Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, March __, 1863

We have had a week of comparative quiet since my last entry. The enemy have ceased shelling, and it is believed that they have abandoned the idea of taking this place at present. We have now some hope of being sent to reinforce General J. E. Johnston, who is in command of the army in Tennessee. Spring has fully opened here, and the woods and flowers are in full bloom. The weather has been oppressively warm for the last two weeks, until within a couple of days, when it has been rather cool.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 165

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, March 14, 1863

We have had no fight here yet, but from the indications it can't be deferred much longer. We have drawn one hundred rounds of ammunition, the batteries are training their horses, and many other unmistakable signs of an early engagement are to be seen at all hours of the day. A considerable force was sent out last night to watch the movements of the enemy, and reported this morning that they were landing troops, guns, etc., below. Their men are deserting They assign as a cause and coming over at the rate of five a day, that they are placed on a level with the negro regiments in Bank's Army.

Evening.—Eight of the enemy's vessels appeared around the bend at noon to-day, and commenced throwing shells into our fortifications, but the range was too long to justify our guns replying. We were ordered to our position, which is on the right wing, and near the river batteries, decidedly the most dangerous one that could be assigned us. Here we spent the evening very pleasantly dodging shells, quite a number of which fell within our line.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 125

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, March 15, 1863

About sundown the shelling ceased, and nearly all of us returned to camp to endeavor to sleep, as we had been up all the night preceding unloading a corn boat. We had all got comfortably settled for the enjoyment of that sweet restorer of tired nature, when the whole fleet of mortar boats, ships-of-the-line, and I do not know how many gun-boats, turned loose their storm of iron hail into our midst without giving any warning. The effect on soldiers suddenly aroused from sleep can be imagined. We sprang to our feet, and hardly taking time to draw on our coats, took to our heels in search of shelter. Indeed it was enough to make the stoutest heart quake to hear the shells hurtling over our heads and the fragments crashing through the timber or ploughing up the earth at our feet. I started to the trenches to get with my company, which had been left on picket, but as I had to go through the thickest of the fire to get there, I backed out after going several hundred yards, and made for the shelter of a large tree in a swamp near by; but found five men crouched down behind it; tried another with a like result, and another and another, and found all "full;" concluded that the front seats were all taken or reserved for the officers. Saw a wagoner driving his team through the thickest of the shells and observed that the mules took it quite easy; concluded that a soldier was as good as a mule and emulating their unconcern, I made for the river bank, where I got a good position high and dry, and watched closely the progress of the fight. I enjoyed the grandeur of the scene to the fullest extent.

Simultaneously with the opening of the mortar boats, the men-of-war and gun-boats attempted to run past our batteries, which one of them, a large steamship, succeeded in doing notwithstanding the terrible fire which was poured into her. It is said that she would have surrendered if our men had ceased firing upon her. Two others attempted to follow in her wake, but one of them was forced to retire badly crippled, and the other was set on fire by a hot shot from one of our guns, when her crew abandoned her, and she burned to the water's edge. She drifted down with the current, and a tremendous explosion a few hours later told that she had blown up. Others of their craft are supposed to have suffered considerably. After a hot engagement of two hours and a half, the firing ceased and the enemy withdrew. Our loss in the whole bombardment, is, so far as I can learn, five killed and wounded, while the enemy's loss must have amounted to hundreds, as nearly every shot from our guns took effect. From some of the crew of the burnt vessel who were picked up this morning, we learn that nearly all of her men, over three hundred in number, were either killed, burnt or drowned; only a few swam to the shore. Our batteries sustained no damage whatever. Taken altogether we came off well, and if they are not satisfied that they can't take this place, let them come again. The vessel which passed last night was lying in plain view this morning, and firing signal-guns as though she would like to get back to her consorts below, which are also in view today.

The train from Clinton, La., came in this morning at an unusual hour, bringing the sick from the hospital, and reported that the Federal cavalry were near that place in strong force. If this is true, and we can't get the Yankee ship from above, our supplies are cut off, as we have but limited stores of subsistence here. So that if the siege is prolonged for some time, we may expect to undergo all the pangs of hunger; we are now, and have been for weeks, living on half rations of meal and pork. We now calculate on living on half an ear of corn per man, before this place is given up. To-day we have been allowed to live in peace up to the present hour, 2 P.M. We are cooking rations, expecting to be sent to the ditches again to-night.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 125-7

Diary of Private W. J. Davidson, March 20, 1863

The gun-boats and steamers are still below the bend, where they have been since Monday. They come up every day and throw shells at our batteries, but seldom elicit a response. Yesterday our guns were engaged about an hour in shelling the Yanks on the opposite side of the river, and their aim was so accurate that one shot cut one of the enemy in two. Several other shots were very accurate. The enemy's fleet is busy all the time, and it is thought that they are landing a force on the west bank, but for what purpose, I am unable to say, as the whole country is overflowed, and unless the water falls it will be impossible for them to plant batteries, or any thing else, on that side. Yesterday four boats came down from Red river laden with corn, bacon, etc., which relieves us of the fears we were beginning to entertain on account of the scarcity of provisions. It is said we have enough to last through a long siege. No news of the two vessels which passed our batteries on Sunday night. They have passed above the mouth of Red river.

SOURCE: Edwin L. Drake, Editor, The Annals of the Army of Tennessee and Early Western History, Vol. 1, p. 127

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, July 6, 1864

Near Chaffin's Bluff, Va.,        

July 6, 1864.

I have not written to you for several days because I knew a letter could not go South from here. In the recent raids by the Yankees they cut both the Weldon and Danville railroads. I do not know that the way is open yet, but I will write anyway.

We remained at Petersburg just two weeks and then came back here last Saturday night to relieve two brigades of Heath's Division which were here on picket duty. We had a very pleasant time while in Petersburg. I succeeded in getting plenty of vegetables to eat. The Yankees are shelling the city, but the shells do very little harm and have killed but few. The people are not at all frightened by them. I would often see young ladies sitting on their porches reading quietly while shells were occasionally bursting near by.

As soon as communication is established between Weldon and Petersburg I hope we can get our box from home. I suppose Edwin is still about Petersburg, improving the entrenchments. It now looks as if our army will have to lie in line of battle all summer to keep the Yankees back. Poor devils! How they do long for Richmond! Our minds are prepared to endure anything rather than submit to them, and the nearer they get to us the more determined we are not to yield. In the interior where there is no danger nearly everybody is whipped, and they should be ashamed of themselves.

I am of course anxious to see you, but it is impossible for me to get off now. In fact, nothing could tempt me at this time to abandon the army. However, I hope it will not be long before we can be together, and remain so.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 101-3

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 25, 1863—2:30 p.m.

March 25, 2.30, P. M.

Three quarters of an hour ago I was dreaming pleasantly of a prayer meeting, when a rebel bombshell burst somewhere in the immediate vicinity of the town. Presently another and another, then the reply of our guns and then the "long call." It seemed as if we were at last fairly in for it. Dr. Minor came up to ask if we were to trust Providence to care for our hospital. I advised him to go back and assure them all that the Lord was on the side of our big guns. Meanwhile I crawled on to the top of our observatory and watched the firing until the secesh sent a shell, which burst in the air and sent a fragment whistling above my head with a note so shrill that I began to think of Gabriel's trumpet and crawled down again. Presently the cannonading ceased. I do not think it was chivalric for the rebels to wake us so early, but, I remember, we are not now in South Carolina. The cocks are crowing unconcernedly and I'll to bed again.

Evening.

Several shells came into town before our guns gave the quietus. A section of one struck within a few feet of the Colonel and Major, in front of Headquarters. The hospital of the 8th Maine was perforated by a piece of one, and two dwelling houses were terribly bored. One went through two occupied chambers. A husband and wife lost, respectively, a coat and a skirt, which were hanging on a rocking chair, and, collectively, a portion of the mosquito bar over the bed. Shells make very ugly looking holes through houses. It seems remarkable that no one was injured, although to me not much more so than that so few are injured in thunder storms, of which this scene forcibly reminded me.

This morning we made a reconnoissance in force. One of our S. C. V. companies took charge of the rifled ten pounder on the platform car, while the Colonel and Major advanced on the line of the railroad with four other companies of our regiment together with six of the 8th Maine and 6th Conn. Our Colonel in command. Our boys skirmished on the left of the road and the others on the right. The rebel pickets galloped off to camp, which has been moved back ten or twelve miles. When we had advanced about four miles through the open pine barrens and occasional thick woods, the smoke of a rebel engine was seen in the distance. Meantime I had hurried through my morning duties, and at about 12.30 P. M. had overtaken the force. I had not been there more than twenty minutes before the 64 pound shells began to come down upon us from their gun on a platform car. Our force had already begun a slow retreat [having already passed the limit fixed by orders], with repeated halts, when the conical portion of the first shell (which had exploded above our heads) struck four of the 8^th Maine soldiers, killing two and wounding two, one slightly and one so that the amputation of the foot is necessary. The firing was very accurate; first on one side of the road, then on the other a shell would come singing over and many of them exploded over our heads. Gen. Saxton believes a special Providence watches over our regiment, and that not a man was seriously injured today would seem to justify this belief. I saw a whole shell that did not explode, plough into the sand under the feet of a soldier not six rods from me, knock his gun out of his hands and his cap off his head, but before I could get to him he had gathered himself up and was off uninjured.

Dr. Mitchell, of the 8th Maine, and I, were the only mounted officers out, till the Colonel's horse was sent to meet him on the return. My "rebel" pranced well and behaved beautifully. We burned several houses and, as I had not before had the satisfaction, I chose a very new, good one, and kindled my fire in a costly mahogany sideboard. A portion of the R. R. track was destroyed, but whether enough to hinder them long in repairs I am not certain.

After our return, Sergeant McIntyre of Co. G came up to headquarters to intercede for his friend Thomas Long, a private in the same company, who had conceived the idea of going alone a dozen miles to destroy by fire a long trestle work, built through a swamp, over which the cars run. Thomas Long is a thin, spiritual-looking, unassuming black man, who trusts God. He has gone on his errand, an errand requiring more real courage and heroism than has before been manifested in our regiment. Of course he goes disguised, but he carries with him such evidence of his intention that death would surely follow his capture. My expectation of seeing him again is very small.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 379-80

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 17, 1864

Bright and beautiful.

Still all quiet below, and reinforcements (details revoked) are not arriving—1000 per day.

The Northern news makes some doubt as to the result of the election in Pennsylvania.

From the Valley we have rumors of victory, etc.

A thrill of horror has been produced by a report that Gen. Butler has, for some time past, kept a number of his prisoners (Confederates) at work in his canal down the river, and supposing they were Federals, our batteries and gun-boats have been shelling our own men!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 309

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 31, 1864

May 31, 1864.

Generals Sherman, McPherson, Logan and Barry visited our position yesterday. Sherman looks very well. Logan smiled and bowed in return to my salute as though he recognized me. During the fight of the 28th I was standing, when he was riding along our lines on the inside of the rifle pits (with a hatful of ammunition), just over my men. He stopped by me and said: “It's all right, damn it, isn't it?” I returned: “It’s all right, General.” The Rebels were quite busy last night running troops and artillery along our front both ways. Some think they planted a number of guns opposite us. I hear some of the officers talking as though a fight was expected to-day. Their sharpshooters are making it quite warm here this morning; several men have been struck, but none hurt seriously.

Seven p. m.—The Rebels have just finished throwing 126 shells at us, only 19 of which bursted. We expected they would follow it with a charge, but they hardly will attempt it this late. I think we have lost none to-day in the regiment. Their shell hurt no one. Logan was slightly wounded in the arm yesterday. Colonel Dickerman died this morning.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 252-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 2, 1863

We have no news of any importance from any of the armies. Gen. Bragg, however, telegraphs, August 31st, that he is concentrating his forces to receive the enemy, reported to be on the eve of assailing his position. He says he has sent our paroled men to Atlanta (those taken at Vicksburg), and asks that arms be sent them by the eastern road. Col. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance, says this is the first intimation he has had as to the disposition of the paroled prisoners. Does he understand that they are to fight before being exchanged?

Brig -Gen. G. J. Rains writes from Charleston that the grenades reported by the enemy to have been so destructive in their repulse at Battery Wagner, were his subterra shells, there being no hand-grenades used.

The other night Beauregard sent a steamer out with a torpedo to destroy the Ironsides, the most formidable of the enemy's ironclads. It ran within forty yards of the Ironsides, which, however, was saved by swinging round. The torpedo steamer's engine was so imperfect that it could not be worked when stopped, for several minutes, to readjust the arrangements for striking the enemy in his altered position. When hailed, “What steamer is that?” the reply was, “The Live Yankee,” and our adventurers got off and back to the city without injury — and without inflicting any.

There has been much shelling the last few days, but Sumter and Battery Wagner are still under the Confederate flag. How long this will continue no one knows. But it is hoped the great Blakely guns are there by this time, and that Gen. Rains's torpedoes may avail something for the salvation of the city.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 31

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 24, 1863

We have nothing further from Charleston, except that Beauregard threatened retaliation (how ?) if Gilmore repeated the offense, against humanity and the rules of civilized war, of shelling the city before notice should be given the women and children to leave it. To-day, at 11 A.m., it is supposed the shelling was renewed.

This day week, I learn by a letter from Gen. Whiting, two 700pounder Blakely guns arrived in the Gladiator. If these could only be transported to Charleston, what a sensation they would make among the turreted monitors! But I fear the railroad cannot transport them.

The Secretary of the Treasury asks transportation for 1000 bales of cotton to Wilmington. What for?

To-day I saw a copy of a dispatch from Gen. Johnston to the President, dated at Morton, Miss., 22d August, stating that he would send forward, the next day, two divisions to reinforce Gen. Bragg in Tennessee. This signifies battle.

The Secretary of the Treasury notified the Secretary of War, to-day, that the appropriation of fifty millions per month, for the expenditure of the War Department, was greatly exceeded; that already this month (August) the requisitions on hand amounted to over $70,000,000, and they could not be met — some must lie over; and large sums for contracts, pay of troops, etc. will not be paid, immediately.

Exchange on London, I learn by a letter written by Mr. Endus to his agent in London, detained by Gen. Whiting and sent to the Secretary of War, is selling in Richmond at a premium of fifteen hundred per cent.

The post-office clerks have returned to duty, the Postmaster-General promising to recommend to Congress increased compensation.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 23-4

Captain William Thompson Lusk & Elizabeth Adams Lusk, November 22, 1862

Near Falmouth, Nov. 22nd, 1862.

My dear Mother:

We are still overlooking the city of Fredericksburg, which the enemy has not evacuated, disregarding our warnings. I suppose the shelling of the city will commence to-morrow, unless regard be shown by our Commanders for the Sabbath day. I must say the attack on Fredericksburg is a thing I greatly dread. The field of battle with all its horrors is redeemed somewhat by the thought that the dead on both sides have fallen in a cause sacred in their own eyes at least, and this redeems them, but wanton destruction of property and all the probable results of a successful siege develop only the most devilish propensities of humanity. To see women and children, old men, the weak and the feeble insulted and injured, makes one hate war and distrust one's cause, and yet with the lax discipline maintained in our armies, we have too frequent examples of such outrage, the efforts of officers to check them being completely neutralized by the accursed conduct of the Press with its clamor for a vigorous prosecution of the war. In this way Pope prepared his troops for defeat. Burnside is a nobler nature, and will do what he can to prevent such stains on our honor, but he even cannot wholly arrest the effect of the savage appeals of our journals at home. You ask me what I think of McClellan? I cannot answer for myself, I have been too little under his command, but by his old soldiers — by those in whose judgment I place confidence, he is trusted as the ablest General in our army. Granting even that he is slow, they believe he had the power to have brought the war successfully to a close, had he been allowed to execute his plans without the assistance of our Executive's wisdom. I fear we have no great soldiers in our army. Probably we had a good mediocre one in McClellan. It is doubtful whether we have that now. Poor old . . . Abe has put down his big clumsy foot —and God help us! We don't look for assistance either to old Abe or the collective wisdom of his advisers. We hardly look to the people of the North wearied with repeated disappointment. In our wretched army system we have not much more to hope. What then? We must trust in God, and conquer. This alone can help us now. To this is our pride humbled. In hoc signo vinces. I do not despair, but hope — and while I live, will never despair — but my hopes will rise, when a sincere effort shall be made to check the license and marauding propensities of our troops, when thieves and robbers shall receive speedy and terrible justice, when, in a word, we shall deserve to conquer. A righteous indignation toward the authors of the rebellion may be a good thing, but it is very likely to be confounded with a desire to pamper one's belly at the expense of the helpless. It may be a good thing to use severe measures to bring deluded men to a sense of their errors. Still I think, were low ignorant ruffians to visit my home while I was away fighting, burn my house, lay waste my property, insult mother and sisters, beggar the little children I might love, taunt the gray hairs I might respect, leave starvation in the place of plenty, I should feel singularly strengthened in my early delusion. Yet this is a truthful picture of what the and its school mean by a vigorous prosecution of the war. Cromwell's troops were terrible soldiers — a scourge to the enemy — and they conquered because they were forbidden to stain their cause with robbery and wrong. I heard two soldiers disputing to-day, one of them belonged to the 18th Ind. Vols., the other to the 8th Ohio Vols. They were contending as to which Regiment should be entitled to the credit of having collected and sent home the greatest amount of plunder. I heard a Michigan soldier boasting that his Regiment had foisted thousands of dollars worth of counterfeit money on the people of Virginia in exchange for little luxuries. A poor woman lived near us. A party of cowards entered her house to search for booty. She implored them to leave the little that she had for her children's sake. The brutes thrust her out of the door, until they had ransacked the poor dwelling, and then left a weak woman and feeble little children to go supperless to bed. The great, hulking, cowardly brutes! But I have no wish to point the finger further at our disgrace. I have said I do not despair, but at sight of such things I cannot but despond.

Give my best love to all my dear friends — God bless them and protect them.

Very affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 230-3

Diary of John Hay: February 2, 1864

The enemy's fire was getting pretty warm. They had the range perfectly; most of the shell burst in or over the works; but the men were so well protected that all the time we were there but three were hit, and they were said to be imprudent. The men dodged and broke to cover at the flashing of the enemy's battery, but the officers exposed themselves with perfect insouciance.

The shells had singular voices. Some screamed frightfully; some had a regular musical note like Chu-chu-weechu-weechu-brrr; and each of the fragments a wicked little whistle of its own. Many struck in the black, marshy mud behind us, burying themselves, and casting a malodorous shower into the air. Others burrowed in the sand. One struck the face of Chatfield, while I was standing on the parapet, with a heavy thud, and in a moment afterward threw a cloud of sand into the air. I often saw in the air a shell bursting, — fierce, jagged white lines darting out first, like javelins — then the flowering of the awful bud into full bloom, — all in the dead silence of the upper air; — the crack and the whistle of the fragments.

Col. Drayton took us to see the great 300 pounder Parrot. At a very little distance, an ugly-looking hole where a shell had just burst; — beside the gun traces in the sand of hasty trampling and wagon-wheels; — dark stains soaking into the sand; — a poor fellow had just had his leg taken off by a piece of a shell.

I saw them putting a crushed and mangled mass into an ambulance. He was still and pale. The driver started off at a merry trot. A captain said: — “D[amn] you, drive that thing slower!”

Two or three young fellows were playing with their horses in the parade. The horses joining in the fun threw riders over their heads and started off.

The ill-starred boat got badly pounded, her machinery and works battered in. She seemed sinking before we left. The navy were off nearly two miles, but still made passable shooting. Their ricochet shots, however, were generally failures.

With a good glass we could see a good many anxious spectators on the rebel side.

Chatfield to boat, 2,600 yards.

Wagner to boat 3,000 yards

Monitors, 2 miles.

We walked back on the beach to Wagner. A shell exploded close behind us. I made a bad dodge. Walked all over Wagner and got a sympathetic view of the whole affair.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 160-2

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes August 6, 1862

August 7 [6].

Dearest: — I wrote this last night — today has been a day of excitement. All has not been quiet on New River. This morning at daylight I was aroused by a courier saying our most distant picket had been fired on and as no one had come in, they were believed to be all cut off. I got out two companies to see to it. In twenty minutes another came in saying that the enemy three thousand to four thousand strong, with artillery, were coming to attack our four companies at Packs Ferry, under Major Comly. I sent word to the major and three companies, [and] word to Flat Top for help. Well, they made the attack both at the ferry and the ford — but it was across a broad river. Cannon shots barely missed many times. Shell lit in close proximity and failed to explode, and our sharpshooters getting bold and skilful, the enemy retreated, running the gauntlet of our sharpshooters on the river bank for three miles. Not a man of ours killed or wounded. Reinforcements reached us under Colonel Scammon at 4 P. M., just four hours after the last Rebel had disappeared six miles above here. Our courier carried the news to Flat Top in one hour and ten minutes. The “aid” did it in six hours!

We had a terrific thunder-storm about six P. M. The lightning struck our guard-tent. Five men were laid out apparently dead. Dr. Joe and all of us were there in an instant. The men are all restored and I think will all get well. They all appeared dead, and but for instant aid would have died. . . .

[R.]

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 318

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant George G. Smith: October 5, 1864

At sunrise heard canonading on the right, in the direction of the other detachment, when we commenced falling back, keeping as near in line with them as possible so as to protect their flank. We came to the forks of the roads near Bayou Sara, at about noon, and moved about one and a half miles out on the other road and met the retreating column, being hard pressed. They halted, and we formed in line of battle on an eminence commanding the road they had just passed. The enemy soon appeared, and our batteries opened on them, and the shells were seen exploding among them. They soon beat a hasty retreat. One of their caissons was blown up and they knocked a wheel off one of our guns. They then tried to flank us on the left. We fell back to a more suitable position, shelled them awhile, and silenced their batteries, when we withdrew to our transports, marching through the city of Bayou Sara. They hung on our rear until they crossed the line prescribed by the marine, when one of our gunboats sent a 11-inch shell over in that direction. This drew out a flag of truce from the rebels. A citizen and a rebel major appeared, protesting against the shelling among the women and children. The reply was, “Keep your troops on the other side of the line agreed upon by former stipulations and the gunboats won't shell you.” The transports then moved up the river, the band playing “Foot Balls.” We were in Morganza at dark.

I could never get any satisfactory information in regard to the purpose of that expedition. It was simply a feint, as we had strict orders not to bring on an engagement, which would not have been the case if anything else had been intended. Stories have been reported that there was a large drove of cattle at Woodville from Texas, that had swam the river, and when we drew the forces away that were guarding them. a force of Union troops came down the river and captured them. If it was so, I could never get any satisfactory account of it. Our losses were six killed and wounded.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 131-3

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Monday, April 10, 1865

All the Regts rec orders to be supplied with 5 days rations in their haver sacks. Capt Lacy was in our camp looking well & hearty. Mail is to go out at 10. a. m. until which time spend the time in writing. After dinner Templeton & I go out to see the fortifications, see many pools of blood. Can see Mobile from the forts & see some rebel batteries out in the Bay firing at our gunboats & shelling a pontoon bridge we have across Spanish river See a squad of rebs under guard taking up the torpedos which are thickly strewn, the roads are full, they uncover them & build a fire on them to explode them. the pieces fly about with a wicked noise. Saw one place where in the charge 4 men were Killed by the explosion of one torpdo. The Jonnies had extensive works laid off here which would have taken a year to complete but the works completed are ugly to get to over fallen timber & brush thick abbattis & dead loads of torpedos. About 150 of the men who had been at Spanish fort were captured this morning they not knowing this place had been taken were making their way up here. I was to see them & pronounce them the best looking confeds I ever saw, when the forts here were charged yesterday there were two Genls there, but one was taken & it is supposed the other escaped with some of his men who swam the river, but this evening he was captured. he had secreted himself in an commissary boat & undertook to get out & run for it but there were too many guards with muskets close by to allow that. It is rumored here this evening that about two hundred prisoners were taken, found in their holes close by Spanish fort think this not reliable. A supply train started to Thomas early this morning, saw a small detachment of cavalry from his army who say they saw no rebels between him & no report his men wanting grub. Genl Steeles command is ordered to be ready for a forward movement where to not known, the way to Mobile by land is 130 miles & there is a camp rumor that Steeles corps & Smiths corps are to go to the rear of Mobile & Grangers corps to Thomas Who will opperate somewhere above, heavy firing has been kept up all day in the bay but do not learn with what effect

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 588

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Saturday, April 8, 1865

There was tremenduous heavy firing last night from 11 to 1. the sky was lighted with the flash of small arms, could not determine whether it was on the right of Smith or left of Steele, some heavy guns used. After breakfast heavy Guns & rapid firing off to our right. I go out on the left to the bay & take a look at Mobile. The Jonnies throw shells uncomfortably near me out there, returning to camp spent most of this day writing. Capt sent me a paper of the 5th full of good news & rumors of peace propositions from Lee. This afternoon news from Steele is that last night Steele charged on a water battery which the gunboats try to shell him out of & not succeeding the Jonnies charge him 3 times without success he is reported to have taken some prisoners, & later in the evening the report is in that he turned the guns of the captured battery on a ram & brought her in At 5 P. M the batteries all round the line opens on the enemy's work for one hour, the enemy replies quite briskly for a little while but cant stand it long. About 5.30 heavy musketry firing Was heard in front of Smiths Corps & by the yelling it was evident one party or the other was making a charge I was detailed for picket & reported at 7. at Regt Hd Quarters where the detail was formed under the immediate command of Lieut San Cheztereso co F. the picket firing on the right keeps us pretty heavy the Rebs throw a shell occasionally & our batteries throw shells about every 10 minutes. we report with the detail in the pits by the camp of 27th Wis. & wait ½ hour for the coming of the officer of the day whose business it is to relieve the pickets with the new detail, when he come he put part of our detail with a co of the 27th Wis as a reserve & working party. I was ordered to remain with this reserve, we divided the squad into 2 reliefs & making arrangements to work each relief 4 hours the capt lay down leaving me in charge of the 1st relief. Presently. Col Patterson & some other staff officers came through & told us to work with a will for all the saps & paralells must be widened to 6 ft. & finished before morning so that a regt could march through them easily for the works must be carried by assault within three days, the army had been waiting for the fleet to get up & word was it had cleared the channel of torpedos to opposite the fort & would move up in the morning, It is said the engineer who planted the torpedo is taking them out for the fleet. The Off. of the day thinking he needed more men sends in for a detail of two companies. Co D of 27th Wis & Co H. of 35 Iowa came out to work, they bring news that the charge on the right was by Smiths men who took one line of the enemys works & captured 200 prisoners. I rec instructions from the off of the day to work my relief 2 hours as the no of men engaged would finish the work if all worked that long. My 2 hours was up at 11, at which time I waked the capt. & lay down on a rubber blanket to sleep but it was too cold. I went to our camp to get a woolen blanket, & had returned & got into a good nap out of which I was awaked by loud & continued shouting on the right. Could not immagine what was up as the firing had entirely ceased on that part of the line. I looked at my watch which indicated 5 mins after 12, I go forward to the front rifle pits where the picket line is there listen to hear what is said but can distinguish nothing but the commands “cease firing you kill our own men. 2d Brig forward march.” then rose cheering again. The word cease firing passed all along the line. The Off of the day was present. (Capt. Gunn 28th Wis) with whom I jumped the pits and advanced somewhat, but not a jonnie could we hear where not 10 minutes before they had been shooting at us, not yet being satisfied with the looks of things no one was allowed to go to the fort until we see Smiths corps in the middle fort cheering Then Lt. Sanchez, take about a doz of his detail & advances. I did not know he had gone until he was half way over, & followed immediately entering nearly the same time. The Lt. was the first Yank, to mount the work. There was some fear of torpedos which had been reported so thickly strewn about these fortifications which made the men move very carefully for a while, it was half past twelve when we entered the fort. I found it not so strong a position as I had immagined it to be but to assault it would have been an ugly business if resolutely defended. Our shell & shot had handled the inside very rough tearing great holes. The grond nearly every foot of it, was torn up by our Mortar shells & how men could live in there during the heavy cannonading it was several times subjected too is more than I can understand, found 9. pieces of artillery in the fort all in position & spiked. 2 of the guns were splendid 64 lbers. There were bomb proofs enough to about hold the gunners required to work the guns but these were not of the strongest kind, out of one come so strong a stench I was willing to pass it others more inquistive report a no of dead men in it. 8 jonnies come in from the picket line, the Rebs had left in such a hurry they had not taken time to relieve them although they lay within 100 yds of the fort, these say they did not know the forts were to be evacuated, after examining the works to my satisfaction the 94th Ill regt having marched in & unfurled the Stars & stripes I go back to camp bearing no relic but a Reb envelope with stamp on it, on my way in meet floods of yanks going out to see the forts. I was disposed tonight to think the torpedo question on land more talk than cider

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 585-7

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Thursday, April 6, 1865

The Rebs in front of us fired but little during the night, they shelled our working party at the 6 gun battery close by us from the mortar battery. In the Afternoon, I worked the men some. The Rebs were quieter than usual all day, our batteries give them a few rounds in the evening. After dark the mortar battery of the Rebs opens on our working party again. Several bombs are thrown at it by our mortar batteries. Some think by the signs of the times that the Jonnies are silently leaving the place, the news from Grant Sherman & Thomas is good, in honor of which successes by order of Genl Canby a salute of 100 guns is fired by the Gunboats & the land batteries. I am told by those who had an opportunity to know, that during the cannonading the evening of the 4th something blew up in Spanish fort throwing 5 men 10 or 15 ft above the work. Men on picket that night say they said 16 men carried out of the same fort & buried. The battery men say the cannonading killed & wounded 100 rebels. I don't know how they get their information. I am relieved at 8. P. M. by co "C" & march the co to camp, find supper ready. Temp & I put up our tent gather bedding and retire at 11. P. M. at which hour shells are flying freely on the right & centre.

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 584-5

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Wednesday, July 20, 1864

We shelled the enemy about 3 o'clock a. m. It left our front during the night. We crossed the river about noon to-day, marched about four miles and halted in a hard thunder shower. We fell in soon and the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps started on our back track, supposedly for Petersburg via Washington. General Crook's Corps followed Early on up the Shenandoah Valley.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 125

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant John S. Morgan: Monday, April 3, 1865

Go to the rear this A. M. to see Capt who I find keeping pretty quiet, go to the Commissary & draw 30 days rations, as money has played out. Tobacco is issued to the men today. Every thing about the same today along the line, Heavy details out building forts to mount heavy guns behind The enemy shell those working parties so that it is not a safe business. 75 more prisoners arrive from Genl Steele, the night of the 1st Genl Smith tired on a tug towing a barge, the tug cut loose & run leaving the barge to float in to land, it was loaded with hospital supplies & there was found on it a letter from the surgeon of the fort to some friends in Mobile which stated that “the enemy's sharpshooters annoy us a great deal” & “have killed many of our men”

SOURCE: “Diary of John S. Morgan, Company G, 33rd Iowa Infantry,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 13, No. 8, April 1923, p. 583

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, July 18, 1864

Marched at 4 o'clock a. m., passed through Snickersville on a narrow stony road, and arrived at Snicker's Gap about noon. We went through the gap, but on arriving at the Shenandoah river at Island Ford about 6 o'clock p. m. found that some of Crook's force had crossed and was skirmishing; did not fight very well; fell back to the river in a stampede, plunged in and some were drowned; probably green troops. Mosby's guerillas have been in our rear all day and robbed some of our stragglers. The artillery shelling this evening made us feel uncomfortable, as the shells landed right among us.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 124-5