Flag Officer Samuel F. Dupont to Gustavus V. Fox, January 11, 1862

Unofficial

Flag Ship 'Wabash'                             

Port Royal Harbor S.C.                      

January 11 l862

Dear Sir,

I have only a short time to write by the Rhode Island now here for a few hours on her way north: but I cannot let her go without answering one part of your letter of the 4th of January. You regret that the second expedition did not proceed and say that “the original plan ought to have been carried out because,” (in a former part of your letter in the same connection,) “the political condition of things renders it imperative that we should possess all the Southern ports possible.”

Will you permit me to remind you, that the original plan of the expedition contemplated the seizure and occupation of two ports, as harbors of refuge; and that I have taken seven ports, and now actually hold five ports, of which three are in South Carolina, and two in Georgia; and of which five ports, three are held by me in connection with the army.

I received by this mail of to-day an important letter of December 10th. This reminds me to renew my earnest desire [previously expressed] to be in more rapid and regular communication with the Department than by the Supply Ships; and I would suggest that an understanding should be had between the Commandant of the Navy Yard, the Army Quartermaster, and the Post Office, at New York.

But do not suppose from anything above, that I have lost any portion of my interest in the Florida business. It is only a question of ships; and it will be prosecuted as soon as it can be done without abandoning other points. I am perfectly posted up in reference to it; but I ought to have one or two efficient vessels of moderate draught, like the Richmond or Hartford, because the large men of war of the squadron are excluded. I should like also to have four additional regular gun boats, which would be allotting me eight only out of the twenty three.

The withdrawal of the R. B. Forbes, a most useful vessel, reduces my squadron. The Wyandotte is almost useless. The withholding of the mortar fleet makes me still farther unhappy.

But as I said to you in one of my previous letters, it is for the Department to judge what it can spare and what it cannot; and to this I cheerfully submit. It is watch my movements, have all been flying about like moths around a lamp.

5th. Seven Gunboats, including the four regulars, are trying to get into Savannah River under John Rodgers, guarding the Soldiers who are putting up a battery on Jones Island, a work I think well of, except for the delay and the absorption of my force in guarding troops. Worst of all, I must have my regular gunboats and regular officers, and yet to leave only volunteer people with “Western Worlds” and “Merry Andrews,” makes me quake, but I shall be absent a precious short time. The weather is bad and unsettled yet.

6th. The return of “Savannah” and “St. Lawrence” I think may give you aid: the crew of the latter would do to send to Foote. You will find in history, not many Generals or Admirals who have volunteered to part with a portion of their force; but I really thought these ships were wasted here, and I brought myself up to the scratch by remembering that I had captured Port Royal with 134 guns, while I had outside some 163 belonging to my command.

In this connection let me remind you — not to complain, but to keep myself right — that of the 5 screw frigates I have one — that of the six first class Sloops I have not one — that of the 4 side wheels I have one —  that of the 8 Second Class Sloops (Screws) I have four but two of these are the smallest and most worthless of the set — the Pocahontas and the Seminole, — Balch makes up a great deal it is true for the lameness of the former — he is a fine brave officer — and four regular gunboats. So you will perceive I have ten built men of war in my squadron, nine only in fact, for the Pocahontas cannot be called one. Where I am going I cannot but feel the want of more of the Mohican class, and one ship of the Brooklyn class at least.

7th. Resignations of young Engineers and Acting Masters come in occasionally. I dissuade and do the best I can. The Department's orders are excellent on that head and I listen to no applications for leave of absence.

8th. Despatched “Bienville,” yesterday off St. Augustine in addition to “Key Stone” to watch “Miramon” with powder, gone to Nassau to renew Register, letter about her yesterday from Shufeldt.

9". Take care about changing officers, or withdrawing them. We are very low, it is like changing front before an enemy. These men should be relieved and not called home.

10". Take care of the Academy — dont call away another class or you will leave it an A.B.C. School.

11th. Please let me know how Acting Masters should rank, when they come in contact with Midshipmen Acting Masters. I had to decide a case on board Flag yesterday. The Midshipman Acting Master (Weidman) is a superior gunner and drill officer. The Acting Master (Warren) superior as a seaman and in date. I decided on the merits of the case and the necessity of the moment, and gave it to the latter, but I go for putting all the regular officers now in service in advance of the outside appointments, for gunnery is more than seamanship in a Steam Navy.

12th. My friend, I do not like the looks of things abroad in spite of the settlement. So soon as your Gunboats and present Steamers are done, we shall have enough for this rebellion; the Nation should arouse itself and prepare against Foreign interference ironclad ships &c. Every man should live on one half of his means for five years, all, except the man who labors for his daily food, until the country is in a state of defence, and I would show John Bull and Johnny Crapaud whether I would do what I pleased with our own harbors, by closing one entrance to New York and rendering the other impregnable, and so on, along the Coast. Our independence and nationality are in danger — for God's sake, drop the negro question, it is dying of inanition, without any necessity to place ourselves legally and constitutionally wrong, thereby offending our weaker brethren, let us save the Country first from enemies within and without .

I am much interested in the contraband within our lines — they tell me there are from eight to ten thousand — they are daily increasing at Edisto and I have induced the General to send a Regiment to Edisto. I look for great work there when we get through No. 2.

But the contraband question is a very intricate one — how to employ them — who is to control — what protection are they to have — what authority to be given to those who work them. The various so called agents who come down here, more or less accredited, the collectors of cotton, collectors of negro statistics, the people of God, the best of the party who want to establish schools, do not all agree. Then we have the philanthropic newspaper correspondents, whose special happiness seems to be to abuse a General, who surrounded with extreme difficulties, is doing his best to overcome them. One thing is certain, that while the most rabid Abolitionist has not exaggerated their degraded condition, the transition state has not improved it. In England (I hate to quote her now for anything) a commission would be appointed by Parliament of wise unprejudiced disinterested and practical individuals to examine and report. Gov. Fish and good Bishop Ames had better be sent here than on a very doubtful mission to Richmond.

Do not mistake from my using the word Contraband the relatively few who happen to be employed by the Government and the negro population on the plantations who are without work.

The Hartford called and has passed on!! But Davis will post you up about her — dont fail to ask him.

My warm regards to Mr. Welles.

Yours faithfully

S. F. DuPONT

G. V. Fox Esq,

Asst. Secy. of Navy.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 100-5

Diary of Sergeant George G. Smith: July 11, 1863

“All quiet on the Mississippi and its waters flow unvexed to the sea.” Scouting by cavalry, no rebels to be seen. The Richmond, Commander Farragut's Flag ship, and three gunboats came down.

SOURCE: Abstracted from George G. Smith, Leaves from a Soldier's Diary, p. 88

How New Orleans was Taken

The following graphic account, and the only one we have seen of the taking of the city of New Orleans, was transmitted by telegraph on Monday from Cairo to the Chicago Tribune:–

A gentleman who left New Orleans on the 29th ult., o the last train which departed, under Confederate auspices, arrived at Cairo this evening on the Diligent.  The Federals took possession on Thursday at 2 P. M.  On that morning at half-past 3 the Hartford, Richmond, Brookland, and five gunboats passed Forts St. Philip and Jackson, and steamed to the city without being fired at, except at a point called Chalmetto.  At the time of the passage there were eight or ten Confederate steamers above the fort without steam up, and the crews asleep.  When the Federal boats hove in sight, the Confederates set fire to these and blew up the splendid gunboat Louisiana, without firing a shot.  During the bombardment, several of our vessels were badly damaged.  When they passed the forts three were lashed together, so that if one was disabled the others could cut loose and proceed on their way.  In this manner they succeeded in passing.

As soon as the rumor of the passage of the forts reached New Orleans, there was a tremendous consternation in the city.  The authorities immediately set fire to the transports, and two gunboats lying at the levee, a few steamers belonging to the tributaries of the Mississippi, fled crowded with the citizens, up the Arkansas, Red, White, Ouachita, and Yazoo Rivers.  Every dray and vehicle suitable for the service, was impressed by the authorities to carry cotton, sugar and molasses to the levee, where they were piled and burned.  All military stores where removed to the depot of the New Orleans and Jackson Railroad, except the powder, which was thrown into the river.  The conflagration was tremendous, and the sky for several miles was lurid with flame.  The smoke was so thick as to completely darken the atmosphere.

Disorganized Confederate troops in companies and parts of companies fled in wild disorder to the depot to seek a passage to Ponchartulas, fifty miles in the interior, where the military rendezvous was located.  The negroes stole molasses and sugar from the levee, and women and children could be seen in great numbers rolling barrels of sweets over the pavements to their huts in the suburbs.  The streets were so slippery with the drippings that the cab horses could hardly stand upright.

While affairs were in this confusion, the eight Federal frigates and gunboats in firing trim, topmast, guns shotted and run out of the port holes, and the stars and stripes flying from every masthead, anchored on at the foot of each principal street leading to the river, the Hartford, with Com. Farragut’s blue pennant flying from her foretop, taking her position at the foot of Canal street.  After the ships were in position, Capt. Bayless, second in command of the gulf squadron, in a pinnance, unattended and alone, landed on the levee.  Just before him a man stood at the levee with a loaded pistol, and threatened to shoot him if he stepped his foot upon the shore without a flag of truce.  Capt. B. pulled out a white handkerchief and waving it, stepped upon the levee and proceeded directly to the city Hall through a crowd of full twenty-five-thousand men, women and children.  This act of bravery elicited a shout of admiration form the vast assemblage.  He called upon the Mayor, presented a dispatch from Commodore Farragut, and demanded the surrender of the city.  He required the Louisiana State flag to be lowered, and the Stars and Stripes to be hoisted upon the Mint, Custom House, and all the public buildings.  The Mayor informed him that the city was under martial law, that Maj. Lovell was in command, and that he, the Mayor, had no authority to act in the premises.  At this juncture, Gen. Lovell appeared, refused to surrender the city, but offered to withdraw his forces and surrender his authority to the civil authorities.  The Mayor then told Capt. Bayles that he would convene a session of the Common Council that evening, and send an answer to the Commodore’s dispatch in the morning.  The answer, as promised was returned the next day.

On Tuesday the 28th, 500 marines landed with a few small brass pieces and marched to the City Hall, demanded to be shown to the top of the building, hauled down the State flag, which a marine rolled up and carried off under his arm, and then proceeded to the Custom House, where the remains of two hundred gun carriages were still burning, hoisted the National Emblem, left a guard to protect it, and returned to the gunboat.

The day previous forts St. Philip and Jackson had surrendered, their own men spiking the guns and refusing to fight longer.  In consequence of this mutiny, General Duncan was compelled to raise the white flag and surrender the fort.  Gen. Duncan and all his officers were released upon their parole and allowed to retain their side arms.  The former came up to the City Hall and made a speech in which he counseled the people not to despair, everything would come out right yet.

The fort having surrendered, the way was clear for transports, which at the same time our informant left were expected.  Order was re-established in the city, shops were being opened, but the St. Charles and principal hotels remained closed, more in consequence of the currency and the scarcity of provisions than from any fear of the Federal soldiers.

Considerable apprehension was felt that the lower classes, Spanish, French, Germans, and foreigners generally, taking advantage of the disorganized condition of the city, might commit excess, and plunder the citizens, the inhabitants were more fearful of these than of the Federals.  Confederate scrip was still current, but prices of provisions were enormously high.

The day after the gunboats arrived, two of them steamed up the river to Baton Rouge, hoisted the U. S. flag on the capital building and arsenal, and captured two steamers for transport service.  Thousands of people were constantly on the levee, gazing at the gunboats and soldiers, towards whom they manifested no ill will or bitterness of filling.

Our informant passed through Gen. Lovell’s camp at a point called Songapoa, about 125 miles north of New Orleans, on the New Orleans and Jackson railroad.  Munitions of war, troops, provisions, &c., were lying about on the utmost confusion.  They were intending to join Gen. Beauregard at Corinth.  People by the thousands were leaving Vicksburg and Natchez for Jackson, which place was crowded to over flowing. – There was an alarming scarcity of provisions.  Our informant reached Memphis on the 2d inst., and left on the morning of the 5th, for a point on the Memphis and Ohio Railroad, 14 miles south of Humboldt, just before dispatches were received confirming reports that six thousand troops had landed at New Orleans.  The citizens of Memphis were satisfied that upon the first determined attack on Ft. Pillow it would surrender.  On the Hatchee river, below Ft. Pillow, and twenty-five from its mouth, an Aid-de Camp of Gen. Beauregard is superintending the construction of a pontoon bridge, to facilitate the retreat of troops from the Fort, in case an evacuation becomes necessary.  Our informant thinks, that if, on the consummation of that event a gunboat will run up the Hatchee river, it will be able to destroy the bridge and cut of their retreat.

A mile and a half below Memphis, 4,000 bales of cotton are piled ready for the torch, as soon as the fall of Ft. Pillow is ascertained; there are also several thousand hogsheads of sugar and molasses ready to be rolled into the river.  There is no telegraph from the Fort, and if, on the occupation; a gunboat will steam directly towards Memphis, then anchor opposite the pile, the entire lot can be secured from the station on the railroad.  When our informant left, he went by land to within fourteen miles of the Mississippi, to a point twenty miles above Ft. Pillow.  By this means he evaded the Confederate pickets and reached the river in a dug-out through the backwater.  On his way thither he passed hundreds of deserters from the Confederate army.  On the 10th he reached the encampment of the 47th Indiana, at Tiptonville, and reported to Col. Slack, Commandant.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, May 14, 1862, p. 2

The Next Naval Expedition

The next naval expedition, which is now preparing at New York and other points, is to be commanded by Com. Farragut, and reports are abroad, some stating that it is destined for Savannah and others assigning it to the western part of the Gulf.  It will be by far the most powerful naval force yet fitted out, and will consist of the Hartford, Richmond, Pensacola and other large steam frigates, a great number of gunboats, and twenty or thirty vessels carrying mortars and thirty-two pounders.

The mortar flotilla connected with this expedition is under the command of Capt. D. D. Porter and is being hurried towards completion with all possible haste, but from its extent some weeks may elapse before all the vessels are ready to proceed to sea.  The armament being of a kind rather novel to our navy, has caused some delay in fitting out the first vessels of the flotilla, but those obstacles are now overcome, and the vessels are nearly all ready for their guns. – The mortar, which is placed amidships of each craft, weighs about 17,000 pounds, and is bored for 13-inch projectiles, the most formidable known to modern warfare.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Gen. Butler At New Orleans

(Correspondence of the Boston Journal.)

INTERVIEW AT THE ST. CHARLES.

At the hour assigned for the second conference, the Mayor appeared, accompanied by the members of the city council and the Hon. Pierre Soule.  The conference was held in the magnificent drawing room of the St. Charles, which during the interview presented a scene for a painter.  On one side sat Soule, surrounded by the members of the city government, and opposite eight or ten members of the Staff of Gen. Butler, who seated beside the two formed the central figures in the picture.  It was the intention of Gen. Butler at first to suppress all Confederate and other bogus currency, but the representations of the Mayor at their first interview that the poor people in the city depended solely upon the small notes circulated as money in this community to obtain the necessities of life, and also that there was not sixty days’ provisions in the city, induced Gen. Butler to so far modify his original proclamation as to allow the circulation of Confederate money, but still prohibited all negotiation of scrip and bonds issued by the so called Southern Confederacy, as means whereby the leaders of the rebellion could raise money.  The proclamation as it was finally issued, was then read by General Butler.

M. Soule rose and addressed Gen. Butler.

He said that in behalf of the city government, at whose request he appeared, he could not in any manner accede to the proclamation.  Their city had been captured, and they were perhaps subdued, but the same spirit which had opposed the conquerors still existed; and any attempt to enforce the rigors of martial law as set forth in the proclamation, would be met with resistance by the mob, for whose acts they would not be responsible – words which implied a threat on his part to resist the administration of Gen. Butler.  Mr. Soule proceeded with a laudation of the spirit of chivalry, a spirit which would not submit to the exercise of martial law in their midst.  If attempted the city government would abandon all their functions.  He alluded to the bitter experience of the people and the suffering which the blockade had occasioned among the masses.  Gen. Butler, in reply to Mr. Soule, said he regretted exceedingly that in the course of his remarks he had thrown out what he considered a threat; that it was one of the great mistakes of gentlemen of his standing to accompany the statement of their opinions with threats, and that they had in this manner done more to occasion the present difficulties than any other cause.  He proceeded to say that he had modified his proclamation at the suggestion of the Mayor as an act of humanity, finding here a painful state of things, which had been brought upon the poorer classes by the leaders of the secession movement.  He was desirous and willing to do anything which humanity dictated to alleviate the distress among the masses.

Mr. Soule disclaimed any intention of threatening to oppose the action of the military authorities.  He pledged the faith of the city that if the municipal government were allowed to continue the exercise of as many of its functions as were consistent with martial law, the municipal authorities would use their utmost endeavors to preserve the peace of the city.  If Gen. Butler would allow them the privilege of providing the poorer classes with food, the civil authorities would do all they could to suppress the riotous proceedings.

Gen. Butler said the proclamation must appear in its present form.  Mr. Soule asked that the matter might be allowed to rest until ten o’clock the next morning, when the city government would decide whether to continue their duties [or] surrender the entire control of the city to Gen. Butler.  The request was granted, and the negotiations rested until Sunday.

In the meantime a meeting of the City Council was held, at which a series of resolutions were adopted to the effect that the municipal authorities would continue their normal functions with the understanding that they shall not be interfered with in all matters of police, unless disturbances should occur calculated to endanger the relations created by military occupation of the city; requiring the circulation created by the city authorities to remain undisturbed; requiring power to organize citizen patrols in lieu of an additional number of policemen, and that immediate provision will be made to procure articles of subsistence for the masses.

This happy determination of the city authorities to co-operate with Gen. Butler in preserving the tranquility of the city met his prompt endorsement, and he immediately authorized a patrol of citizens not exceeding two hundred and fifty, to be armed with sabers or revolvers or both, to be added to the police.

HE CAN KEEP A HOTEL.

Whatever may be thought of the ability of Gen. Butler to conduct a public house on a popular scale, he has at least shown himself equal to the task of opening and keeping a first rate hotel.  Upon the appearance of the Federal fleet, the St. Charles shut its wide portals and to all intents and purposes “closed for the season.”  But Gen. Butler required accommodations for himself and his numerous retinue of officers and body guard, and as the St. Charles offered the advantages of a central location, coupled with elegant apartments and a well stocked larder, while Col. French was investing the City Hall, Maj. Strong went to the St. Charles to obtain quarters for Gen. Butler and his staff.  The proprietor declined to open it, and was told that in case he persisted in refusing, Gen. Butler would be obliged to take military possession of the establishment.  At two o’clock the General having established his official headquarters at the Custom House, went up and informed the proprietors of the St. Charles that the opening of their hotel for his accommodation was, not a matter of choice with them, but one of necessity, and that must open it.

This emphatic announcement produced the desired result, and the proprietor, stating that his life would have been in jeopardy if had had voluntarily offered to open his house to the commander of the “invading army,” proceeded to show the officers their rooms.  There are no guests in the house, except those who come by the invitation or permission of Gen. Butler.  The bar is closed, and the hundreds of officers who have pledged their friends in the North that they would drink their health at the St. Charles, will necessarily be compelled to postpone that indulgence of the present.  Under the present proprietorship, the St. Charles occupies rather an anomalous position for a house of entertainment.  The main entrance is flanked with brass field pieces; soldiers guard the entrance and bivouac at the foot of the staircase.  Stacks of arms have usurped the place of the porters on the sidewalk, and the marble floor of the rotunda rings with the sharp click of the sabre, while military trappings decorate my lady’s toilet stand, and camp equipage, boxes of ammunition and hospital stores occupy the places where erst were piled the trunks and hat boxes of tourists, up-river planters and Northern merchants.  Federal officers pace to and fro on the spacious balcony, or sit down composedly to enjoy a siesta in the cool of the evening – objects of curiosity and aversion to the proud creole and the haughty belle, who cast sidelong glances of contempt as they pass.  But, in the words of Captain Alden of the Richmond “We have come here to stay – do you understand? to stay!”  And they will do it contradicting by their humane edicts, their irreproachable bearing, the erroneous impressions which the deluded Southrons have entertained respecting the defenders of the Union.

THE INHABITANTS.

The population of New Orleans has long been remarkable for the diversity of its elements.  About one-half of the whites are of foreign birth, and among these are the French and Spanish are predominant.  There is also a large number or Northerners.  Those who know the city best believed that it would surrender when the forts defending it should fall.  The mass of the permanent population is composed of intelligent men, and the commercial interests have always had a more clear idea of the folly of this rebellion than the people in the interior.  At all events, after the forts alluded to fall, and the gunboats, which are not really formidable, are taken, New Orleans is helpless – more helpless, indeed, than any other city can be.

New Orleans has heretofore been noted as a city containing a population extremely conservative in their political belief.  From the date of the formation of the old Whig party, up to the hour of its demise, the city voted strongly Whig.  When the American organization was formed, the friends of the party could always count upon New Orleans as a stronghold.  In 1856, the city voted by a large majority in favor of Millard Fillmore for President, and in 1860 for John Bell.  At the last Presidential election, Douglas obtained a small majority over Breckinridge, and it can hardly be doubted that two-thirds of the supporters of Bell and Douglas were unqualifiedly for the Union.  The following was the vote: Bell, 5,215, Douglas, 2,098, Breckinridge, 3,646 – plurality for Bell, 2,217.  In the year 1857, we believe the opposition to the American party of New Orleans determined to defeat the candidate for the mayoralty – Mr. Gerard Stith.  They got up a reform or vigilance association, barricaded the streets and declared martial law.  General Beauregard, then in the employ of Buchanan as superintendent of the construction of the United States Mint, was nominated as the candidate of the reformers.  But not withstanding all the exertions used by the opponents of Stith, that gentleman succeeded by the small majority of one hundred and fifty.  When the secession difficulties commenced, New Orleans was firm for the Union; but finally, an election for members of the State Convention was held, and the secession ticket, it is claimed, received a small majority.  The truth is, the opponents of secession did not exercise the right of suffrage but to a limited extent.  At some of the polls in the city it was as much as a man’s life was worth to approach the ballot-box with a Union ticket.  Altogether, some six or seven thousand votes were cast out of more than twelve thousand.

THEIR LOYALTY.

The subject which, next to the occupation of this city by the Federal army, will naturally interest the loyal people of the North, is the extent of Union sentiment, to arrive at which, under existing circumstances, is impossible. – The iron rule of the rebellion has so long controlled even the thought of men here that, though the loyalists are perfectly free to express their sentiments, they are slow to do so, not feeling quite secure under the new dispensation of things, and dreading to commit themselves publicly, lest the Confederates should get control of the city, when their necks would not be safe from the halter.

I have failed to notice any general manifestation of Union sentiment, though instances of individual loyalty have frequently come under my observation.  Men of respectability and wealth have visited the Federal ships by stealth, going off in the evening when the levee is deserted.  Union ladies have sent congratulatory letters to the officers, and not unfrequently have we seen them on the levee at nightfall, slyly waving their handkerchiefs at the officers on board the Federal vessels.  Passing along the street, one is occasionally greeted with a smile of friendliness, but oftener the haughty curl of the lip and the flashing eye betray the malignant spirit which rankles within.

The lady who should be seen conversing with a Federal officer would be tabooed in the aristocratic circles of New Orleans, and the man suspected of entertaining Union sentiments is looked upon with suspicion, and hunted by the blood-hounds of the rebellion.

While Unionism rests under this ban, the manifestations of disloyalty are open, bold and defiant.  We see and hear it everywhere. – Elegantly dressed ladies stand on the levee as we pass in boats, and cover their finely chiseled features with their hands, looking at us through their delicate and gem-bedeck fingers.  One draws her veil over her face in token of her deep mourning, whose brother, perhaps, has fallen a victim to Federal bullets in an unholy cause, turns her back upon you till you have passed, when, womanly curiosity overcoming her anger, she glances over her shoulder to get sight of a real “live Yankee.”  All are bitter and crest fallen, and months of Federal rule, stern, yet mild, must elapse before the Union sentiment will develop itself to any great extent in this city.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 31, 1862, p. 2

NEW YORK, Feb. 6 [1862].

Private advices from Kansas state that Gen. Lane was there about the 1^st inst., and announced that he had not accepted his commission as Brigadier General, and that he visited that State only as a member of the Senate Military Committee.  He declined to assume any military character, but maintained the most friendly relations with Gen. Hunter, between whom and himself there is no practical difference of sentiment with regard to the relations of slavery and the war.

The report that Gen. Scott is going to Key West, is erroneous.  He did intend to go for the benefit of his health, and the Government offered him a passage on board the Richmond, but the preparation of the vessel was delayed till the season was too far spent, and he has now resolved not to make the voyage.

Gordon, the slaver, was notified yesterday that a respite was granted, by which his execution is postponed from to-morrow till the 21^st inst.

– Published in The Dubuque Herald, Dubuque, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 7, 1862, p. 1

Special Dispatch to the Chicago Tribune

WASHINGTON, Feb. 5. – It is still believed that Mr. Spaulding’s Treasury Note bill, with the legal tender clause included will, merely on the grounds of supposed necessity, secure a majority of both Houses.  Were the Treasury less barren of funds, the measure would be more doubtful.  Strong opposition was developed yesterday.  The committee are four to one on the question of submitting Morrill’s proposition.

Senator Simmons will soon bring forward a project for a National Savings Bank and government fiscal agency, originated by him, as an improvement upon the old United States Bank and Webster’s Exchequer plan.

A bill is maturing authorizing the President to appoint a Lieutenant General from regular or volunteer officers, designed to put somebody over Gen. McClellan.

Young naval officers complain of the delay in retiring the senior under the bill lately passed, and of the consequent delay in making promotions.

It is suspected that the frigate Richmond will carry Gen. Scott to Vera Cruz, as a semi official Commissioner to the allies and the Mexican Government.

A track has been laid across Long Bridge, thus completing the road connecting between this city and Alexandria.  Trains now pass over the bridge regularly.

It is said that the changed treatment of privateersmen is Stanton’s work, contemporaneous with the sending of Commissioners South.

Letters from Cairo say that everything connected with the flotilla is working will, and that  new spirit has been infused since the President himself took hold.

– Published in The Dubuque Herald, Dubuque, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 7, 1862, p. 1

The U. S. Frigate Richmond Ashore

NEW BEDFORD, March 5.

Capt. Springler, of the U. S. schooner Guthrie, reports that he left Key West 22d Feb.

U. S. frigate Richmond went ashore on the 21^st of Feb., in the night, on American Shoals, Florida Reef, 15 miles west of Key West, and still remained there on the 22^nd.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, March 6, 1862, p. 1

Incidents of the Naval Fight on the Mississippi

The following incidents of the fight, from the correspondence of the Boston Journal, are very interesting:

CUTTING THE CHAIN ACROSS THE RIVER.

On Sunday night the gunboats Pinola and Itasca went up, under command of Flagg Captain Bell, to cut the chain.  The Pinola ran in the west bank, and after striking a sunken ship she succeeded in reaching one of the hulks, to which Mr. Kroehl, the experimenter, attached a heavy petard.  The wire connecting it to the battery on board the steamer was coiled up on de[ck] but the current ran so strong and the Pinola drifted so rapidly, that the wire was broken and the attempt failed.  In the meantime, the Itasca ran up to one of the hulks on the east side of the river, when Acting Masters Edward Jones and Amos Johnson, with eight men, boarded the schooner, and in half an hour succeeded in unshackling the chain from its moorings and dropping it down.

The following letter from Capt. Caldwell, of the gunboat Itasca, gives an account of the affair:

* * * The operator on board the Pinola did not succeed in blowing up the chain, as the connecting wire broke and the vessel could not be blown up as the current pressed the Pinola upon her with such force that it took half an hour to clear her.  The Itasca took the next schooner, and in half an hour stripped the chain, but unfortunately before she could get well clear, the current cast her over on to the east shore, grounding the schooner lashed to her and running the Itasca’s fore foot into the mud, where she remained nearly two hours exposed to the fire of both forts.  The Pinola parted two 5-inch hawsers in trying to pull her off, but at last started her with an 11-inch hawser.  After running this schooner on shore, the others swung most favorable, leaving a wide passage for the fleet.

On Wednesday night Capt. Caldwell, with Acting Master Jones, and eleven of the Itasca’s men, pulled up to the schooners after dark, to make a final reconnaissance of the schooners.  They pulled up and sounded round the schooners on the west bank, and then crossed over and did the same with the schooners on the east bank.  They found the channel more than sufficiently wide and entirely unobstructed.  The rebels had lighted a fire on the east bank exposing everything attempting to pass up, but the boat, with muffled oars, passed safely up, and made all their observations unobserved, although they could hear the orders given at the fort, and hear the men calling and talking very loudly about some business they were carrying on outside the fort.  The boat then returned and made the joyful signal, “all right” – the Itasca’s night number, two white and one red lanterns.  Soon after the flag ship hoisted another preconcerted signal, two red lanterns.  This was to get under weigh, prepare for battle and pass up the river.  Within two hours the fleet performed one of the most wonderful and brilliant feats that ever honored any navy, and made the glorious passage of the river.

CHAIN-CLAD SLOOPS OF WAR.

The most conspicuous feature in the outward appearance of the fleet was the iron-linked mail of the sloops of war Richmond, Brooklyn, and Pensacola, each of which had their engines and boilers protected by chain cables, hung in bites on the outside and triced to eyebolts and rods running fore and aft.  The chains were dropped from the height of the gun-deck to below the water-line, and connected together by strong cordage.  This was equivalent to four inch plates, provided it withstood the effects of glancing or oblique shots.  The only danger apprehended from the chains on the steamers was from raking shots tearing them off, in which case it was feared they would become entangled with the propellers.  To guard against this, some of the ships unshackled the chain in short lengths, so that it might reach astern.  The machinery of the Iroquois was protected in the same way, the credit of originating which plan is due to Assistant Engineer Hoyt of the Richmond, upon which ship it was first adopted, the other vessels following her example.

Among the most efficient of the internal arrangements for the protection of the boilers, the destruction of which by a shot or shell was the most to be dreaded, although this was not the only dangerous part of the ships, was that adopted on board the sloop of war Mississippi, the machinery of which, being more above the water line, was consequently more exposed to the fire of the enemy.  The preparations of the ship for the action involved an immense amount of labor, which engaged her officers and crew for weeks before the attack.  Under the direction of Chief Engineer Lawton, Mr. Bartleman, the First Assistant, worked night and day with a strong force, and constructed a temporary roof in the coal bunkers just below the water line, about which the heavy chain cables of the ship were packed in layers, running fore and aft. – The ends of the shaft of the Mississippi were protected by four bales of bagging on the outside of each wheel.  The bows of several of the ships, including the Richmond and Harford, were protected by sand bags piled up beneath the forecastle, and intended to be removed aft to break the force of raking shot after the ships should have passed the forts.  I alluded in a former letter to the log packing of the boilers of the gunboat Owasco.  The bulkheads of other gunboats were strengthened in like manner, and also by sand bags, and the coal bunkers of all being kept full, supplied the wants of extra barriers to shot and shell.  From the moment the sloop of war Portsmouth arrived in the river, her officers and crew engaged in putting the ship into fighting trim.  She wore a mail constructed of her sheet chains, for the protection of her bow against a raking fire, and spread a complete spar netting of strong ropes to prevent her lofty spars – cut away by cannon balls – from falling on deck.

SKILLFUL PREPARATIONS.

The sloop of war Richmond, taken altogether, was by far the best fitted ship in the squadron.  Her hull, standing rigging, and in fact every part of the vessel which could afford the least mark for the rebel artillerists, received a coating of mud paint; she wore splinter nettings running fore and after over her decks.  In addition to the iron mail, which she wore externally, her machinery was protected by sand bags, packed against her bulkheads.

The gunboats Katahdin, Lieutenant Commanding Preble, and the Harriet Lane wore their boarding nettings, and other gunboats and ships were provided wiht the same barriers against the enemy.  Many of the ships carried kedge anchors on their yard arms, and grappling hooks on their jib booms, with which to fasten the gunboats and fire rafts of the enemy.

CAPT. BOGGS’ ACCOUNT OF THE VERONA’S [sic] ACTION.

The following is an extract from a letter of Captain Boggs, of the Verona, addressed to his family in New Jersey.  It was of course, not intended for the public eye.  Sailor-like, the gallant captain identifies himself with his ship, and with as much directness and force as he fights:

MISSISSIPI RIVER,

U. S. Steamer Harriet Lane, April 23, 1862

As Captain Porter is about to dispatch a vessel for Havanna with communications for our government, I have only a few moments to say that, thanks to good Providence, I am safe, and without even a scratch.

Yesterday our great battle was fought.  The squadron passed the forts under as severe a fire as any fleet probably ever endured.  The ships were much cut up, and there were many killed and wounded.

I can only give a hasty narrative of what occurred on board the Verona, as in that you will take a special interest.

“We started at 2 o’clock, A. M., and received the first fire at 3.30, just as the moon was rising.  My vessel was terribly bruised, but we returned the fire with interest.  On passing the forts I found myself the leading ship, and surrounded by a squadron or rebel steamers, who annoyed me much by their fire; so that I steered as close to them as possible, giving to each a broadside in succession as I passed; driving one on shore, and leaving four others in flames.

“During this time the firing of guns, whistling of shot and bursting of shells was terrible; the smoke dense.  As this cleared off, finding more steamers ahead, I stopped to look for the rest of the squadron.  The ship was leaking badly; but thus far none were hurt.  Astern, I saw the Oneida engaged with a rebel steamer.  The latter shortly after came up the river, when I engaged him, but found my shot of no avail, as he was iron-clad about the bow.  He tried to run me down; and I to avoid him and reach his vulnerable parts.  During these movements he raked [me], killing three and wounding seven, and attempted to board; but we repulsed him.  Driving against me he battered me severely, but in these efforts exposed his vulnerable side, and I succeeded in planting a couple of broadsides into him, that crippled his engine and set him on fire.  He then dropped off, and as he moved slowly up the river and passed me I gave him another and parting broadside.

“I now found my ship on fire from his shells, and it was great difficulty that it was put out.  Just then another iron-clad steamer bore down and struck heavily on my port quarter, and backed off for a second blow.  This second blow crushed in my side; but at the same instant I gave him a full complement of shot and shell that drove him on shore and in flames.

“Finding myself in a sinking condition I ran my bow into the bank and landed my wounded, still keeping up a fire on my first opponent, who at last hauled down his flag.  My last gun was fired as the decks went under water.

“No time to save anything, the officers and crew escaping with the clothes they had on their backs.  We were taken off by boats from the squadron, who had now come up, the crews cheering as the Veruna went down with her flag flying; victorious in defeat, and covered with glory.

“I think we have done well.  Eleven steamers destroyed by the squadron.*  The old ram Manassas sunk by the Mississippi.

“This has been a gallant fight, no less than 170 guns playing on us.  The forts are cut off from succor, and must soon surrender.  The way to New Orleans is open, and the city is probably ours at this moment; for the fleet immediately passed up the river.

“The commodore, as a post of honor, dispatched me in my only remaining boat, with a picked crew from Veruna’s men, to carry dispatches to Gen. Butler.

Having been in the boat for twenty six hours after such a day’s previous work, you may imagine I am somewhat exhausted.  What my next position may be I do not know – perhaps to go home for another ship, or possibly to become naval aid to – Major General Butler.”

(Capt. Boggs is too modest to say that he destroyed six out of the eleven. – ED.)

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 17, 1862, p. 2



From the New Orleans Fleet

The following letter is from William Sells, addressed to his father, the Secretary of State. – It gives us pleasure to publish it:

U. S. STEAMER MIAMI,
MOUTH MISSISSIPPI RIVER, April 6, ’62.

DEAR FATHER: – I have heard nothing from home since I left Baltimore, which was last of February. I have written you several letters since, one from Port Royal, one from Key West, and one from Ship Island. The great battle has not yet taken place, but will, quite soon, as the vessels are nearly all here. It may take place in the next 10 days, or sooner. Gen. Butler has landed some of his troops (about 6,000) at Biloxi, but for what purpose I cannot tell. The general impression here, is, that this will not only be the greatest battle of the war, but the greatest naval engagement on record. The Forts mount about 400 guns. Fort Jackson, the first, has two tiers of casemated guns, and one of barbette guns. One half mile above Fort Jackson is Fort Phillipi [sic], with one tier of guns.

Just below Fort Jackson there is an immense chain across the river buoyed on six schooners filled with wood so they cannot be sunk. At each end of the chain is a land battery but the worst place is above the chain at Englishtown. There they raked us four times; but land batteries are easily shelled out. But to take these place we are amply prepared, I think. There are some in the fleet that think we will be whipped; but I have no such thoughts. I think the men that have charge of the expedition, know their business. We have 21 bomb schooners, each carrying a 13-inch mortar, and will throw a shell three miles, and are very accurate and desperate. The shell contains 7 pounds of powder in addition, we will have about 30 war steamers, some of our best sloops and gunboats, including the Mississippi, Pensacola, Richmond, Hartford, Iroquois, Brooklyn, Harriet Lane, &c., including four New York ferry boats with immense power to tow schooners. – We have now two 9-inch guns, one rifle, four 24-puonders, and the best gunners in the fleet. For a while we did not practice much; but of late, the captain has taken hold personally.

We are to have for the fight, four more 6-inch guns from the frigate Colorado. She can’t get over the bar. Also 80 more men, which will give us a crew of 200 men. But we expect to come out of the fight with much less. All the large vessels carry a twelve pound howitzer “in the top” of each mast. They expect to go within three hundred yards of the forts and drive the gunners from their guns.

The captain of the Colorado, as he can’t get his vessel in, has volunteered to cut the chain. I have volunteered to take charge of our powder division, which is 30 men. They are also pikemen and boarders, and here, each man leads his men. –{Des Moines Register.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 10, 1862, p. 2

New York, April 28 [1862].

Further advices by the Connecticut state that the sloops of war Richmond, Hartford, Brooklyn and Iriquois [sic] were protected with a heavy chain cable from their ports to a point below their waterline previous to their attack on the Mississippi forts.

The rebel steamer Florida was captured by the U. S. bark Pursuit.

The captain of the French war steamer Milan visited Fort Jackson under a flag of truce, with a view of assisting the French residents of New Orleans who might desire to get out of the way of the impending battle. He was seized and imprisoned over night, but released the next day, and returned to his vessel greatly enraged.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, April 30, 1862, p. 1