Battery drill, and speech by our First Lieutenant. Gen. Banks visited our camp this evening. Nothing important up to [Saturday, October 19.]
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 24
Battery drill, and speech by our First Lieutenant. Gen. Banks visited our camp this evening. Nothing important up to [Saturday, October 19.]
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 24
Gen. Banks and staff honored our battery drill with their presence. Col. Geary of the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania, and Capt. Tompkins, with the right section, had a fight with the rebels at Harper's Ferry and Bolivar Heights. Our right section, occupying Maryland Heights, fired into Bolivar and on a rebel battery on Loudon Heights. Even the drivers served an old iron gun. Col. Geary's troops, crossing the river in scows, carried the fight to Bolivar Heights. No loss of men in the right section.
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 24
We have had no
fight here yet, but from the indications it can't be deferred much longer. We
have drawn one hundred rounds of ammunition, the batteries are training their
horses, and many other unmistakable signs of an early engagement are to be seen
at all hours of the day. A considerable force was sent out last night to watch
the movements of the enemy, and reported this morning that they were landing
troops, guns, etc., below. Their men are deserting They assign as a cause and
coming over at the rate of five a day, that they are placed on a level with the
negro regiments in Bank's Army.
Evening.—Eight
of the enemy's vessels appeared around the bend at noon to-day, and commenced
throwing shells into our fortifications, but the range was too long to justify
our guns replying. We were ordered to our position, which is on the right wing,
and near the river batteries, decidedly the most dangerous one that could be
assigned us. Here we spent the evening very pleasantly dodging shells, quite a
number of which fell within our line.
SOURCE: Edwin
L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western
History, Vol. 1, p. 125
MANSFIELD, OHIO,
Aug. 4, 1872.
Dear Brother: . . .
Just now all interest is centred upon the Presidential election. As you say,
the Republicans are running a Democrat, and the Democrats a Republican. And
there is not an essential difference in the platform of principle. The chief
interest I feel in the canvass is the preservation of the Republican party,
which I think essential to secure the fair enforcement of the results of the
war. General Grant has so managed matters as to gain the very bitter and active
hostility of many of the leading Republicans, and the personal indifference of
most of the residue. He will, however, be fairly supported by the great mass of
the Republicans, and I still hope and believe will be elected. The defections
among Republicans will be made up by Democrats, who will not vote for Greeley.
The whole canvass is
so extraordinary, that no result can be anticipated. You will notice that Sumner,
Thurman, Banks, and others are for Greeley, who is probably the most unfit man
for President, except Train, that has ever been mentioned. I intend to support
Grant fairly and fully, as best for the country and Republican party.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 338-9
I had an interview with the President concerning Semmes, as understood yesterday. Showed him the papers, and, after some conversation, he proposed to see Judge-Advocate-General Bolles, Solicitor of the Navy Department; said he would on the whole prefer him to the Attorney-General in this matter, and named Monday next.
By the President's request I went into the library and was introduced to Doctor Norris, with whom the President desired me to have some conversation. Doctor N. said he believed that the President and I had had some consultation in relation to a sea voyage for Robert, the President's son. He supposed I knew the circumstances. I told him I was aware of the young man's infirmity, that he had once spoken to me himself on the subject in a manner to touch my sympathy in his behalf. That I had also conversed with his father, as he seemed to be aware, and as he (the father) had doubtless advised him. He said that was so, and proceeded to tell me that R. had been beguiled into intemperance after he became of age, through his generous qualities, goodness of heart, and friendly disposition. He, therefore, thought it possible to reclaim him.
I had very little expectation of such a result, but it is important, for his father's sake and for the country's, that the President should in these days be relieved of the care and anxiety which his excesses and passions involve. To send him abroad in a public ship is the best disposition that can be made of him, and a voyage to the East Indies would be better than any other, and such a voyage was now in preparation. Doctor Norris thought this desirable.
I subsequently saw the President and told him what had taken place and that I could make the arrangement with little trouble to him. It seemed to give him consolation.
Letters from Connecticut do not speak with confidence of the result of the election next Monday. But my impressions are that the Union Party with Hawley will be successful. The battle will not be on the strict political issues before the country. On these issues, if well defined and the candidates were squarely presented, I have no doubt that the Administration would be triumphantly sustained. It would be union against disunion, the President versus Congress under the lead of Stevens. But politics and parties have become strangely mixed. Hawley, I am apprehensive, leans to the Congressional policy at present, but I trust observation and reflection will bring him right.
The true Union men who sustain the President feel that the defeat of Hawley would be a triumph to Toucey, Seymour, Eaton, and others who opposed the Government in war and whom they, for that reason, detest, and they will band together to support Hawley from matters of the past rather than issues of the present. Moreover Hawley has popular qualities. For ten years he has fought the Union battles in our political contests and in the field, and though he may be touched with Radicalism, he has good reasoning faculties and a sense of right within him on which I rely. The people have correct instincts in these matters, and I therefore feel pretty sure he will succeed. The worst is, should that be the case, the curse of party will claim that it is a triumph over the Administration. No harm will come of it, perhaps, but it is annoying and vexatious to have results to which men have contributed turned against themselves. But it cannot be helped. The distinction cannot now be drawn. Parties are in a transition state.
Sumner tells me this P.M. that his committee will go against the use of naval vessels for the French Exhibition. This will be counter to Banks, who laid himself out largely in this matter, and Sumner will not be grieved to have Banks disappointed. There is obviously no special love between these two gentlemen. They are opposites in many respects. Banks has thought to gain popularity in this move, which was concocted by himself and Seward, to use naval vessels and naval appropriations for a purpose not naval. To make their scheme appear less expensive, I am told that General Butler has succeeded in inducing the Secretary of the Treasury to interfere in the matter of the Grey Jacket, condemned as prize. If so, I regret it. McCulloch has been imposed upon. Butler is reckless, avaricious, unscrupulous. He knows there is neither law nor justice in his course on this question, but he has the promise of large fees. For three months he has been annoying me on this subject. He then went to the Attorney General and for a time made some headway. Failing there, he has now imposed upon McCulloch, who has been deceived by Butler's cunning and browbeaten by his audacity.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 467-70
* Misdated as Monday, August 2, 1861.
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 18
Arrived at Sandy
Hook by two o'clock P. M. Relieved the First Battery, the pieces being turned
over to us. They started for home in the evening. Our camp is one mile from
Weavertown. The right section under Lieut. Vaughan, took position on Maryland
Heights, which command Loudon Heights and Harper's Ferry. Gen. Banks is in
command of this department. From this time, up to the thirteenth of August,
nothing exciting occurred. Battery drill in the morning and the manual of the
piece in the afternoon. Extremely hot weather during daytime. Capt. Reynolds
went home on a furlough.
SOURCE: Theodore
Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light
Artillery, p. 16
[ST. LOUIS, MO.]
My visit South was
in every sense agreeable. My old friends in Alexandria did all they could to
make us welcome, and I was not allowed to pay a cent on steamboat, at the
hotel, or anywhere. I visited several plantations and saw negroes at work for
wages, and seemingly as free and as conscious of their freedom as the blacks of
Ohio. Boyd was perfectly grateful for the books you sent him, which were in the
library and marked with your name. I found my own portrait, in full uniform, in
the main hall, and in the library many books on our side of the war. Boyd asked
me for army and navy registers, post surveys, and railroad surveys, and other
national books that I have and will send him. Of course they have their old
prejudices, and labor to prevent their cause from sinking into one of pure
malignity, but as to the future, he promised me to teach his pupils to love and
honor the whole country. He preserves all my old letters, and we looked over
many, in every one of which I took the highest national grounds and predicted
the ruin of their country.
The marble tablet
which was built over the main door on which was cut the inscription "By
the liberality of the general government. The Union - esto perpetua," was
taken out and was found broken in pieces. I saw the deposition to that effect
in Boyd's possession, but he could not say if Vallas did it of himself, or on
the order of the board of supervisors.
You remember
attention was called to that inscription by my original letter of resignation,
and it is probable the rebels made Vallas take it out; anyhow Boyd has ordered
an iron casting of same size and same inscription, and promised me to place it
over the door in lieu of the marble, too much broken up to be replaced.
In New Orleans I was
cautioned against going to Alexandria, which was burned down at the time of the
Banks expedition, but I never received more marked attention by all classes,
and not a word or look reached me but what was most respectful and gratifying.
In like manner I had the most pressing invitations to stop at Jackson and
Canton, Miss., both of which places were destroyed by me. I do think some
political power might be given to the young men who served in the rebel army
for they are a better class than the adventurers who have gone South purely for
office.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 327-8
Springfield, Illinois, December 24, 1860.
My dear Sir: I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for myself?
SOURCES: Charles R. Corning, Amos Tuck, p. 90; Roy P. Basler, Editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 4, p. 161
General Banks has received
the nomination for Congress from the Middlesex district, made vacant by the
resignation of Gooch, appointed Naval Officer. Stone and Griffin were
competitors for the nomination, neither of them known abroad. If I mistake not,
Stone has a musty reputation as a politician. While they were struggling, Banks
came home from New Orleans and succeeded over both. He will probably be
elected, for I see by his speech he classes himself among the Radicals and
foreshadows hostility to the Administration.
The Radicals of
Massachusetts are preparing to make war upon the President. This is obvious,
and Sumner has been inclined to take the lead. But there is no intimacy between
Banks and Sumner. They are unlike. Sumner is honest but imperious and
impracticable. Banks is precisely the opposite. I shall not be surprised if
Banks makes war upon the Navy Department, not that he has manifested any open
hostility to myself, but there is deep-seated animosity between him and Admiral
Porter and other naval officers of his command who were on the Red River
expedition.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 381
Have been unable to
write daily. The President has released A. H. Stephens, Regan, Trenholm, and others
on parole, and less dissatisfaction has manifested itself than I expected.
The Episcopal
convention at Philadelphia is a disgrace to the church, to the country, and the
times. Resolutions expressing gratification on the return of peace and the
removal of the cause of war have been voted down, and much abject and
snivelling servility exhibited, lest the Rebels should be offended. There are
duties to the country as well as the church.
Montgomery Blair
made a speech to a Democratic meeting at Cooper Institute, New York. As much
exception will be taken to the audience he selected as to his remarks. Although
he has cause for dissatisfaction, it is to be regretted that he should run into
an organization which is hostile to those who have rallied for the Union. True,
they profess to support the President and approve his course. This is perhaps
true in a degree, but that organization was factious during the War, and was in
sympathy with the Rebels prior to hostilities. Their present attitude is from
hatred of the Republicans more than sympathy with the President. Those of us
who are Democrats and who went into the Union organization ought to act in good
faith with our associates, and not fly off to those who have imperilled the
cause, without fully reflecting on what we have done, and are doing. Perhaps
Blair feels himself justified, but I would not have advised his course.
Wendell Phillips has
made an onset on the Administration and its friends, and also on the
extremists, hitting Banks and Sumner as well as the President. Censorious and
unpractical, the man, though possessed of extraordinary gifts, is a useless member
of society and deservedly without influence.
Secretary Seward has
been holding forth at Auburn in a studied and long-prepared speech, intended
for the special laudation and glory of himself and Stanton. It has the artful
shrewdness of the man and of his other half, Thurlow Weed, to whom it was
shown, and whose suggestions I think I can see in the utterances. Each and all
the Departments are shown up by him; each of the respective heads is mentioned,
with the solitary exception of Mr. Bates, omitted by design.
The three dernier
occupants of the Treasury are named with commendation, so of the three
Secretaries of the Interior and the two Postmasters-General. The Secretary of
the Navy has a bland compliment, and, as there have not been changes in that Department,
its honors are divided between the Secretary and the Assistant Secretary. But Stanton
is extolled as one of the lesser deities, is absolutely divine. His service
covers the War and months preceding, sufficient to swallow Cameron, who is
spoken of as honest and worthy. Speed, who is the only Attorney-General
mentioned, is made an extraordinary man of extraordinary abilities and mind,
for like Stanton he falls in with the Secretary of State.
It is not
particularly pleasing to Seward that I, with whom he has had more controversy
on important questions than with any man in the Cabinet, — I, a Democrat, who
came in at the organization of the Lincoln Cabinet and have continued through
without interruption, especially at the dark period of the assassination and
the great change when he was helpless and of no avail, it is not pleasing to
him that I should alone have gone straight through with my Department while
there have been changes in all others, and an interregnum in his own. Hence two
heads to the Navy Department, my Assistant's and mine. Had there been two or
three changes as in the others, this remark would probably not have been made.
Yet there is an artful design to stir up discord by creating ill blood or
jealousy between myself and Fox, whom they do not love, which is quite as much
in the vein of Weed as of Seward. I have no doubt the subject and points of
this speech were talked over by the two. Indeed, Seward always consults Weed
when he strikes a blow.
His assumptions of
what he has done, and thought, and said are characteristic by reason of their
arrogance and error. He was no advocate for placing Johnson on the ticket as
Vice-President, as he asserts, but was for Hamlin, as was every member of the
Cabinet but myself. Not that they were partisans, but for a good arrangement.
General Banks introduced me to Mrs. Ames, of Massachusetts (artist). She has made a bust of Lincoln (miniature) which seems to be exceedingly good. Seward, Grant, and others praise it. She talked long and well of her experience as nurse and her acquaintance with Lincoln. She wants to have a marble full-size Lincoln ordered. Cost five thousand dollars.
September 27, 1860.
I am much obliged to
you for the copy of your brother's speech. It is an able production and marks
him, as he had already proved himself to be, a deep thinker and a strong
reasoner. I regret very much that he is on the wrong side – his premises I do
not grant him. I believe he designs no other injustice to the South than to
keep slaves out of the territories, and since the Supreme Court says that under
the Constitution they can be carried there, the mere agitation of that matter,
free-soilism (not abolitionism), is not sufficient cause for the South to
attempt to break up the Union; but I am afraid Seward and many others will
never rest till they attempt the abolition of slavery in the states, and when
that comes, then “let the Union slide" (according to Governor Banks).
As long as Seward is
the acknowledged leader of the Republicans, has not the South reason to fear
that the abolition of slavery in the Territories is but the entering wedge to
overthrow it in the States? I think, and hope, that your brother will yet
openly renounce Seward's “irrepressible conflict” doctrine. But I must say, I
like to read Seward's speeches. I have learned more politics of him lately than
from all the rest of the politicians put together. However false his position,
he talks more like a philosopher than any of them. There is nothing of the
humbug about him; he is honest in his views, and for that very reason, he is
the more dangerous enemy, first to the South, and finally to the whole Union.
However unpleasant
it is to be separated so much from your family, I think you have acted wisely
in not bringing them down to Louisiana. If you could see the Pinewoods now,
after they have been burnt so bare that there is hardly a sprig of vegetation
to be seen, you could not help exclaiming, What a picture of starvation! And it
is reported that some poor devils are actually starving in Natchitoches; but I
suppose they are of the “rosin heel” tribe, and are really too lazy to live.
Bell will certainly
carry Louisiana. Poor Breck! I am afraid he will only carry S. S. Prentiss's
“Harry Percy of the Union,” South Carolina, and, maybe, he is not ultra enough
for the Fire-eaters. . .
I judge Johnston is
not coming to Vicksburg; he must be watched, though. I judge from the fact that
I have just received a proposition from Pemberton to appoint three
commissioners to arrange terms of capitulation, to save effusion of blood,
&c. I reply that the appointment of commissioners is unnecessary, because
he could put an end to it by surrender, and be treated with all the respect due
prisoners of war. When we go in, I want you to drive Johnston from the
Mississippi Central Railroad; destroy bridges as far as Grenada with your
cavalry, and do the enemy all the harm possible. You can make your own
arrangements and have all the troops of my command, except one corps—McPherson’s,
say. I must have some troops to send to Banks, to use against Port Hudson.
U.S. GRANT.
The enemy
surrendered this morning. The only terms allowed is their parole as prisoners
of war. This I regarded as of great advantage to us at this juncture. It saves
probably several days in the captured town; leaves troops and transports ready
for immediate service. General Sherman, with a large force, will face
immediately on Johnston and drive him from the State. I will send troops to the
relief of General Banks, and return the Ninth Corps to General Burnside.
SOURCE: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 44
GENERAL: The
garrison of Vicksburg surrendered this morning. Number of prisoners, as given
by the officers, is 27,000; field artillery, one hundred and twenty-eight
pieces, and a large number of siege guns, probably not less than eighty. The
other stores will probably not amount to any great deal. I held all my surplus
troops out on Big Black River and between there and Haynes' Bluff, intending to
assault in a few days. I directed that they be kept in readiness to move on the
shortest notice to attack Johnston. The moment the surrender of Vicksburg was
agreed upon, the order was given, and troops are now in motion. General Sherman
goes in command of this expedition. His force is so large I think it cannot
fail. This move will have the effect of keeping Johnston from detaching a
portion of his force for the relief of Port Hudson. Although I had the garrison
of Vicksburg completely in my power, I gave them the privilege of being paroled
at this place, the officers to retain their side-arms and private baggage, and
field, staff, and cavalry officers to take with them one horse each. I regard
the terms really more favorably than an unconditional surrender. It leaves the
transports and troops for immediate use. At the present junction of affairs in
the East and on the river above here, this may prove of vast importance. I
hope, general, and from what, Admiral Porter tells me, this probably will find
you in possession of Port Hudson.
GENERAL: It is with
pleasure I congratulate you upon your removal of the last obstacle to the free
navigation of the Mississippi. This will prove a death to Copperheadism in the
Northwest, besides serving to demoralize the enemy. Like arming the negroes, it
will act as a two-edged sword, cutting both ways.
Immediately on
receipt of your dispatches I forwarded them by Colonel Riggin, of my staff, who
will take them as far as Cairo. I ordered the boats and other articles you
required at once, and as many of the boats as can be got ready will go down at
the same time with this. I also ordered, on the strength of Colonel Smith's
report, about 1,000 men to Natchez, to hold that place for a few days, and to
collect the cattle that have been crossing there for the rebel army. I am also
sending a force to Yazoo City, to gather the heavy guns the rebels have there,
and to capture, if possible, the steamers the enemy have in Yazoo River.
Sherman is still out
with a very large force after Joe Johnston, and cannot well be back under six
or seven days. It will be impossible, therefore, for me to send you the forces
asked for in your letter until the expiration of that time. I telegraphed to
Washington, however, the substance of your request and the reason for it. So
far as anything I know of being expected from my force, I can spare you an army
corps of as good troops as ever trod American soil. No better are found on any
other. It will afford me pleasure to send them if I am not required to do some
duty requiring them. When the news of success reached me, I had General
Herron's division on board transports, ready to start for Port Hudson. That
news induced me to change their direction to Yazoo City.
SOURCES: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 499-500;
John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
31-2
DEAR GENERAL:
Dispatches just received from General Banks announces the good news of the
surrender of Port Hudson, with 5,000 prisoners and all the armament of the
place. News came from the East of the defeat of Lee and his precipitate
retreat, with Meade in full pursuit. I have nothing definite from you since the
morning of the 9th, but, not hearing, suppose all is right. Is there any
probability that Johnston may be receiving re-enforcements and intends
standing? I have just learned from Yazoo City that all the steamers from above
have just come down there, and that Johnston sent orders to press all the
negroes that can be got, to prosecute the work of fortifying with all vigor.
More than 1,000 negroes are said to be at work now. I immediately ordered a division
from here to break them up. The well prisoners have been paroled and about out
of town. The number reached near 25,000. There are still those in hospital,
near 6,000, yet to parole, besides many escaped without paroling.
Hoping to hear of
your giving Johnston a good thrashing and driving him beyond Pearl River, with
the loss of artillery, transportation, and munitions of war, I remain, yours
truly,
U.S. GRANT.
GENERAL: Your note
is just received. This morning a deserter, the hospital steward of the Sixth
Texas Cavalry (a young man from Indiana, but who moved to Texas in 1858), came
in He reports as having come as far as Mechanicsburg between the two rivers,
when their cavalry first arrived. Since that they have fallen back across Black
River, and now his brigade, [J. W.] Whitfield commanding, are at Bolton The
enemy have no body of troops south of the railroad; Johnston has his
headquarters between Brownsville and Canton, about 15 miles from Bolton. The
deserter says he hears these men say that Johnston has 35,000 men. They
estimate our forces at 90,000, but think Pemberton can detain most of them.
They are anxious to
attack, to relieve the suspense. Colonel Blood captured a rebel courier coming
out of Vicksburg last night. He had with him quite a number of private letters
for the mail outside. The most important among them is one from M. L. Smith to
his wife, and one from [W. T.] Withers. The former said their fate must be
decided within the next ten days. If not relieved in that time, he expects to
go North, but calculates on a speedy exchange, when he will be restored to the
bosom of his family. A number of the letters speak of getting four ounces of
bacon per day, and bread made of rice and flour mixed. Corn $40 per bushel, and
not to be had at that. Strong faith is expressed by some in Johnston's coming
to their relief. Withers, particularly, cannot believe they have been so wicked
as for Providence to allow the loss of their stronghold of Vicksburg. Their
principal faith seems to be in Providence and Joe Johnston.
Dana will probably
go out this evening, and will carry you any news we may have up to that time.
There is no truth in the rumor that Port Hudson has fallen. I believe a vessel
has come up from Port Hudson, but no word for me. Admiral Porter informs me
that Banks has lost severely; that Kirby Smith has attempted to relieve the
garrison from the opposite side of the river.
McPherson will
spring two mines in his front this afternoon. He will try then to secure a
place within the fort now in his front. The mines are run about 35 feet in, and
will go up with a blast of 1,000 pounds of powder. I think it advisable to keep
your troops out until Joe Johnston carries a design to move in some other
direction. Continue to obstruct roads to confine his advance on as far and as
narrow passes as possible. Should you discover a change of plan on his part, to
counteract it.