Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 30, 1864

Clear, and warm as summer. No fires.

It is reported that Gen. Hood is still marching North, and is near Nashville.

The following telegrams were received this morning:

"AUGUSTA, November 29th, 1864.—It is reported, via Savannah, the enemy, with infantry and artillery, entered Millen yesterday. Wheeler is rapidly pursuing Kilpatrick, who retreats in that direction from Waynesborough.—B. B."

 

"AUGUSTA, November 29th, 1864.—6½ P.M.—Gen. Jones telegraphs from Charleston: Ten (10) gun-boats with transports landing troops at Boykins on Broad River. Four gun-boats with transports and barges are, by this time, at Mackay's Point, junction of Pocotaligo with Broad River. I am sending all assistance from here, and think we must make the struggle near the coast. As this movement relieves Wilmington, might not some of the North Carolina reserves be sent to Gen. Jones?—B. BRAGG."

The following items were in the papers this morning:

“NEGRO PICKETS.—Monday morning negro pickets were placed in front of Gen. Pickett's division. Our men, taking it as an insult, yesterday fired upon them, causing a stampede among them. Their places have been supplied with white Yankees, and the lines have resumed the usual quiet.

 

"Two negroes, captured by Gen. Hunter in the Valley last summer, and forced into the Yankee army, deserted yesterday and came into Gen. Pickett's lines, and were brought over to this city."

 

"CAPTURE OF GEN. PRYOR.—The Express gives the following account of the capture of the Hon. Roger A. Pryor, on Monday morning:

 

"While riding along the lines on our right, he stopped at one of our vidette posts, and left his horse and private arms with one or two other articles in charge of the pickets, stated that he intended, as was often his custom, to go forward and exchange papers with the enemy's videttes.

 

He advanced in the direction of the Yankee lines, flourishing a paper in his hand, in token of his object, and after proceeding some distance was met by a Yankee officer. An exchange of papers was effected, and Gen. Pryor had turned to retrace his steps, when he was suddenly seized by two or three armed men, who were lying in ambush, and hurried away. The whole transaction, we understand, was witnessed by some of our men, but at too great a distance to render any assistance. Gen. Pryor had frequently exchanged papers with the enemy, and his name and character had, no doubt, been reported to them. They resolved to have him, by fair means or foul, and descended to the basest treachery to accomplish their purpose.

 

"We trust that some notice may be taken of the matter by our military authorities, and every effort used to secure his early return. During the last few months the general has been acting as an independent scout, in which capacity he has rendered valuable service."

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 342-3

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 17, 1863

April 17.

Last night our Colonel forgot the importance of his present position and visited the wreck of the George Washington. He saw how the remaining gun was situated, and gratified his love of adventure without being fired upon. It is a shame that no gunboat had yet been sent to protect the men who might have taken off those guns. The rumor comes to us from town tonight that the troops are ordered back to Charleston and that reinforcements are to meet them there from the North. We shall be left here on picket a while longer, and for this last I am thankful. General Hunter has been consulted about the picket shooting, and writes to General Saxton to "give them back as good as they send."

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 389

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 21, 1863

April 21.

I have today conversed with the extraordinary colored man, Peter Burns, who brought off one hundred and thirty-two persons with him from the main land, and who has, for a long time, been employed by General Hunter and. by General Saxton for a scout. He is a dark mulatto with face and form resembling John Brown. To hear his quaint expressions and Cromwellian talk is worth a journey from New England here. Too sleepy to repeat any of them to-night.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 390

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, May 27, 1863

May 27.

We are being greatly washed in the rainy season. Fortunately our tents are all raised eighteen inches from the ground and pitched on solid floors of faced pine logs. It is not easy to procure boards here and these logs do just as well. The men cover the floor with pine needles and sleep after the same fashion that I do. The camp has a most picturesque look. Each row of tents has its long piazza roof of pine boughs under which the men sit more contentedly than would be possible for Yankees.

I am getting excessively proud of the physical condition of our regiment. Since we came out here we have enlisted nearly a hundred good, able-bodied men, and discharged about thirty from the service. General Hunter has just issued very good sanitary orders for encampments during the summer. We had anticipated the more important of them.

Yesterday Reb and I found shelter from a great rain, where I saw only an old, gray-headed woman whose name was Rose. I found that she and her old husband and sister were benevolently left for the Yankees, while the younger members were saved from us by the master. The old woman did not murmur at her fate, and when I said: "You must have found it easier to live in slavery with your children and grandchildren than living alone in freedom" she replied: "Yes, Marse, but we lub de freedom better dan dat, an' we rudder lib here all alone dan be in slavery. Dey can no mo' sell we." I never hear that word sell pronounced by these people without a thrill of horror.

I don't remember whether I have written about the wonderful persistency of these people when once fully determined to accomplish a thing. You all know what they have gone through to gain freedom, and can easily imagine some of them capable of equal pertinacity for less worthy objects. I have noticed that when one of them fully makes up his mind to get discharged from the service on the ground of disability, there are but two ways to act in the matter. If there be real ground for his complaint, give him papers at once, but if not, pile his falsehoods upon him so crushingly that he at once feels there is no possible hope of deceiving you. Such cases are rare, but they occur; and some of our best soldiers today are men who were put into the guardhouse for trying to deceive me. I only wonder that with the accursed teaching of their masters they do not oftener attempt this thing. If, under such circumstances, I am more severe with them than another would be, I never doubt the Lord will bear in mind that my heart is intent on full justice for them. I find my hatred of slop philanthropy deepened by living with these intensely human children. While I reverence them more and more, I am more and more convinced that Robert Sutton and Prince Rivers were in the right when they said at Alberti's Mills: "That man don't know what is good for him. You know that freedom is better dan slavery for him and you ought to force him to go away wid us." The most intelligent men in our regiment urge the policy of conscription on the same ground, and that it will give them a "chance to get sense." I said to Uncle York, just now, when he came into my den to see that the fire "keep blazin"; "Uncle, if you had not a wife in secesh I might want you to go home with me when the war is over." Then he told me that he had been twice back to Darien for his wife, once on a gun-boat and once at the imminent risk of losing his life, but that she each time had refused to come away, and that he would like to remain forever with me. She is a second wife and much younger than he. The last time he went for her he brought off several fugitives. He closed his narrative as follows: "So I got some sheepskin to muffle de oar, an de moon was berry shine an when at las' we done got by de danger, I whoop, an de master ob de gun boat Paul Jones say 'Come on,' an den I make de rowers raise a sing."

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 393-4

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 2, 1863—Evening

CAMP SAXTON, BEAUFORT, S. C.,

April 2, 1863. Evening.

Such is the management here that my notes no longer date from satisfactory advance posts. Four weeks ago tonight I was saying a last goodbye to our camp ground, and at a late hour went on board the steamer that was forever to take us from South Carolina. The deserted camp by moonlight saddened me, but this inglorious return impresses me more than I can express. It seemed appropriate that we should steam up Beaufort River the night of April 1.¹

It was not too late for me to visit dear old Mr. Saxton. He told me how terribly disappointed the General was at the sudden and unexpected conclusion of General Hunter to order the evacuation of Jacksonville. One night it was agreed that General Saxton should visit us in person, but early in the morning all was reversed and empty steamers were sent for us. General Hunter could not be persuaded to countermand the order.²

Today the long slumbering fleet at Hilton Head has begun to move towards Charleston. A very small force is being left to protect these Islands and you will be glad to know that we are to do picket duty in the absence of other troops. An attack upon us is not the most improbable thing to anticipate. I think our boys would enjoy a fight with almost any number of the enemy and some of our officers are slightly belligerent.

One of our soldiers who was expatiating on the pluck of the chaplain exclaimed, "My God, what for you made him preacher? He is de fightenmost Yankee I eber did see."

Last night about a hundred of the boys bivouacked on the hurricane deck and early this morning they were full of cheerful congratulations. I heard one say, "Well, Jim, how are you?" Bully, tank God." I am constantly amused by their pointed, laconic remarks.

I understand that Gen. Hunter gives as a reason for withdrawing our regiment from Jacksonville that he needed the others and dared not leave us alone. So far as safety is concerned, I would rather be on the mainland of Florida than the islands here.³ My box of supplies from the Soldiers Aid Society of Worcester, opened well today. We brought it up from Fernandina with us. The Gen. Burnside was loaded with stores for us at the moment General Hunter was McClellandized, and everything was dumped off at Fernandina. The box has arrived at the moment we most need it, and, with the exception of the lint, every article will be exceedingly useful. We confiscated a few bales of oakum up the St Mary's and I like it better than any other material for general dressing.

_______________

¹ See report of Colonel John D. Rust, in 1 Records of the Rebellion, XIV.

² He was always the most impulsive of men. - T. W. H.

³ The subsequent battle of Olustee proved that Hunter was right. — T. W. H.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 384-5

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 12, 1863

April 12.

Should one inquire for my health tonight, I might adopt the reply of a soldier yesterday: "Not superior, thank God." A good night's sleep will restore all that was lost under the tramp of couriers and rattle of sabres on the piazza during the whole of last night. Why couriers should carry sabres except to be in harmony with the general spirit of the War Department, I cannot conceive. There would be precisely as much sense in my being tripped up by mine at the bedside of the sick or at the operating table. Ample preparations were made for the repulse of a large invading force and no force invaded. I guess we are all a little sorry, since it seems like flying in the face of Providence to leave unused for skirmishing these wonderful pine barrens. I thought General Saxton looked a little disappointed about it when he came out this morning. General Hunter, who ought to be holding Charleston today, was with him. Were I not so sleepy I would crowd in a few curses here on the mismanagement which has resulted in the withdrawal of our forces from before Charleston.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 387-8

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 27, 1863

March 27, 1863.

This afternoon our eyes were gladdened by the sight of the Boston and Convoy steaming up the river, but when, instead of a cavalry force and light artillery to weigh them down, we perceived they came empty, we were filled with forebodings, till our hearts actually sank within us at the intelligence that an order from General Hunter had come for our forces to evacuate the town, to help those further north. This may be wisdom, but I fail to see anything but that fatal vacillation which has thus far cursed us in this war. We have planted ourselves here for the definite purpose of making this state free, and have already so fortified the city that a small force can hold it, while the boats are making such raids up the river as may seem best. Colonel Montgomery and his men have been off two days up the river and tonight, a steamer is dispatched to call them back. I hope it will take the John Adams a week to find the Gen. Meigs, for we cannot think of leaving without them. Unfortunately we are constantly expecting her back, though it would not surprise me if Colonel Montgomery had marched his men twenty miles inland, and confiscated all sorts of contrabands. He carefully avoided taking anything but hard bread, for he religiously believes we ought to live on the rebels.

Judge Stickney is exceedingly anxious to take the Convoy and go back to Hilton Head to ask for a reconsideration of the order. Among the officers there is a difference of opinion as to the rightfulness of such a delay. The order was peremptory and, were I General Hunter, I would cashier the officer who disobeyed it. At the same time I believe the only reason why General Hunter calls us back is, because he fears our black troops might be overpowered in the absence of the other regiments. There would be no danger of it. If our army ever should happen to do anything at Charleston we could be reinforced after that.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 381-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 29, 1863

STEAMER Convoy, Mouth of St. John's, March 29, 1863.

This is one of the sad days of my life. The evacuation of Jacksonville is the burial of so many hopes I had cherished for the oppressed, that I feel like one in attendance at the funeral of a host of his friends. I greatly fear we are to be put back: out of active service at a moment when there is most need for us to work. I believe our retrograde movement today is an error more serious and damaging to the interests of the enslaved than appears on the surface. . . Major Strong and his party visited, last night, the picket station of the rebels, but for some reason they found no one, and the search was useless.

Early this morning all was hurry and excitement. Insufficient means of transportation caused a good deal of grief among families obliged to leave behind furniture, and caused a good deal of profanity among officers and soldiers obliged to be packed as you would pack pork. This little Convoy, of 410 tons, has six companies of soldiers with all their equipments, forty or fifty citizens with all the truck we did not throw back upon the wharf: fifty horses: all the Commissary stores and all my hospital stores, save those needed on the John Adams. Were this crowded state to last but a few hours there would be no trouble, but it is thick weather and raining like fury, and the fleet dare not put out to sea before morning. I forgot to say that we have also all our camp tents on board. Here we are for the night.

Quite early this morning the 8th Maine boys began setting fire to the town a most shameful proceeding. I came near losing my hospital stores before I could find conveyance for them to the steamer. The hospital was burned and many buildings were on fire when we left. It seemed like an interposition of Providence that a heavy rain so soon came on, which probably saved part of the town. It also seems to me that Providence is interfering with General Hunter's order in a way that may be more or less destructive. The wind is changing to the East and our prospect of getting off in the morning is passing away.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 383

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 25, 1863

February 25, 1863.

This afternoon our regiment was reviewed by Gen. Saxton in the presence of Gen. Hunter. The staff and body guards of these two Generals made about a hundred horsemen. I quite enjoyed the bugle notes as they gallopped into camp and thought how much more exciting a cavalry regiment must be than infantry. In the course of the battalion drill our boys were ordered to make a charge toward them and I verily believe that if the Col. had not been in front, the order "Halt," would have passed unheeded till the cavalry had scattered over the field.

All this evening I have been squeezing Kansas history out of Col. Montgomery, a history with which he himself is so completely identified that I have really been listening to a wonderful autobiography. Col. M. is a born pioneer. Ashtabula County, Ohio, is his native place. Forty-nine years ago, Joshua R. Giddings and Ben Wade were young men and Montgomery in his boyhood was accustomed to hear their early pleadings at the bar. So you see how birth and early surroundings fitted him for a fiercer frontier life. New England life seems puny beside the lusty life born on the frontier. Of the Colonel's eight children two of his sons are to hold commissions in his regiment. They are young but as “they don't know the meaning of fear,” and hate slavery he is sure they will get on. In medicine he has a weakness for pellets instead of pills. It is humiliating that our two strong colonels should exhibit such weak points. So long as we remain in good health I don't know but this foible of homoeopathy is as harmless as any of the popular vagaries. . . .

Yesterday Mingo Leighton died. Many weeks ago, I saw him step out of the ranks one day when upon the double-quick and discovered that he had slight disease of the heart. He was a noble fellow, black as midnight, who had suffered in the stocks and under the lash of a savage master, and did not accept any offer of discharge papers. Later he realized some of his hopes up the St. Mary's, so that he was very quiet under his fatal congestion of the lungs. He was ill but a few hours and was very calm when he told me on my first visit that his work was finished. He never gave me his history, though he regarded me as his friend, but one of his comrades confirmed my convictions of his worth. This same comrade, John Quincy, a good old man, who for eight years, paid his master twenty dollars per month for his time and eight dollars per month apiece for mules, and boarded himself and animals, this man told me that Mingo was deeply religious, but said little about it, and that he himself had been "trabblin by dis truth sometin' like twenty-five year." I have rarely met a man whose trust in God has seemed to me more immediate and constant.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 367-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 21, 1864

Clear and warm. Bought fifty cabbage-plants and set them out before breakfast

Gen. Early met Gen. Hunter at Snicker's Gap, and whipped him.

All quiet at Petersburg. Grant must be dead, sure enough.

Gen. Bragg left the city some days ago. The following is a verbatim dispatch received from him yesterday:

MONTGOMERY, ALA., July 19th, 1864.

COL. J. B. SALE:—The enemy still hold West Point Railroad Forces are moving forward to dislodge them. Gen. S. D. Lee in forms me 5000 (13th Army Corps) passed Vicksburg on the 16th, supposed to be going to White River. Reported Memphis, 19th Army Corps, Franklin left New Orleans on the 4th for Fort Monroe, 13,000 strong. Ought not Taylor's forces to cross the Mississippi?

I hear nothing from Johnston.

Telegraph me to Columbus, Ga.

B. BRAGG, General.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 252

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: July 3, 1864

Clear and dry; pleasant temperature.

I learn that Petersburg has not been much injured by the enemy's batteries, and that Gen. Lee has ordered the casting of mortars for use immediately.

To morrow being the anniversary of the surrender of Vicksburg to Grant, I should not be surprised if that general let off some fire-works, not only in commemoration of that event, but in pursuance of some desperate enterprise against Richmond. I don't see how he can feel any veneration for the day of Independence for the “rebels” of 1776, without sympathy for the “rebels” of 1864, struggling also for independence.

After the failure of the enemy's next move, I think the tempest of war will rapidly abate. Nearly every movement in this (I think final) effort to capture Richmond bas failed. Sheridan failed to destroy the Central, Hunter the South Side, and Wilson the Danville Railroad—each losing about half his men and horses. Grant himself, so far, has but “swung round" a wall of steel, losing 100,000 men, and only gaining a position on the James River which he might have occupied without any loss. On the other hand, Lee wields a larger army than he began with, and better armed, clothed, and fed.

This ought to end the vain attempt at subjugation. But if not, the Confederate States, under the new policy (defensive), might maintain the contest against a half million of invaders. Our crop of wheat is abundant, and the harvest over; our communications will be all re-established in a few days, and the people being armed and drilled everywhere, the enemy's raiders will soon be checked in any locality they may select as the scene of operations. All the bridges will be defended with fortifications. Besides, Lee is gathering rapidly an army on the Potomac, and may not only menace the enemy's capital, but take it. Early and Breckinridge, Imboden and Morgan, may be at this moment inflicting more serious injury on the enemy's railroads and canals than we have sustained in Virginia. And it is certain the stores of the Federal army in Georgia have been captured or destroyed to a very serious extent.

Still, in this hour of destitution and suffering among certain classes of the people, we see no beggars in the streets.

Likewise, notwithstanding the raiding parties penetrate far in the rear of our armies, there has been no instance of an attempt on the part of the slaves to rise in insurrection.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 243-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 25, 1864

Hot and dry.

Twelve hundred Federal prisoners passed our door to-day, taken at Petersburg—about half the number captured there during the last two days.

The news of the cutting of the Danville Railroad still produces despondency with many. But the people are now harvesting a fair crop of wheat, and the authorities do not apprehend any serious consequences from the interruption of communication with the South — which is, indeed, deemed but temporary, as sufficient precaution is taken by the government to defend the roads and bridges, and there seems to be discussions between the generals as to authority and responsibility. There are too many authorities. Gen. Lee will remedy all this.

The clerks are still kept out, on the north side of the James River, while the enemy is on the south side—the government, meantime, being almost in a state of paralysis. Such injustice, and such obtuseness, would seem to be inexcusable.

The Secretary has sanctioned the organization of a force in the Northern Neck, to capture and slay without mercy such of the enemy as may be found lurking there, committing outrages, etc.

The President still devotes much time to the merits of applicants for appointments on military courts, brigadier-generals, etc.

It is reported that Grant has announced to his army that the fighting is over, and that the siege of Richmond now begins. A fallacy! Even if we were unable to repair the railroads, the fine crop of wheat just matured would suffice for the subsistence of the army—an army which has just withstood the military power of the North. It is believed that nearly 300,000 men have invaded Virginia this year, and yet, so far from striking down the army of Lee with superior numbers, we see, at this moment, the enemy intrenching himself at every new position occupied by him. This manifests an apprehension of sudden destruction himself!

But the country north and east and west of Richmond is now free of Yankees, and the railroads will be repaired in a few weeks at furthest. Gen. Hunter, we learn to-day, has escaped with loss out of the State to the Ohio River, blowing up his own ordnance train, and abandoning his cannon and stores. So we shall have ammunition and salt, even if the communication with Wilmington should be interrupted. No, the war must end, and is now near its end; and the Confederacy will achieve its independence. This of itself would suffice, but there may be a diversion in our favor in the North—a revolution there—a thing highly probable during the excitement of an embittered Presidential campaign. Besides, there may at any moment be foreign intervention. The United States can hardly escape a quarrel with France or England. It may occur with both.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 237-8

Diary of Sergeant David L. Day: December 10, 1863

NEWPORT NEWS.

I am now on the sacred soil of old Virginia, and my first care will be to seek an introduction to some of the F. F. V's. What this place derived its name from, or why it was named at all, I have not been able to learn. It was simply a plantation before its occupation by Federal troops, and perhaps the name is good as any to distinguish it by. Our camp is near the river, and only a few rods from us lie the wrecks of the frigates Cumberland and Congress, sunk by the rebel ram Merrimac. The Cumberland lies in deep water out of sight, but the deck of the Congress is seen and often visited by the boys at low water. Since the occupation of this place by Federal troops it has grown into what they call down this way a town, containing quite a collection of rough board store-houses, sutler's shops, negro shanties and horse sheds. A boat runs from here to Fortress Monroe every day, and three times a week to Norfolk; the distance to either place is about the same, some twelve miles.

For the first time since the war began, the oyster fishing is being prosecuted, and Hampton Roads are alive with oyster schooners. The oysters have had a chance to grow, and are now abundant and of good size and favor. Newport News was the first place in Virginia, except Washington, that was occupied by Federal troops, and it was from here that a part of old Ben's fàmous Big Bethel expedition started.

During my absence, this military department has gone all wrong. Gen. Foster has been ordered to Knoxville, Tenn., and Gen. Butler has superseded him to this command. I am not. pleased with the change. Gen. Foster was a splendid man and fine officer, and I would rather take my chances with a regular army officer than with an amateur. The first year of the war Gen. Butler was the busiest and most successful general we had, but since then he has kind o' taken to niggers and trading. As a military governor he is a nonesuch, and in that role has gained a great fame, especially in all the rebellious states.

He is a lawyer and a man of great executive ability, and can not only make laws but can see to it that they are observed, but as a commander of troops in the field, he is not just such a man as I should pick out. He had a review of our brigade the other day, and his style of soldiering caused considerable fun among the boys who had been used to seeing Gen. Foster. He rode on to the field with a great dash, followed by staff enough for two major-generals. He looks very awkward on a horse and wears a soft hat; when he salutes the colors he lifts his hat by the crown clear off his head instead of simply touching the rim. The boys think he is hardly up to their ideas of a general, but as they are not supposed to know anything, they will have to admit that he is a great general. He is full of orders and laws (regardless of army regulations) in the government of his department, and his recent order in relation to darkies fills two columns of newspaper print, and is all the most fastidious lovers of darkies in all New England could desire. Hunter and Fremont are the merest pigmies beside Ben in their care of darkies.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 109-10

Major-General David Hunter to Jefferson Davis, April 23, 1863

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH,    

Hilton Head, S.C., April 23, 1863. 

JEFFERSON DAVIS, Richmond, Va. :

The United States flag must protect all its defenders, white, black, or yellow. Several negroes in the employ of the Government in the Western Department have been cruelly murdered by your authorities and others sold into slavery. Every outrage of this kind against the laws of war and humanity which may take place in this department shall be followed by the immediate execution of the rebel of highest rank in my possession. Man for man, these executions will certainly take place for every one sold into a slavery worse than death. On your authorities will rest the responsibility of having inaugurated this barbarous policy, and you will be held responsible in this world and in the world to come for all the blood thus shed.

In the month of August last you declared all those engaged in arming the negroes to fight for their country to be felons, and directed the immediate execution of all such as should be captured. I have given you long enough to reflect on your folly. I now give you notice that unless this order is immediately revoked I will at once cause the execution of every rebel officer and every rebel slaveholder in my possession. This sad state of things may be kindly ordered by an all-wise Providence to induce the good people of the North to act earnestly and to realize that they are at war. Thousands of lives may thus be saved.

The poor negro is fighting for liberty in its truest sense, and Mr. Jefferson has beautifully said, "In such a war there is no attribute of the Almighty which will induce him to fight on the side of the oppressor."

You say you are fighting for liberty. Yes, you are fighting for liberty—liberty to keep 4,000,000 of your fellow-beings in ignorance and degradation; liberty to separate parents and children, husband and wife, brother and sister; liberty to steal the products of their labor, exacted with many a cruel lash and bitter tear; liberty to seduce their wives and daughters, and to sell your own children into bondage; liberty to kill <ar20_449> these children with impunity, when the murder cannot be proven by one of pure white blood. This is the kind of liberty—the liberty to do wrong—which Satan, chief of the fallen angels, was contending for when he was cast into hell.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

D. HUNTER,     

Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 448-9

Alexander H. Stephens to Jefferson Davis, June 12, 1863

LIBERTY HALL, GA., June 12, 1863.

Hon. Jefferson Davis, Richmond, Va.

Dear Sir: I have just seen what purports to be a letter addressed to you by Major General D. Hunter, commanding the Federal forces at Port Royal, S. C., bearing date the 23d of April last. Of the extraordinary character of this paper, its tone, temper, and import, whether genuine or not, it is not my purpose to speak. It may be a forgery.* All I know of it is from its publication, as we have it in our newspapers. But it has occurred to me if it be genuine, this, together with other matters of controversy I see likewise in the papers, in relation to the future exchange of certain classes of prisoners of war, may necessarily lead to a further conference with the authorities at Washington upon the whole subject. In that event I wish to say to you briefly, that if you think my services in such a mission would be of any avail in effecting a correct understanding and agreement between the two Governments upon those questions involving such serious consequences, they are at your command.

You will remember while we were at Montgomery, when the first commissioners were sent to Washington with a view to settle and adjust all matters of difference between us and the United States, without a resort to arms, you desired me to be one of those clothed with this high and responsible trust. I then declined, because I saw no prospect of success — did not think, upon a survey of the whole field, that I could effect anything good or useful in any effort I could then make on that line. You will allow me now to say that at this time I think possibly I might be able to do some good not only on the immediate subject in hand, but were I in conference with the authorities at Washington on any point in relation to the conduct of the war, I am not without hopes that indirectly I could now turn attention to a general adjustment upon such basis as might ultimately be acceptable to both parties and stop the further effusion of blood in a contest so irrational, unchristian, and so inconsistent with all recognized American principles.

The undertaking, I know, would be a great one. Its magnitude and responsibility I fully realize. I might signally fail. This I also fully comprehend; but still, be assured, I am not without some hopes of success, and whenever or wherever I see any prospect of the possibility of being useful or of doing good I am prepared for any risk, any hazards, and all responsibilities commensurate with the object. Of course, I entertain but one idea of the basis of final settlement or adjustment; that is, the recognition of the sovereignty of the States and the right of each in its sovereign capacity to determine its own destiny. This principle lies at the foundation of the American system. It was what was achieved in the first war of Independence, and must be vindicated in the second. The full recognition of this principle covers all that is really involved in the present issue. That the Federal Government is yet ripe for such acknowledgment I, by no means, believe, but that the time has come for a proper presentation of the question to the authorities at Washington I do believe — such presentation as can be made only in a diplomatic way. While, therefore, a mission might be dispatched on a minor point, the greater one could possibly, with prudence, discretion, and skill, be opened to view and brought in discussion in a way that would lead eventually to successful results. This would depend upon many circumstances, but no little upon the character and efficiency of the agent. It so occurs to me, and so feeling I have been prompted to address you these lines. My object is, solely, to inform you that I am ready and willing to undertake such a mission with a view to such ulterior ends, if any fit opportunity offers in the present state of our affairs in relation to the exchange of prisoners, or any other matter of controversy growing out of the conduct of the war, and if also you should be of opinion that I could be useful in such position. I am at your service, heart and soul, at any post you may assign me where I see any prospect of aiding, assisting, or advancing the great cause we are engaged in and of securing with its success the blessings of permanent peace, prosperity, and constitutional liberty.

Should the present position of affairs in your opinion be suitable, of which I am not so well informed as you are, and this suggestion so far meet your approval as to cause you to wish to advise further with me on the subject, you have but to let me know; otherwise no reply is necessary, and none will be expected.

With best wishes for you personally and our common country in this day of her trial, I remain yours, etc.,

Alexander H. Stephens.

_______________

* Mr. Stephens states that “it was genuine, and of a character not much short of savage.

SOURCE: A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, Including the Diplomatic Correspondence, 1861-1865, Volume I: First Congress, Third Session, p.339-41

Gustavus V. Fox to Flag Officer Samuel F. Dupont, June 11, 1862

Navy Department         

June 11 1862 

My Dear Flag Officer 

I have your notes, and today the box came, and the distribution shall be made in your name as you request. I notice the very important move you are making in the Stono and send you herewith the Topog. chart of the same. I also obtained an order for the Vanderbilt to proceed immediately with schooners for transportation to Hunter. I also obtained the revocation of an order which was made out withdrawing his cavalry regiment. 

Until Richmond falls it is impossible, of course, to give him men, or you the gunboats. What a pity, when the key of the city is within reach. The 'Flag' sailed Saturday and the South Carolina takes this. We finally gave an order that the Flag should be taken out if her engine would move. 

The Comr's are not satisfied unless these vessels can be turned into regular men of war. I looked into the matter of orders to marine officers and find that it is conformable to "usage.” Davis has wiped out the western rebel navy, and our forces are investing Mobile. 

The Powhatan is promised early in July, which means the last, S.C. Rowan to command her. We will send her to you. Many thanks for the sword. I have a memento of most of the battles, presented by those whose valor gave victory to our cause and therefore doubly valuable to me. I enclose you two notes which explain themselves. I shall esteem it a favor if you will give directions to have this body placed in the coffin and sent to the Father, who is my old and dear Pastor, and whose son received his appointment at my hands, and died in the service of his country under your command. The coffin went out by the Massachusetts, previous to her present trip. 

Very truly yours 

G. V. Fox. 

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 128-9

Captain Percival Drayton to Flag Officer Samuel F. Dupont, June 30, 1862

U.S.S. Pawnee        

Stono River June 30th. 1862 

Sir, 

I had written you a letter on the 28th in relation to the most unfortunate and at the same time injurious evacuation of James Island by the army, as our forces were quite securely placed in an advantageous position. I cannot comprehend it, except on the supposition of positive orders from home, or the adoption by Genl. Hunter of a policy similar to that which has so frequently induced the Southern places of strength to be vacated, but which we have never yet understood. 

In the present case, I am satisfied that what is being done, will not only greatly inspirit the enemy, but depress our own troops, who must look upon themselves as beaten off, and by a force little if at all superior to theirs. As it will not now be necessary to send the letter alluded to above, I will merely repeat in substance, what I there said, and which has been talked over since with Capt. Rodgers. I am quite convinced, that if we seriously determine on the reoccupation of their deserted batteries on this river, no number of wooden vessels could wholly prevent it, but still as I think that they would be much more likely to undertake this, were there no chance of interruption, I recommend that a sufficient force be left here, to, at least, oblige caution in their approaches, and thus at least gain time, which may enable us to perhaps retake our old positions here, should Genl. Hunter's policy not meet with approval. 

Coles Island is so difficult of access, and the anchorage so roomy, that vessels lying in it could scarcely be interfered with, at least without plenty of warning, and they would be also in easy communication with our squadron outside by signal. I would consequently recommend that after the departure of the Army, our ships remain in the river to retain as complete possession as may be practicable, at least until you are satisfied that all attempts on Charleston are to be definitely given up, when you can of course reduce the force to the mere requirements of a blockade; until the army is safely on board, no vessel should, in my opinion, leave, immediately on that being done, I will send to Port Royal the Unadilla, and to Capt. Marchand the Huron, waiting further orders from you for the disposition of the other vessels. As I have before said, I do not believe that in their present depressed state of feeling, the attempt will be made by the Confederates to reoccupy any of their deserted coast lines, should they however be inspirited, either by success at the North, or by a continuance of such acts as the one I have commented upon above, they can scarcely help becoming bold on our timidity, and will no doubt at once endeavor to prevent another approach to Charleston by James Island the only one where our army can have a firm base of operations in complete communication with its own transports, and our fleet, and when it at once fixes itself, without any risk, within sight of the steeples of Charleston. 

Very Respy Your Obdt Servt. 

P. DRAYTON Comdr     

Senior Offr 

Flag Officer S. F. DuPont 

    Comdg. S. Atl. Sqdn 

        Port Royal

P. S. The Paul Jones arrived here direct from Washington on the 25 June on the 30th with orders to report to the Senior Officer at Stono. I will keep her until I hear from you. 

Very Respy 

P. DRAYTON 

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 133-5

Flag Officer Samuel F. Dupont to Gustavus V. Fox, July 10, 1862

Wabash, Off Charleston 

10 July, 62 

My Dear Sir

We hear from the Capt & Crew of the Emilie, late Seabrook, that the Nashville threw over all her cargo in the Chase—worth a million-burned all her bulkheads, sawed all their beams and got up the Pork to keep up the fires. 

If LeRoy had not lost sight of her in the squalls, he would have taken her, but I thought you would like to hear this anyhow. We boarded the Mississippi transport this morning—dates to 4" inclusive things do not seem worse than reported by papers of the 2d. 

The Capt. says he brings orders for Hunter and all his army—if so we lose this Coast, (so beautifully held now) except where the gunboats can still cover. It was only night before last there was a panic at Beaufort and I had to send Paul Jones and Unadilla to take care of four thousand men. Then Rodgers will tell you the steamers are breaking down like a pile of bricks. Adger reported broken today, and in danger. 

Ever yrs most truly 

S. F. DUPONT 

Mr. Fox.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 138

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, August 27, 1864

CAMP SHERIDAN'S ARMY NEAR HALLTOWN, VIRGINIA, 

August 27, 1864. 

DEAR UNCLE:— I am getting letters at last; heard nothing from anybody for six weeks until last Sunday.

 We are entrenching a fine camp here as if a strong Rebel attack was expected. We have the enemy directly in front - supposed to be in force. We have fighting daily. My brigade and the other brigade of Crook's old division are in the front and do the most of it. We had quite a little battle last night — our loss seventy — Rebel about [the] same in killed and wounded and we captured a small South Carolina Rebel regiment entire (one hundred and four (men). This is the third time we have dashed back on them and picked up their skirmish line. The Rebs did intend to go into Maryland and Pennsylvania. Perhaps we have stopped them. We don't know yet.

Sheridan's cavalry is splendid. It is the most like the right thing that I have seen during the war.

Discipline and drill have been woefully neglected in our army. General Crook's army is about one-third of the force of Sheridan. Half of his (Crook's) force is capital infantry — the old Kanawha Division and two or three other regiments. The rest is poor enough — as poor as anything here. This is what hurt us at Winchester. The Nineteenth Corps, another third of Sheridan's army, are Yankee troops just returned from Louisiana. We have not seen them fight yet, but they look exceedingly well. We are pretty certain to have heavy fighting before long.

We are having capital times in this army—commanders that suit us (we are rid of Hunter), plenty to eat and wear, and beautiful and healthy camps, with short marches. The best times we have had since our first raid under Crook.

My old regiment keeps up notwithstanding the losses. We have filled up so as to have in the field almost six hundred men - more than any other old regiment.

I see Buckland is nominated (for Congress.) I suppose that will please him much. My college friend, from Michigan, Trowbridge, is a candidate also.

I hope McClellan will be nominated at Chicago. I shall then feel that in any event the war is to be prosecuted until the Union is restored.

Sincerely, 

R. B. HAYES. 

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 498-9

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, August 30, 1864

CAMP SHERIDAN'S ARMY BETWEEN CHARLESTOWN AND

WINCHESTER, August 30, 1864. 

DEAREST:— A lucky day. A big mail — letters (all of July) from you, Uncle, Mother, soldiers, their wives, fathers, etc., etc., and newspapers (all July) without end. So I must write short replies.

We are slowly (I think) pushing the enemy back up the Valley. We have some fighting, but no general engagement. Sheridan's splendid cavalry does most of the work. Heretofore, we (the infantry, especially [the] First and Second Brigades) have had to do our own work and that of the cavalry also. Now, if anything, the cavalry does more than its share. It is as if we had six or eight thousand such men as Captain Gilmore's; only better drilled. A great comfort this. Indeed, this is our best month.

The men are fast getting their Kanawha health and spirits back, now that we are rid of Hunter, hard marching night and day, and nothing to eat.

The paymaster, Major Wallace (he inquires after Mrs. Hayes of course), has found us at last. The color-company of [the] Twenty-third is Twelfth men a fine company of veterans. The color-sergeant is Charles W. Bendel of Maysville, Kentucky, of the Twelfth. He loves the flag as if he thought it his sweetheart – kisses it, fondles it, and bears it proudly in battle.

I hope things turn out so I can be with you about the time you would like me to be at home. Perhaps they will. Love to all.

Affectionately ever, your 

R. 

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 499-500