Nothing of any
consequence happened. Camp wore a wintry aspect. The time was mostly occupied
in building stables for the horses. Colonel Tompkins, now on General Stone's
staff, arrived at Poolesville; we did no longer belong to General Banks'
division, but to General Stone's.
SOURCE: Theodore
Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light
Artillery, p. 27
RUMORS that the
President, the administration, or whoever has it in his hands, is to take the
offensive, make a demonstration on Virginia and on Baltimore. But these ups and
downs, these vacillations, are daily occurrences, and nothing points to a firm
purpose, to a decided policy, or any policy whatever of the administration.
A great principle
and a great cause cannot be served and cannot be saved by half measures, and
still less by tricks and by paltry expedients. But the administration is tossed
by expedients. Nothing is hitherto done, and this denotes a want of any firm
decision.
Mr. Seward's letter
to Dayton, a first manifesto to foreign nations, and the first document of the
new Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is bold, high-toned, and American, but it
has dark shadows; shows an inexperienced hand in diplomacy and in dealing with
events. The passages about the frequent changes in Europe are unnecessary, and
unprovoked by anything whatever. It is especially offensive to France, to the
French people, and to Louis Napoleon. It is bosh, but in Europe they will
consider it as une politique provocatrice.
For the present
complications, diplomatic relations ought to be conducted with firmness, with
dignity, but not with an arrogant, offensive assumption, not in the spirit of
spread-eagleism; no brass, but reason and decision.
Americans will find
out how absolute are the laws of history, as stern and as positive as all the
other laws of nature. To me it is clear that one phasis of American political
growth, development, &c., is gone, is finished. It is the phasis of the
Union as created by the Constitution. This war—war it will be, and a terrible
one, notwithstanding all the prophecies of Mr. Seward to the contrary—this war
will generate new social and constitutional necessities and new formulas. New
conceptions and new passions will spring up; in one word, it will bring forth
new social, physical, and moral creations: so we are in the period of
gestation.
Democracy, the true,
the noble, that which constitutes the signification of America in the progress
of our race—democracy will not be destroyed. All the inveterate enemies here
and in Europe, all who already joyously sing the funeral songs of democracy,
all of them will become disgraced. Democracy will emerge more pure, more
powerful, more rational; destroyed will be the most infamous oligarchy ever
known in history; oligarchy issued neither from the sword, nor the gown, nor
the shop, but wombed, generated, cemented, and sustained by traffic in man.
The famous Russell,
of the London Times, is what I always thought him to be—a graphic, imaginative
writer, with power of description of all he sees, but not the slightest insight
in events, in men, in institutions. Russell is not able to find out the
epidermis under a shirt. And they make so much fuss about him; Seward brings
him to the first cabinet dinner given by the President; Mrs. Lincoln sends him
bouquets; and this man, Russell, will heap blunders upon blunders.
The pressure on the
administration for decided, energetic action increases from all sides. Seldom,
anywhere, an administration receives so many moral kicks as does this one; but
it seems to stand them with serenity. Oh, for a clear, firm, well-defined
purpose!
The country, the
people demands an attack on Virginia, on Richmond, and Baltimore; the country,
better than the military authorities, understands the political and military
necessities; the people has the consciousness that if fighting is done
instantly, it will be done cheaply and thoroughly by a move of its finger. The
administration can double the number of men under arms, but hesitates.
What slow coaches,
and what ignorance of human nature and of human events. The knowing ones, the
wiseacres, will be the ruin of this country. They poison the sound reason of
the people.
What the d---- is
Seward with his politicians' policy? What can signify his close alliance with
such outlaws as Wikoff and the Herald, and pushing that sheet to abuse England
and Lord Lyons? Wikoff is, so to speak, an inmate of Seward's house and office,
and Wikoff declared publicly that the telegram contained in the Herald, and so
violent against England and Lord Lyons, was written under Seward's dictation.
Wikoff, I am told, showed the MS. corrected in Seward's handwriting. Lord Lyons
is menaced with passports. Is this man mad? Can Seward for a moment believe
that Wikoff knows Europe, or has any influence? He may know the low resorts
there. Can Seward be fool enough to irritate England, and entangle this
country? Even my anglophobia cannot stand it. Wrote about it warning letters to
New York, to Barney, to Opdyke, to Wadsworth, &c.
The whole District a
great camp; the best population from the North in rank and file. More
intelligence, industry, and all good national and intellectual qualities
represented in those militia and volunteer regiments, than in any—not only
army, but society in Europe. Artisans, mechanics of all industries, of trade,
merchants, bankers, lawyers; all pursuits and professions. Glorious,
heart-elevating sight! These regiments want only a small touch of military
organization.
Weeks run, troops
increase, and not the first step made to organize them into an army, to form
brigades, not to say divisions; not yet two regiments manœuvring together. What
a strange idea the military chief or chiefs, or department, or somebody, must have
of what it is to organize an army. Not the first letter made. Can it be
ignorance of this elementary knowledge with which is familiar every corporal in
Europe? When will they start, when begin to mould an army?
The administration
was not composed for this emergency, and is not up to it. The government
hesitates, is inexperienced, and will unavoidably make heaps of mistakes, which
may endanger the cause, and for which, at any rate, the people is terribly to
pay. The loss in men and material will be very considerable before the
administration will get on the right track. It is painful to think, nay, to be
sure of it. Then the European anti-Union politicians and diplomats will credit
the disasters to the inefficiency of self-government. The diplomats, accustomed
to the rapid, energetic action of a supreme or of a centralized power, laugh at
the trepidation of ours. But the fault is not in the principle of
self-government, but in the accident which brought to the helm such an amount
of inexperience. Monarchy with a feeble head is even in a worse predicament.
Louis XV, the Spanish and Neapolitan Bourbons, Gustavus IV., &c., are
thereof the historical evidences.
May the shock of
events bring out new lights from the people! One day the administration is to
take the initiative, that is, the offensive, then it recedes from it. No one
understands the organization and handling of such large bodies. They are to
make their apprenticeship, if only it may not to be too dearly paid. But they
cannot escape the action of that so positive law in nature, in history, and,
above all, absolute in war.
Wrote to Charles
Sumner, suggesting that the ice magnates send here from Boston ice for
hospitals.
The war now waged
against the free States is one made by the most hideous sauvagerie against a
most perfectioned and progressive civilization. History records not a similar
event. It is a hideous phenomenon, disgracing our race, and it is so, look on
it from whatever side you will.
A new man from the
people, like Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, acts promptly, decisively;
feels and speaks ardently, and not as the rhetors. Andrew is the incarnation of
the Massachusetts, nay, of the genuine American people. I must become
acquainted with Andrew. Thousands of others like Andrew exist in all the
States. Can anybody be a more noble incarnation of the American people than J.
S. Wadsworth? I become acquainted with numerous men whom I honor as the true
American men. So Boutwell, of Massachusetts, Curtis Noyes, Senator Wade,
Trumbull, Walcott, from Ohio, Senator King, Chandler, and many, many true
patriots.
Senator Wilson, my
old friend, is up to the mark; a man of the people, but too mercurial.
Captain or Major
Lyon in St. Louis, the first initiator or revelator of what is the absolute law
of necessity in questions of national death or life. Lyon jumped over formulas,
over routine, over clumsy discipline and martinetism, and saved St. Louis and
Missouri.
It is positively
asserted that General Scott's first impression was to court-martial Lyon for this
breach of discipline, for having acted on his own patriotic responsibility.
Can Scott be such a
dried-up, narrow-minded disciplinarian, and he the Egeria of Lincoln! Oh! oh!
Diplomats tell me that Seward uses the dictatorial I, speaking of the government.
Three cheers for the new Louis XIV.!
Governor Banks would
be excellent for the Intendant General de l'Armée: they call it here General
Quartermaster. Awful disorder and slowness prevail in this cardinal branch of
the army. Wrote to Sumner concerning Banks.
Gen. Butler took
Baltimore; did what ought to have been done a long time ago. Butler did it on
his own responsibility, without orders. Butler acted upon the same principle as
Lyon, and, horrabile dictu, astonished, terrified the parleying administration.
Scott wishes to put Butler under arrest; happily Lincoln resisted his boss (so
Mr. Lincoln called Scott before a deputation from Baltimore). Scott, Patterson,
and Mansfield made a beautiful strategical horror! They began to speak of
strategy; plan to approach Baltimore on three different roads, and with about
35,000 men. Butler did it one morning with two regiments, and kicked over the
senile strategians in council.
The administration
speaks with pride of its forbearing, that is, parleying, policy. The people,
the country, requires action. Congressus
impar Achilli: Achilles, the people, and Congressus the forbearing
administration.
Music, parades,
serenades, receptions, &c., &c., only no genuine military organization.
They do it differently on the other side of the Potomac. There the leaders are
in earnest.
Met Gov. Sprague and
asked him when he would have a brigade; his answer was, soon; but this soon
comes very slow.
News from England.
Lord John Russell declared in Parliament that the Queen, or the English
government, will recognize the rebels in the condition of
"belligerents." O England, England! The declaration is too hasty.
Lord John cannot have had news of the proclamation of the blockade when he made
that declaration. The blockade could have served him as an excuse for the
haste. English aristocracy and government show thus their enmity to the North,
and their partiality to slavers. What will the anglophiles of Boston say to
this?
Neither England or
France, or anybody in Europe, recognized the condition of
"belligerents" to Poles, when we fought in Russia in 1831. Were the
Magyars recognized as such in 1848-49? Lord Palmerston called the German flag
hard names in the war with Denmark for Schleswig-Holstein; and now he bows to
the flag of slavers and pirates. If the English statesmen have not some very
particular reason for this hasty, uncalled-for condescension to the enemies of
humanity, then curse upon the English government. I recollect that European
powers recognized the Greeks "belligerents" (Austria opposed) in
their glorious struggle against the slavers, the Turks. But then this stretching
of positive, international comity,—this stretching was done in the interest of
freedom, of right, and of humanity, against savages and slaughterers. On the
present occasion England did the reverse. O England, England, thou Judas
Iscariot of nations! Seward said to John Jacob Astor, and to a New York
deputation, that this English declaration concerning "belligerents"
is a mere formality, having no bearing at all. I told the contrary to Astor and
to others, assuring them that Mr. Seward will soon find, to the cost of the
people and to his own, how much complication and trouble this mere formality
will occasion, and occasion it before long. Is Seward so ignorant of
international laws, of general or special history, or was it only said to throw
dust? Wrote about the "belligerents" a warning letter to the
President.
Butler, in command
of Fortress Monroe, proposes to land in Virginia and to take Norfolk; Scott,
the highest military authority in the land, opposes. Has Scott used up his
energy, his sense, and even his military judgment in defending Washington
before the inauguration? He is too old; his brains, cerebellum, must be dried
up.
Imbecility in a
leader is often, nay always, more dangerous than treason; the people can find
out easily, too—treason, but is disarmed against imbecility.
What a
thoughtlessness to press on Russia the convention of Paris? Russia has already
a treaty with America, but in case of a war with England, the Russian ports on
the Pacific, and the only one accessible to Americans, will be closed to them
by the convention of Paris.
The governors of the
States of Ohio, Illinois, Pennsylvania assure the protection of their
respective States to the Union men of the Border States. What a bitter
criticism on the slow, forbearing policy of the administration. Mr. Lincoln
seems to be a rather slow intellect, with slow powers of perception. However,
patience; perhaps the shock of events will arouse and bring in action now
latent, but good and energetic qualities. As it stands now, the administration,
being the focus of activity, is tepid, if not cold and slow; the circumference,
that is, the people, the States, are full of fire and of activity. This
condition is altogether the reverse of the physiological and all other natural
laws, and this may turn out badly, as nature's laws never can be with impunity
reversed or violated.
The diplomats
complain that Seward treats them with a certain rudeness; that he never gives
them time to explain and speak, but interrupts by saying, "I know it
all," etc. If he had knowledge of things, and of the diplomatic world, he
would be aware that the more firmness he has to use, the more politeness, even
fastidiousness, he is to display. Scott does not wish for any bold
demonstration, for any offensive movement. The reason may be, that he is too
old, too crippled, to be able to take the field in person, and too inflated by
conceit to give the glory of the active command to any other man. Wrote to
Charles Sumner in Boston to stir up some inventive Yankee to construct a
wheelbarrow in which Scott could take the field in person.
In a conversation
with Seward, I called his attention to the fact that the government is
surrounded by the finest, most complicated, intense, and well-spread web of
treason that ever was spun; that almost all that constitutes society and is in
a daily, nay hourly, contact with the various branches of the Executive, all
this, with soul, mind, and heart is devoted to the rebels. I observed to him
that si licet exemplis in parvo grandibus
uti. Napoleon suffered more from the bitter hostility of the faubourg St.
Germain, than from the armies of the enemy; and here it is still worse, as this
hostility runs out into actual, unrelenting treason. To this Mr. Seward
answered with the utmost serenity, "that before long all this will change;
that when he became governor of New York, a similar hostility prevailed between
the two sections of that State, but soon he pacified "everything."
What a Merlin! what a sorcerer!
Some simple-minded
persons from the interior of the State of New York questioned Mr. Seward, in my
presence, about Europe, and "what they will do there?" To this, with
a voice of the Delphic oracle, he responded, "that after all France is not
bigger than the State of New York." Is it possible to say such trash even
as a joke?
Finally, the
hesitations of General Scott are overcome. "Virginia's sacred soil is
invaded;" Potomac crossed; looks like a beginning of activity; Scott
consented to move on Arlington Heights, but during two or three days opposed
the seizure of Alexandria. Is that all that he knows of that hateful watchword—strategy—nausea
repeated by every ignoramus and imbecile ?
Alexandria being a
port of entry, and having a railroad, is more a strategic point for the
invasion of Virginia than are Arlington Heights.
The brave Ellsworth
murdered in Alexandria, and Scott insisted that Alexandria be invaded and
occupied by night. In all probability, Ellsworth would not have been murdered
if this villanous nest had been entered by broad daylight. As if the troops
were committing a crime, or a shameful act! O General Scott! but for you
Ellsworth would not have been murdered.
General McDowell
made a plan to seize upon Manassas as the centre of railroads, the true defence
of Washington, and the firm foothold in Virginia.
Nobody, or only few
enemies, were in Manassas. McDowell shows his genuine military insight. Scott,
and, as I am told, the whole senile military council, opposed McDowell's plan
as being too bold. Do these mummies intend to conduct a war without boldness?
Thick clouds of
patriotic, well-intentioned harpies surround all the issues of the executive
doors, windows, crevasses, all of them ready to turn an honest, or rather
dishonest, penny out of the fatherland. Behind the harpies advance the
busy-bodies, the would-be well-informed, and a promiscuous crowd of
well-intentioned do-nothings.
SOURCE: Adam
Gurowski, Diary from March 4, 1861, to November 12, 1862, p. 37-49
Battle of Ball's
Bluff. Gen. Stone crossed the Potomac near Conrad's Ferry, across Harrison's
Island, with Col. Baker's brigade, this morning. (Forty-second New York,
Fifteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts Regiments, and a piece of artillery, of
Capt. Vaughan's battery. The rest of the battery stayed on Harrison Island.) By
seven o'clock in the evening, the whole division of Gen. Banks left Darnestown,
going to Edwards Ferry. Our battery started about nine o'clock. Arriving at
Poolesville, we heard of the disastrous result. Our troops had withdrawn from
Ball's Bluff. Col. Baker's corpse was brought into town.
SOURCE: Theodore
Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light
Artillery, p. 24-5
Battery drill, and speech by our First Lieutenant. Gen. Banks visited our camp this evening. Nothing important up to [Saturday, October 19.]
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 24
Gen. Banks and staff honored our battery drill with their presence. Col. Geary of the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania, and Capt. Tompkins, with the right section, had a fight with the rebels at Harper's Ferry and Bolivar Heights. Our right section, occupying Maryland Heights, fired into Bolivar and on a rebel battery on Loudon Heights. Even the drivers served an old iron gun. Col. Geary's troops, crossing the river in scows, carried the fight to Bolivar Heights. No loss of men in the right section.
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 24
We have had no
fight here yet, but from the indications it can't be deferred much longer. We
have drawn one hundred rounds of ammunition, the batteries are training their
horses, and many other unmistakable signs of an early engagement are to be seen
at all hours of the day. A considerable force was sent out last night to watch
the movements of the enemy, and reported this morning that they were landing
troops, guns, etc., below. Their men are deserting They assign as a cause and
coming over at the rate of five a day, that they are placed on a level with the
negro regiments in Bank's Army.
Evening.—Eight
of the enemy's vessels appeared around the bend at noon to-day, and commenced
throwing shells into our fortifications, but the range was too long to justify
our guns replying. We were ordered to our position, which is on the right wing,
and near the river batteries, decidedly the most dangerous one that could be
assigned us. Here we spent the evening very pleasantly dodging shells, quite a
number of which fell within our line.
SOURCE: Edwin
L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western
History, Vol. 1, p. 125
MANSFIELD, OHIO,
Aug. 4, 1872.
Dear Brother: . . .
Just now all interest is centred upon the Presidential election. As you say,
the Republicans are running a Democrat, and the Democrats a Republican. And
there is not an essential difference in the platform of principle. The chief
interest I feel in the canvass is the preservation of the Republican party,
which I think essential to secure the fair enforcement of the results of the
war. General Grant has so managed matters as to gain the very bitter and active
hostility of many of the leading Republicans, and the personal indifference of
most of the residue. He will, however, be fairly supported by the great mass of
the Republicans, and I still hope and believe will be elected. The defections
among Republicans will be made up by Democrats, who will not vote for Greeley.
The whole canvass is
so extraordinary, that no result can be anticipated. You will notice that Sumner,
Thurman, Banks, and others are for Greeley, who is probably the most unfit man
for President, except Train, that has ever been mentioned. I intend to support
Grant fairly and fully, as best for the country and Republican party.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 338-9
I had an interview with the President concerning Semmes, as understood yesterday. Showed him the papers, and, after some conversation, he proposed to see Judge-Advocate-General Bolles, Solicitor of the Navy Department; said he would on the whole prefer him to the Attorney-General in this matter, and named Monday next.
By the President's request I went into the library and was introduced to Doctor Norris, with whom the President desired me to have some conversation. Doctor N. said he believed that the President and I had had some consultation in relation to a sea voyage for Robert, the President's son. He supposed I knew the circumstances. I told him I was aware of the young man's infirmity, that he had once spoken to me himself on the subject in a manner to touch my sympathy in his behalf. That I had also conversed with his father, as he seemed to be aware, and as he (the father) had doubtless advised him. He said that was so, and proceeded to tell me that R. had been beguiled into intemperance after he became of age, through his generous qualities, goodness of heart, and friendly disposition. He, therefore, thought it possible to reclaim him.
I had very little expectation of such a result, but it is important, for his father's sake and for the country's, that the President should in these days be relieved of the care and anxiety which his excesses and passions involve. To send him abroad in a public ship is the best disposition that can be made of him, and a voyage to the East Indies would be better than any other, and such a voyage was now in preparation. Doctor Norris thought this desirable.
I subsequently saw the President and told him what had taken place and that I could make the arrangement with little trouble to him. It seemed to give him consolation.
Letters from Connecticut do not speak with confidence of the result of the election next Monday. But my impressions are that the Union Party with Hawley will be successful. The battle will not be on the strict political issues before the country. On these issues, if well defined and the candidates were squarely presented, I have no doubt that the Administration would be triumphantly sustained. It would be union against disunion, the President versus Congress under the lead of Stevens. But politics and parties have become strangely mixed. Hawley, I am apprehensive, leans to the Congressional policy at present, but I trust observation and reflection will bring him right.
The true Union men who sustain the President feel that the defeat of Hawley would be a triumph to Toucey, Seymour, Eaton, and others who opposed the Government in war and whom they, for that reason, detest, and they will band together to support Hawley from matters of the past rather than issues of the present. Moreover Hawley has popular qualities. For ten years he has fought the Union battles in our political contests and in the field, and though he may be touched with Radicalism, he has good reasoning faculties and a sense of right within him on which I rely. The people have correct instincts in these matters, and I therefore feel pretty sure he will succeed. The worst is, should that be the case, the curse of party will claim that it is a triumph over the Administration. No harm will come of it, perhaps, but it is annoying and vexatious to have results to which men have contributed turned against themselves. But it cannot be helped. The distinction cannot now be drawn. Parties are in a transition state.
Sumner tells me this P.M. that his committee will go against the use of naval vessels for the French Exhibition. This will be counter to Banks, who laid himself out largely in this matter, and Sumner will not be grieved to have Banks disappointed. There is obviously no special love between these two gentlemen. They are opposites in many respects. Banks has thought to gain popularity in this move, which was concocted by himself and Seward, to use naval vessels and naval appropriations for a purpose not naval. To make their scheme appear less expensive, I am told that General Butler has succeeded in inducing the Secretary of the Treasury to interfere in the matter of the Grey Jacket, condemned as prize. If so, I regret it. McCulloch has been imposed upon. Butler is reckless, avaricious, unscrupulous. He knows there is neither law nor justice in his course on this question, but he has the promise of large fees. For three months he has been annoying me on this subject. He then went to the Attorney General and for a time made some headway. Failing there, he has now imposed upon McCulloch, who has been deceived by Butler's cunning and browbeaten by his audacity.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 467-70
* Misdated as Monday, August 2, 1861.
SOURCE: Theodore Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light Artillery, p. 18
Arrived at Sandy
Hook by two o'clock P. M. Relieved the First Battery, the pieces being turned
over to us. They started for home in the evening. Our camp is one mile from
Weavertown. The right section under Lieut. Vaughan, took position on Maryland
Heights, which command Loudon Heights and Harper's Ferry. Gen. Banks is in
command of this department. From this time, up to the thirteenth of August,
nothing exciting occurred. Battery drill in the morning and the manual of the
piece in the afternoon. Extremely hot weather during daytime. Capt. Reynolds
went home on a furlough.
SOURCE: Theodore
Reichardt, Diary of Battery A, First Regiment Rhode Island Light
Artillery, p. 16
[ST. LOUIS, MO.]
My visit South was
in every sense agreeable. My old friends in Alexandria did all they could to
make us welcome, and I was not allowed to pay a cent on steamboat, at the
hotel, or anywhere. I visited several plantations and saw negroes at work for
wages, and seemingly as free and as conscious of their freedom as the blacks of
Ohio. Boyd was perfectly grateful for the books you sent him, which were in the
library and marked with your name. I found my own portrait, in full uniform, in
the main hall, and in the library many books on our side of the war. Boyd asked
me for army and navy registers, post surveys, and railroad surveys, and other
national books that I have and will send him. Of course they have their old
prejudices, and labor to prevent their cause from sinking into one of pure
malignity, but as to the future, he promised me to teach his pupils to love and
honor the whole country. He preserves all my old letters, and we looked over
many, in every one of which I took the highest national grounds and predicted
the ruin of their country.
The marble tablet
which was built over the main door on which was cut the inscription "By
the liberality of the general government. The Union - esto perpetua," was
taken out and was found broken in pieces. I saw the deposition to that effect
in Boyd's possession, but he could not say if Vallas did it of himself, or on
the order of the board of supervisors.
You remember
attention was called to that inscription by my original letter of resignation,
and it is probable the rebels made Vallas take it out; anyhow Boyd has ordered
an iron casting of same size and same inscription, and promised me to place it
over the door in lieu of the marble, too much broken up to be replaced.
In New Orleans I was
cautioned against going to Alexandria, which was burned down at the time of the
Banks expedition, but I never received more marked attention by all classes,
and not a word or look reached me but what was most respectful and gratifying.
In like manner I had the most pressing invitations to stop at Jackson and
Canton, Miss., both of which places were destroyed by me. I do think some
political power might be given to the young men who served in the rebel army
for they are a better class than the adventurers who have gone South purely for
office.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 327-8
Springfield, Illinois, December 24, 1860.
My dear Sir: I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for myself?
SOURCES: Charles R. Corning, Amos Tuck, p. 90; Roy P. Basler, Editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 4, p. 161
General Banks has received
the nomination for Congress from the Middlesex district, made vacant by the
resignation of Gooch, appointed Naval Officer. Stone and Griffin were
competitors for the nomination, neither of them known abroad. If I mistake not,
Stone has a musty reputation as a politician. While they were struggling, Banks
came home from New Orleans and succeeded over both. He will probably be
elected, for I see by his speech he classes himself among the Radicals and
foreshadows hostility to the Administration.
The Radicals of
Massachusetts are preparing to make war upon the President. This is obvious,
and Sumner has been inclined to take the lead. But there is no intimacy between
Banks and Sumner. They are unlike. Sumner is honest but imperious and
impracticable. Banks is precisely the opposite. I shall not be surprised if
Banks makes war upon the Navy Department, not that he has manifested any open
hostility to myself, but there is deep-seated animosity between him and Admiral
Porter and other naval officers of his command who were on the Red River
expedition.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 381
Have been unable to
write daily. The President has released A. H. Stephens, Regan, Trenholm, and others
on parole, and less dissatisfaction has manifested itself than I expected.
The Episcopal
convention at Philadelphia is a disgrace to the church, to the country, and the
times. Resolutions expressing gratification on the return of peace and the
removal of the cause of war have been voted down, and much abject and
snivelling servility exhibited, lest the Rebels should be offended. There are
duties to the country as well as the church.
Montgomery Blair
made a speech to a Democratic meeting at Cooper Institute, New York. As much
exception will be taken to the audience he selected as to his remarks. Although
he has cause for dissatisfaction, it is to be regretted that he should run into
an organization which is hostile to those who have rallied for the Union. True,
they profess to support the President and approve his course. This is perhaps
true in a degree, but that organization was factious during the War, and was in
sympathy with the Rebels prior to hostilities. Their present attitude is from
hatred of the Republicans more than sympathy with the President. Those of us
who are Democrats and who went into the Union organization ought to act in good
faith with our associates, and not fly off to those who have imperilled the
cause, without fully reflecting on what we have done, and are doing. Perhaps
Blair feels himself justified, but I would not have advised his course.
Wendell Phillips has
made an onset on the Administration and its friends, and also on the
extremists, hitting Banks and Sumner as well as the President. Censorious and
unpractical, the man, though possessed of extraordinary gifts, is a useless member
of society and deservedly without influence.
Secretary Seward has
been holding forth at Auburn in a studied and long-prepared speech, intended
for the special laudation and glory of himself and Stanton. It has the artful
shrewdness of the man and of his other half, Thurlow Weed, to whom it was
shown, and whose suggestions I think I can see in the utterances. Each and all
the Departments are shown up by him; each of the respective heads is mentioned,
with the solitary exception of Mr. Bates, omitted by design.
The three dernier
occupants of the Treasury are named with commendation, so of the three
Secretaries of the Interior and the two Postmasters-General. The Secretary of
the Navy has a bland compliment, and, as there have not been changes in that Department,
its honors are divided between the Secretary and the Assistant Secretary. But Stanton
is extolled as one of the lesser deities, is absolutely divine. His service
covers the War and months preceding, sufficient to swallow Cameron, who is
spoken of as honest and worthy. Speed, who is the only Attorney-General
mentioned, is made an extraordinary man of extraordinary abilities and mind,
for like Stanton he falls in with the Secretary of State.
It is not
particularly pleasing to Seward that I, with whom he has had more controversy
on important questions than with any man in the Cabinet, — I, a Democrat, who
came in at the organization of the Lincoln Cabinet and have continued through
without interruption, especially at the dark period of the assassination and
the great change when he was helpless and of no avail, it is not pleasing to
him that I should alone have gone straight through with my Department while
there have been changes in all others, and an interregnum in his own. Hence two
heads to the Navy Department, my Assistant's and mine. Had there been two or
three changes as in the others, this remark would probably not have been made.
Yet there is an artful design to stir up discord by creating ill blood or
jealousy between myself and Fox, whom they do not love, which is quite as much
in the vein of Weed as of Seward. I have no doubt the subject and points of
this speech were talked over by the two. Indeed, Seward always consults Weed
when he strikes a blow.
His assumptions of
what he has done, and thought, and said are characteristic by reason of their
arrogance and error. He was no advocate for placing Johnson on the ticket as
Vice-President, as he asserts, but was for Hamlin, as was every member of the
Cabinet but myself. Not that they were partisans, but for a good arrangement.
General Banks introduced me to Mrs. Ames, of Massachusetts (artist). She has made a bust of Lincoln (miniature) which seems to be exceedingly good. Seward, Grant, and others praise it. She talked long and well of her experience as nurse and her acquaintance with Lincoln. She wants to have a marble full-size Lincoln ordered. Cost five thousand dollars.
September 27, 1860.
I am much obliged to
you for the copy of your brother's speech. It is an able production and marks
him, as he had already proved himself to be, a deep thinker and a strong
reasoner. I regret very much that he is on the wrong side – his premises I do
not grant him. I believe he designs no other injustice to the South than to
keep slaves out of the territories, and since the Supreme Court says that under
the Constitution they can be carried there, the mere agitation of that matter,
free-soilism (not abolitionism), is not sufficient cause for the South to
attempt to break up the Union; but I am afraid Seward and many others will
never rest till they attempt the abolition of slavery in the states, and when
that comes, then “let the Union slide" (according to Governor Banks).
As long as Seward is
the acknowledged leader of the Republicans, has not the South reason to fear
that the abolition of slavery in the Territories is but the entering wedge to
overthrow it in the States? I think, and hope, that your brother will yet
openly renounce Seward's “irrepressible conflict” doctrine. But I must say, I
like to read Seward's speeches. I have learned more politics of him lately than
from all the rest of the politicians put together. However false his position,
he talks more like a philosopher than any of them. There is nothing of the
humbug about him; he is honest in his views, and for that very reason, he is
the more dangerous enemy, first to the South, and finally to the whole Union.
However unpleasant
it is to be separated so much from your family, I think you have acted wisely
in not bringing them down to Louisiana. If you could see the Pinewoods now,
after they have been burnt so bare that there is hardly a sprig of vegetation
to be seen, you could not help exclaiming, What a picture of starvation! And it
is reported that some poor devils are actually starving in Natchitoches; but I
suppose they are of the “rosin heel” tribe, and are really too lazy to live.
Bell will certainly
carry Louisiana. Poor Breck! I am afraid he will only carry S. S. Prentiss's
“Harry Percy of the Union,” South Carolina, and, maybe, he is not ultra enough
for the Fire-eaters. . .
I judge Johnston is
not coming to Vicksburg; he must be watched, though. I judge from the fact that
I have just received a proposition from Pemberton to appoint three
commissioners to arrange terms of capitulation, to save effusion of blood,
&c. I reply that the appointment of commissioners is unnecessary, because
he could put an end to it by surrender, and be treated with all the respect due
prisoners of war. When we go in, I want you to drive Johnston from the
Mississippi Central Railroad; destroy bridges as far as Grenada with your
cavalry, and do the enemy all the harm possible. You can make your own
arrangements and have all the troops of my command, except one corps—McPherson’s,
say. I must have some troops to send to Banks, to use against Port Hudson.
U.S. GRANT.
The enemy
surrendered this morning. The only terms allowed is their parole as prisoners
of war. This I regarded as of great advantage to us at this juncture. It saves
probably several days in the captured town; leaves troops and transports ready
for immediate service. General Sherman, with a large force, will face
immediately on Johnston and drive him from the State. I will send troops to the
relief of General Banks, and return the Ninth Corps to General Burnside.
SOURCE: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 44
GENERAL: The
garrison of Vicksburg surrendered this morning. Number of prisoners, as given
by the officers, is 27,000; field artillery, one hundred and twenty-eight
pieces, and a large number of siege guns, probably not less than eighty. The
other stores will probably not amount to any great deal. I held all my surplus
troops out on Big Black River and between there and Haynes' Bluff, intending to
assault in a few days. I directed that they be kept in readiness to move on the
shortest notice to attack Johnston. The moment the surrender of Vicksburg was
agreed upon, the order was given, and troops are now in motion. General Sherman
goes in command of this expedition. His force is so large I think it cannot
fail. This move will have the effect of keeping Johnston from detaching a
portion of his force for the relief of Port Hudson. Although I had the garrison
of Vicksburg completely in my power, I gave them the privilege of being paroled
at this place, the officers to retain their side-arms and private baggage, and
field, staff, and cavalry officers to take with them one horse each. I regard
the terms really more favorably than an unconditional surrender. It leaves the
transports and troops for immediate use. At the present junction of affairs in
the East and on the river above here, this may prove of vast importance. I
hope, general, and from what, Admiral Porter tells me, this probably will find
you in possession of Port Hudson.
GENERAL: It is with
pleasure I congratulate you upon your removal of the last obstacle to the free
navigation of the Mississippi. This will prove a death to Copperheadism in the
Northwest, besides serving to demoralize the enemy. Like arming the negroes, it
will act as a two-edged sword, cutting both ways.
Immediately on
receipt of your dispatches I forwarded them by Colonel Riggin, of my staff, who
will take them as far as Cairo. I ordered the boats and other articles you
required at once, and as many of the boats as can be got ready will go down at
the same time with this. I also ordered, on the strength of Colonel Smith's
report, about 1,000 men to Natchez, to hold that place for a few days, and to
collect the cattle that have been crossing there for the rebel army. I am also
sending a force to Yazoo City, to gather the heavy guns the rebels have there,
and to capture, if possible, the steamers the enemy have in Yazoo River.
Sherman is still out
with a very large force after Joe Johnston, and cannot well be back under six
or seven days. It will be impossible, therefore, for me to send you the forces
asked for in your letter until the expiration of that time. I telegraphed to
Washington, however, the substance of your request and the reason for it. So
far as anything I know of being expected from my force, I can spare you an army
corps of as good troops as ever trod American soil. No better are found on any
other. It will afford me pleasure to send them if I am not required to do some
duty requiring them. When the news of success reached me, I had General
Herron's division on board transports, ready to start for Port Hudson. That
news induced me to change their direction to Yazoo City.
SOURCES: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 499-500;
John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
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