded their brigade, and was then commanding the Army of the Potomac. The company met its baptism of fire at Chancellorsville, losing very heavily. Sergeant Newsome was wounded in the right thigh and taken prisoner. He was exchanged and rejoined his regiment the following September. In the movements of the army, before the close of 1863, Mr. Newsome bore an honorable part. He re-enlisted as a veteran in January, 1864.  While on furlough, March 10, 1864, he was married at Rockdale, to Miss Elizabeth Murphy, who was born in Philadelphia, December 25, 1836. She was a daughter of Moses and Elizabeth Murphy.  Rejoining the Army of the Potomac, he was mustered in as Lieutenant of his company, in April 1864, and from that time until the 27th of May, took part in the battles under Grant.  June 18 he was honorably discharged at Philadelphia. During the raid of General Early on Washington, Lieutenant Newsome again tendered his services, but was not accepted owing to disease contracted in the service.  Mr. and Mrs. Newsome continued to live in Rockdale until 1868 and then came to Clarke County. Mr. Newsome’s record has been, in all respects, an honorable one. They have four children – Frank, Bertha, Rebecca E. and Mabel.  James H., a twin brother, died at the age of three months.  The parents of Mr. Newsome came to the United States in 1856. They died in Union township, Lucas County. Of their sons and daughters living in the United States, besides John, there are James, Samuel, Daniel, Mrs. Sarah Gore, Mrs. Rebecca Gore, reside in Delaware County, Pennsylvania; Wright, Mrs. Ann Perkins, and Mrs. Mary Maloney live in Lucas County.

SOURCE: Biographical and Historical Record of Clarke County, Iowa, Lewis Publishing Company, Chicago, Illinois, 1886 p. 307-8