Diary of Adam Gurowski: August 1861

THE truth about Bull Run will, perhaps, only reach the people when it becomes reduced to an historical use. I gather what I am sure is true.

About three weeks ago General McDowell took upon himself the responsibility to attack the enemy concentrated at Manassas. Deciding upon this step, McDowell showed the determination of a true soldier, and a cool, intelligent courage. According to rumors permeating the whole North; rumors originated by secessionists in and around Washington, and in various parts of the free States; rumors gulped by a part of the press, and never contradicted, but rather nursed, at headquarters, Manassas was a terrible, unknown, mysterious something; a bugbear, between a fortress made by art and a natural fastness, whose approaches were defended for miles by numberless masked batteries, and which was filled by countless thousands of the most ferocious warriors. Such was Manassas in public opinion when McDowell undertook to attack this formidable American Torres Vedras, and this with the scanty and almost unorganized means in men and artillery allotted to him by the senile wisdom of General Scott. General McDowell obtained the promise that Beauregard alone was to be before him. To fulfil this promise, General Scott was to order Patterson to keep Johnston, and a movement was to be made on the James River, so as to prevent troops coming from Richmond to Manassas. As it was already said, Patterson, a special favorite of General Scott, kindly allowed Johnston to save Beauregard, and Jeff. Davis with troops from Richmond likewise was on the spot. McDowell planned his plan very skilfully; no European general would have done better, and I am sure that such will be the verdict hereafter. Some second-rate mistakes in the execution did not virtually endanger its success; but, to say the truth, McDowell and his army were defeated by the imbecility of the supreme military authority. Imbecility stabbed them in the back.

One part of the press, stultified and stupefied, staggered under the blow; the other part showed its utter degradation by fawning on Scott and attacking the Congress, or its best part. The Evening Post staggered not; its editors are genuine, laborious students, and, above all, students of history. The editors of the other papers are politicians; some of them are little, others are big villains. All, intellectually, belong to the class called in America more or less well-read men; information acquired by reading, but which in itself is not much.

The brothers Blair, almost alone, receded not, and put the defeat where it belonged—at the feet of General Scott.

The rudis indigestaque moles, torn away from Scott's hands, already begins to acquire the shape of an army. Thanks to the youth, the vigor, and the activity of McClellan.

General Scott throws the whole disaster on politicians, and abuses them. How ungrateful. His too lofty pedestal is almost exclusively the work of politicians. I heard very, very few military men in America consider Scott a man of transcendent military capacity. Years ago, during the Crimean campaign, I spent some time at West Point in the society of Cols. Robert Lee, Walker, Hardee, then in the service of the United States, and now traitors; not one of them classed Scott much higher above what would be called a respectable capacity; and of which, as they said, there are many, many in every European army.

If one analyzes the Mexican campaign, it will be found that General Scott had, comparatively, more officers than soldiers; the officers young men, full of vigor, and in the first gush of youth, who therefore mightily facilitated the task of the commander. Their names resound to-day in both the camps.

Further, generals from the campaign in Mexico assert that three of the won battles were fought against orders, which signifies that in Mexico youth had the best of cautious senility. It was according to the law of nature, and for it was crowned with success.

Mr. Seward has a very active intellect, an excellent man for current business, easy and clear-headed for solving any second-rate complications; but as for his initiative, that is another question. Hitherto his initiative does not tell, but rather confuses. Then he sustains Scott, some say, for future political capital. If so it is bad; worse still if Mr. Seward sustains Scott on the ground of high military fitness, as it is impossible to admit that Mr. Seward knows anything about military affairs, or that he ever studied the description of any battle. At least, I so judge from his conversation.

Mr. Lincoln has already the fumes of greatness, and looks down on the press, reads no paper, that dirty traitor the New York Herald excepted. So, at least, it is generally stated.

The enemies of Seward maintain that he, Seward, drilled Lincoln into it, to make himself more necessary.

Early, even before the inauguration, McDowell suggested to General Scott to concentrate in Washington the small army, the depots scattered in Texas and New Mexico. Scott refused, and this is called a general! God preserve any cause, any people who have for a savior a Scott, together with his civil and military partisans.

If it is not direct, naked treason which prevails among the nurses, and the various advisers of the people, imbecility, narrow-mindedness, do the same work. Further, the way in which many leech, phlebotomize, cheat and steal the people's treasury, is even worse than rampant treason. I heard a Boston shipbuilder complain to Sumner that the ubiquitous lobbyist, Thurlow Weed, was in his, the builder's, way concerning some contracts to be made in the Navy Department, etc., etc. Will it turn out that the same men who are to-day at the head of affairs will be the men who shall bring to an end this revolt or revolution? It ought not to be, as it is contrary to logic, and to human events.

Lincoln alone must forcibly remain, he being one of the incarnated formulas of the Constitution, endowed with a specific, four years' lasting existence.

The Americans are nervous about foreign intervention. It is difficult to make them understand that no intervention is to be, and none can be made. Therein the press is as silly as the public at large. Certainly France does not intend any meddling or intervention; of this I am sure. Neither does England seriously.

Next, if these two powers should even thirst for such an injustice, they have no means to do it. If they break our blockades, we make war, and exclude them from the Northern ports, whose commerce is more valuable to them than that of the South. I do not believe the foreign powers to be forgetful of their interest; they know better their interests than the Americans.

The Congress adjourned, abandoning, with a confidence unparalleled in history, the affairs of the country in the hands of the not over far-sighted administration. The majority of the Congress are good, and fully and nobly represent the pure, clear and sure aspirations, instincts, nay, the clear-sightedness of the people. In the Senate, as in the House, are many, very many true men, and men of pure devotion, and of clear insight into the events; men superior to the administration; such are, above all, those senators and representatives who do not attempt or aim to sit on a pedestal before the public, before the people, but wish the thing to be done for the thing itself. But for the formula which chains their hands, feet, and intellect, the Congress contained several men who, if they could act, would finish the secession in a double-quick time. But the whole people move in the treadmill of formulas. It is a pity that they are not inspired by the axiom of the Roman legist, scire leges non est hoc verba earum tenere, sed vim ac potestatem. Congress had positive notions of what ought to be done; the administration, Micawber—like, looks for that something which may turn up, and by expedients patches all from day to day.

What may turn up nobody can foresee; matter alone without mind cannot carry the day. The people have the mind, but the official legal leaders a very small portion of it. Come what will, I shall not break down; I shall not give up the holy principle. If crime, rebellion, sauvagerie, triumph, it will be, not because the people failed, but it will be because mediocrities were at the helm. Concessions, compromises, any patched-up peace, will for a century degrade the name of America. Of course, I cannot prevent it; but events have often broken but not bent me. I may be burned, but I cannot be melted; so if secesh succeeds, I throw in a cesspool my document of naturalization, and shall return to Europe, even if working my passage.

It is maddening to read all this ignoble clap-trap, written by European wiseacres concerning this country. Not one knows the people, not one knows the accidental agencies which neutralize what is grand and devoted in the people.

Some are praised here as statesmen and leaders. A statesman, a leader of such a people as are the Americans, and in such emergencies, must be a man in the fullest and loftiest comprehension. All the noblest criteria of moral and intellectual manhood ought to be vigorously and harmoniously developed in him. He ought to have a deep and lively moral sense, and the moral perception of events and of men around him. He ought to have large brains and a big heart,—an almost all-embracing comprehension of the inside and outside of events,—and when he has those qualities, then only the genius of foresight will dwell on his brow. He ought to forget himself wholly and unconditionally; his reason, his heart, his soul ought to merge in the principles which lifted him to the elevated station. Who around me approaches this ideal? So far as I know, perhaps Senator Wade.

I wait and wait for the eagle which may break out from the White House. Even the burning fire of the national disaster at Bull Run left the egg unhatched. Utinam sim falsus, but it looks as if the slowest brains were to deal with the greatest events of our epoch. Mr. Lincoln is a pure-souled, well-intentioned patriot, and this nobody doubts or contests. But is that all which is needed in these terrible emergencies?

Lyon is killed,—the only man of initiative hitherto generated by events. We have bad luck. I shall put on mourning for at least six weeks. They ought to weep all over the land for the loss of such a man; and he would not have been lost if the administration had put him long ago in command of the West. O General Scott! Lyon's death can be credited to you. Lyon was obnoxious to General Scott, but the General's influence maintains in the service all the doubtful capacities and characters. The War Department, as says Potter, bristles with secessionists, and with them the old, rotten, respectable relics, preserved by General Scott, depress and nip in the bud all the young, patriotic, and genuine capacities.

As the sea corrodes the rocks against which it impinges, so egotism, narrow-mindedness, and immorality corrode the best human institutions. For humanity's sake, Americans, beware!

Always the clouds of harpies around the White House and the Departments,—such a generous ferment in the people, and such impurities coming to the surface!

Patronage is the stumbling stone here to true political action. By patronage the Cabinet keeps in check Congressmen, Senators, etc.

I learn from very good authority that when Russell, with his shadow, Sam. Ward, went South, Mr. Seward told Ward that he, Seward, intends not to force the Union on the Southern people, if it should be positively ascertained that that people does not wish to live in the Union! I am sorry for Seward. Such is not the feeling of the Northern people, and such notions must necessarily confuse and make vacillating Mr. Seward's—that is, Mr. Lincoln's policy. Seward's patriotism and patriotic wishes and expectations prevent him from seeing things as they are.

The money men of Boston decided the conclusion of the first national loan. Bravo, my beloved Yankees! In finances as in war, as in all, not the financiering capacity of this or that individual, not any special masterly measures, etc., but the stern will of the people to succeed, provides funds and means, prevents bankruptcy, etc. The men who give money send an agent here to ascertain how many traitors are still kept in offices, and what are the prospects of energetic action by the administration.

McClellan is organizing, working hard. It is a pleasure to see him, so devoted and so young. After all, youth is promise. But already adulation begins, and may spoil him. It would be very, very saddening.

Prince Napoleon's visit stirs up all the stupidity of politicians in Europe and here. What a mass of absurdities are written on it in Europe, and even by Americans residing there. All this is more than equalled by the solemn and wise speculations of the Americans at home. Bar-room and coffee-house politicians are the same all over the world, the same, I am sure, in China and Japan. To suppose Prince Napoleon has any appetite whatever for any kind of American crown! Bah! He is brilliant and intelligent, and to suppose him to have such absurd plans is to offend him. But human and American gullibility are bottomless.

The Prince is a noble friend of the American cause, and freely speaks out his predilection. His sentiments are those of a true Frenchman, and not the sickly free-trade pro-slaveryism of Baroche with which he poisoned here the diplomatic atmosphere. Prince Napoleon's example will purify it.

As I was sure of it, the great Manassas fortifications are a humbug. It is scarcely a half-way fortified camp. So say the companions of the Prince, who, with him, visited Beauregard's army.

So much for the great Gen. Scott, whom the companions of the Prince call a magnificent ruin.

The Prince spoke with Beauregard, and the Prince's and his companions' opinion is, that McDowell planned well his attack, but failed in the execution; and Beauregard thought the same. The Prince saw McClellan, and does not prize him so high as we do. These foreign officers say that most probably, on both sides, the officers will make most correct plans, as do pupils in military schools, but the execution will depend upon accident.

Mr. Seward shows every day more and more capacity in dispatching the regular, current, diplomatical business affairs. In all such matters he is now at home, as if he had done it for years and years. He is no more spread-eagle in his diplomatic relations; is easy and prompt in all secondary questions relating to secondary interests, and daily emerging from international complications.

Hitherto the war policy of the administration, as inspired and directed by Scott, was rather to receive blows, and then to try to ward them off. I expect young McClellan to deal blows, and thus to upturn the Micawber policy. Perhaps Gen. Scott believed that his name and example would awe the rebels, and that they would come back after having made a little fuss and done some little mischief. But Scott's greatness was principally built up by the Whigs, and his hold on Democrats was not very great. Witness the events of Polk's and Pierce's administrations. His Mississippi-Atlantic strategy is a delirium of a softening brain. Seward's enemies say that he puts up and sustains Scott, because in the case of success Scott will not be in Seward's way for the future Presidency. Mr. Lincoln, an old Whig, has the Whig-worship for Scott; and as Mr. Lincoln, in 1851, stumped for Scott, the candidate for the Presidency, the many eulogies showered by Lincoln upon Scott still more strengthened the worship which, of course, Seward lively entertains in Lincoln's bosom. Thus the relics of Whigism direct now the destinies of the North. Mr. Lincoln, Gen. Scott, Mr. Seward, form a triad, with satellites like Bates and Smith in the Cabinet. But the Whigs have not the reputation of governmental vigor, decision, and promptitude.

The vitiated impulse and direction given by Gen. Scott at the start, still prevails, and it will be very difficult to bring it on the right track—to change the general as well as the war policy from the defensive, as it is now, to the offensive, as it ought to have been from the beginning. The North is five to one in men, and one hundred to one in material resources. Any one with brains and energy could suppress the rebellion in eight weeks from to-day.

Mr. Lincoln in some way has a slender historical resemblance to Louis XVI.—similar goodness, honesty, good intentions; but the size of events seems to be too much for him.

And so now Mr. Lincoln is wholly overshadowed by Seward. If by miracle the revolt may end in a short time, Mr. Seward will have most of the credit for it. In the long run the blame for eventual disasters will be put at Mr. Lincoln's door.

Thank heaven! the area for action and the powers of McClellan are extended and increased. The administration seems to understand the exigencies of the day.

I am told that the patriotic and brave Senator Wade, disgusted with the slowness and inanity of the administration, exclaimed, "I do not wonder that people desert to Jeff. Davis, as he shows brains; I may desert myself." And truly, Jeff. Davis and his gang make history.

Young McClellan seems to falter before the Medusa—ruin Scott, who is again at his tricks, and refuses officers to volunteers. To carry through in Washington any sensible scheme, more boldness is needed than on the bloodiest battle-field.

If Gen. Scott could have disappeared from the stage of events on the sixth of March, his name would have remained surrounded with that halo to which the people was accustomed; but now, when the smoke will blow over, it may turn differently. I am afraid that at some future time will be applied to Scott  *  *  *  quia turpe ducunt parere minoribus, et quæ imberbi didicere, sense perdenda fateri.

Not self-government is on trial, and not the genuine principle of democracy. It is not the genuine, virtual democracy which conspired against the republic, and which rebels, but an unprincipled, infamous oligarchy, risen in arms to destroy democracy. From Athens down to to-day, true democracies never betrayed any country, never leagued themselves with enemies. From the time of Hellas down to to-day, all over the world, and in all epochs, royalties, oligarchies, aristocracies, conspired against, betrayed, and sold their respective father-lands. (I said this years ago in America and Europe.)

Fremont as initiator; he emancipates the slaves of the disloyal Missourians. Takes the advance, but is justified in it by the slowness, nay, by the stagnancy of the administration.

Gen. Scott opposed to the expedition to Hatteras!

If it be true that Seward and Chase already lay the tracks for the Presidential succession, then I can only admire their short-sightedness, nay, utter and darkest blindness. The terrible events will be a schooling for the people; the future President will not be a schemer already shuffling the cards; most probably it will be a man who serves the country, forgetting himself.

Only two members in the Cabinet drive together, Blair and Welles, and both on the right side, both true men, impatient for action, action. Every day shows on what false principle this Cabinet was constructed, not for the emergency, not in view to suppress the rebellion, but to satisfy various party wranglings. Now the people's cause sticks in the mud.

SOURCE: Adam Gurowski, Diary from March 4, 1861, to November 12, 1862, p. 78-91

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, May 5, 1866

Senator Morgan says that in the debate on Lewis Campbell's appointment as Minister to Mexico, Wade declared in executive session he intended to vote in favor of no man for any appointment who favored the Johnson policy and opposed the policy of Congress. Campbell, he said, was in favor of the Johnson policy. He then launched off into a tirade against Maximilian, in which he got terribly excited, but finally closed by voting for Campbell, who is an Ohio man.

The Senate rejected the nomination of Frank Blair for Collector at St. Louis. No man in the country, perhaps, did so much and so efficiently and timely against the Rebellion as General Blair in Missouri at the beginning of the Rebellion. But he is not of the Radical faction.

A. E. Burr, who is a member of the Connecticut Legislature from Hartford, writes me that there is a good deal of feeling on the subject of Senator; thinks that a majority might be concentrated on me if I am so disposed. One of the newspaper correspondents, Ripley, has called on me on the same subject. R. has seen Dixon, who says he should like to have me elected and will do anything to bring it about, provided it is my wish, but he adds the difficulty is I will do nothing for myself. D. says there is not a doubt of my election if I will earnestly enter the canvass. He may be correct, probably is, but I cannot approve, or do, what others do in these matters. While I should feel gratified with the unsolicited compliment of such a testimonial, I do not so crave it as to employ or enter into such means as are too freely used to obtain it. If a good and true man can be secured I will aid him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 501-2

Governor Rutherford B. Hayes to Congressman James A. Garfield, February 18, 1869

COLUMBUS, February 18, 1869.

MY DEAR SIR:—I received today the Globe containing the debate on the Butler resolution of censure.* I have felt like thanking you for your part in that debate ever since I read it, and I congratulate you very heartily upon it. It is absolutely necessary that on such occasions somebody should have the pluck to talk truth and sense, and it is a fortunate circumstance to have a man of position and ability to do it.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

JAMES A. GARFIELD.

_______________

* A resolution censuring the Vice-President pro tempore, Benjamin Wade, for ordering the electoral vote of Georgia to be counted in the joint convention of the two houses of Congress for counting the vote for President.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 58

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, April 5, 1866

The Senate did not get to a vote today on what is called the Civil Rights Bill. Much interest is felt in the result, increased by the uncertainty which exists in regard to the decision. Just about one third of the Senate is with the President, but two of the Senators are in bad health, and it is doubtful if they can be present, though it is believed they will be. Wright of New Jersey has been brought here at the peril of his life, and will, it is said, be present and vote. Dixon, long and seriously ill, rode out a short time to-day, and will attend if a time be fixed for the vote. Stewart of Nevada has persuaded himself that it is best for him to desert and go with the majority. Stockton was deprived of his seat by the Radical majority in order to carry this vote. There are some vague intimations that Morgan is equivocating and may go with Stewart, but I discredit it. He has, without direct assurance, given me to understand otherwise; took tea with me night before last, and spent an hour or more in conversation, chiefly on this subject. While I did not get or expect a pledge, I could form no other conclusion than that he approved and stands by the President's veto. He spoke, among other things, of a letter he wrote the editor of the Evening Post, indicating his difference with them on the Civil Rights Bill. In speaking of the fate of the bill in the House, in case it should pass the Senate, I alluded to the position and strong feeling of Bingham and told him what the President had that day said to me of the committals of Bingham. Morgan expressed himself highly gratified with this, for he had heard that Bingham was wavering. I, therefore, gave little heed to the insinuations that Morgan dissembles or will prove false; should not give it a second thought, did I not, since these rumors, recall a remark of Mr. George D. Morgan, that the Senator, E. D. M., would vote for the bill. But every look and thought, as well as expression, is watched and published. The sentiments, language, and course of Senator Wade and some others are in the highest degree reprehensible.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 475-6

Governor Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, Saturday, May 23, 1868

FREMONT, OHIO, May 23, Saturday, 1868.

MY DARLING:— Came from Chicago this morning. Had a fine time.

All well here. Young Mrs. Wade came over with me—vexed of course with the doings of a few Ohio anti-Waders, but took it well. The Convention [National Republican] with that exception was a great success. Mrs. Lane sends her regards. She was full of praises of you; the old Senator, ditto.

Affectionately,

R. B. H.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 52-3

Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, Sunday, August 25, 1867

PORTSMOUTH, August 25, 1867, Sunday.

MY DARLING:—I could not get to Chillicothe today. Had a great crowd yesterday. In the middle of my speech a terrific rain-storm broke us up. At night we had a fine meeting. "Old Ben" [Wade] made a glorious negro suffrage [speech], frequently rough, but great.

Mrs. Buckland is with Buck. We all enjoy it. Spoke at night three times the last week as well as daily. Am quite hoarse but it [the hoarseness] wears off entirely as I warm up. Love to Rud. Oceans to yourself.

Affectionately,

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 47

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, after March 18, 1868

I hardly know what to think of the impeachment. Was in hopes Mr. Johnson would be allowed to live out his term, and doubt if any good will result by a change for the few months still remaining of his term. A new Cabinet, and the changes foreshadowed by Wade's friends, though natural enough, would have insufficient time to do any good. I have a private letter from Grant as late as March 18, but he says not a word of his political intentions. So far as I know, he would yet be glad of a change that would enable him to remain as now. . . .

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 315-6

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, December 19, 1866

WASHINGTON, December 19, 1866.

DEAR UNCLE:— We have decided to accept an invitation to spend Christmas in New Orleans. It is probable we shall return by way of Fremont and be there about New Year's day. [Senator] Wade and wife are going with others; probably, also Buckland and wife. We shall probably send Rud to Fremont by Ashley or Trowbridge or somebody. I will be more specific perhaps before I close this. The excursion will go via Lynchburg, Knoxville, Chattanooga, Nashville, and Memphis, [and] spend two days at New Orleans.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 36-7

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, September 12, 1867

HEADQUARTERS, OMAHA, NEB., Sept. 12, 1867.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

As to politics, I hardly know if I should approach Grant, as I can hardly judge of the influences that have operated on him since we were together last November. In accepting the acting office of Secretary of War, I doubt not he realized the delicacy of his position, and was willing to risk the chances. It is not for the interest of the United States that in a temporary political office he should sink his character as a military officer. In the former he should be in harmony with the executive, but in the latter he should be simply a high sheriff to execute the process of the court. My belief is that Congress cannot qualify the President's right to command the army and navy. He is the Constitutional Commander-in-Chief. But Congress can make rules and laws for the government of the army and thereby control the President as such Commander-in-Chief. In trying to array the President and General Grant in antagonism, Congress did wrong, and reaction is sure to result. It damages all parties, because few people take the trouble to study out the right, yet time moves along so rapidly and the election of a new President will soon settle these and all kindred questions. Your course has been fair, and you cannot wish to alter or amend it. Our country ought not to be ruled by the extreme views of Sumner or Stevens any more than by the extreme views of Calhoun, Yancey, etc., that have produced our Civil War. There is some just middle course, and events will flow into it whether any one man or set of men is wise enough to foresee it and lay down its maxims. I think Chase is the ablest man of his school, and I would personally prefer him to Wade, Colfax, or any of the men whose names I notice in this connection. Whether the precedent of a Chief Justice being a political aspirant may not be bad, I don't know. This is the Mexican rule, and has resulted in anarchy.

I don't think Grant, Sheridan, Thomas, or any real military man wants to be President. All see that, however pure or exalted their past reputations may have been, it don't shield them from the lies and aspersions of a besotted press. . . . Grant writes me in the most unreserved confidence, and never has said a word that looks like wanting the office of President. His whole nature is to smooth over troubles, and he waits with the most seeming indifference, under false and unjust assertions, till the right time, when the truth peeps out, so as to defy contradiction. . . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 294-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 19, 1865

I have a letter from Eames, who is at Long Branch, ill, and has been there for three weeks. He informs me that Senator Sumner wrote Mrs. E., with whom he corresponds, wishing that she and her husband would influence me to induce the President to change his policy. This letter Eames found on his arrival at Long Branch, and wrote Sumner he could not change me.

Sumner bewails the unanimity of the Cabinet; says there is unexampled unanimity in New England against the policy of the Administration; thinks I ought to resign; says Wade and Fessenden are intending to make vigorous opposition against it, etc., etc.

The proceedings of the political conventions in Maine and Pennsylvania leave no doubt in my mind that extensive operations are on foot for an organization hostile to the Administration in the Republican or Union party. The proceedings alluded to indicate the shape and character of this movement. It is the old radical anti-Lincoln movement of Wade and Winter Davis, with recruits.

That Stanton has a full understanding with these men styling themselves Radicals, I have no doubt. It is understood that the Cabinet unanimously support the policy of the President. No opposition has manifested itself that I am aware. At the beginning, Stanton declared himself in favor of negro suffrage, or rather in favor of allowing, by Federal authority, the negroes to vote in reorganizing the Rebel States. This was a reversal of his opinion of 1863 under Mr. Lincoln. I have no recollection of any disavowal of the position he took last spring, although he has acquiesced in the President's policy apparently, has certainly submitted to it without objection or remonstrance. The Radicals in the Pennsylvanian convention have passed a special resolution indorsing Mr. Stanton by name, but no other member of the Cabinet. Were there no understanding on a point made so prominent by the Radicals, such a resolution would scarcely have been adopted or drafted. Convention resolutions, especially in Pennsylvania, I count of little importance. A few intriguing managers usually prepare them, they are passed under the strain of party excitement, and the very men who voted for them will very likely go against them in two weeks. At this time, however, unusual activity has been made by Forney, Kelley, and others, and the resolution has particular significance.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 363-4

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 25, 1863

February 25, 1863.

This afternoon our regiment was reviewed by Gen. Saxton in the presence of Gen. Hunter. The staff and body guards of these two Generals made about a hundred horsemen. I quite enjoyed the bugle notes as they gallopped into camp and thought how much more exciting a cavalry regiment must be than infantry. In the course of the battalion drill our boys were ordered to make a charge toward them and I verily believe that if the Col. had not been in front, the order "Halt," would have passed unheeded till the cavalry had scattered over the field.

All this evening I have been squeezing Kansas history out of Col. Montgomery, a history with which he himself is so completely identified that I have really been listening to a wonderful autobiography. Col. M. is a born pioneer. Ashtabula County, Ohio, is his native place. Forty-nine years ago, Joshua R. Giddings and Ben Wade were young men and Montgomery in his boyhood was accustomed to hear their early pleadings at the bar. So you see how birth and early surroundings fitted him for a fiercer frontier life. New England life seems puny beside the lusty life born on the frontier. Of the Colonel's eight children two of his sons are to hold commissions in his regiment. They are young but as “they don't know the meaning of fear,” and hate slavery he is sure they will get on. In medicine he has a weakness for pellets instead of pills. It is humiliating that our two strong colonels should exhibit such weak points. So long as we remain in good health I don't know but this foible of homoeopathy is as harmless as any of the popular vagaries. . . .

Yesterday Mingo Leighton died. Many weeks ago, I saw him step out of the ranks one day when upon the double-quick and discovered that he had slight disease of the heart. He was a noble fellow, black as midnight, who had suffered in the stocks and under the lash of a savage master, and did not accept any offer of discharge papers. Later he realized some of his hopes up the St. Mary's, so that he was very quiet under his fatal congestion of the lungs. He was ill but a few hours and was very calm when he told me on my first visit that his work was finished. He never gave me his history, though he regarded me as his friend, but one of his comrades confirmed my convictions of his worth. This same comrade, John Quincy, a good old man, who for eight years, paid his master twenty dollars per month for his time and eight dollars per month apiece for mules, and boarded himself and animals, this man told me that Mingo was deeply religious, but said little about it, and that he himself had been "trabblin by dis truth sometin' like twenty-five year." I have rarely met a man whose trust in God has seemed to me more immediate and constant.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 367-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, June 30, 1865

The weather for several days has been exceedingly warm. For some time there have been complaints of mismanagement of affairs in the storekeeper's department at Boston, and on Monday last I made a change, appointing an officer who lost a leg in the service. Mr. Gooch comes to me with an outcry from the Boston delegation wanting action to be deferred. Told G. if there was any reason for it I would give it consideration. He wished to know the cause of the change. I told him the welfare and best interest of the service. It is not my purpose in this and similar cases to be placed on the defensive. I do not care to make or prefer charges, yet I feel it a most unpleasant task to remove even objectionable men.

The President is still indisposed, and I am unable to perfect some important business that I wished to complete with the close of the fiscal year. There are several Radical Members here, and have been for some days, apparently anxious to see the President. Have met Senator Wade two or three times at the White House. Complains that the Executive has the control of the government, that Congress and the Judiciary are subordinate, and mere instruments in his hands; said our form of government was on the whole a failure; that there are not three distinct and independent departments but one great controlling one with two others as assistants. Mentions that the late President called out 75,000 men without authority. Congress, when it came together, approved it. Mr. Lincoln then asked for 400,000 men and four hundred millions of money. Congress gave him five of each instead of four. I asked him if he supposed or meant to say that these measures were proposed without consulting, informally, the leading members of each house. He replied that he did not, and admitted that the condition of the country required the action which was taken, that it was right and in conformity with public expectation.

Thad Stevens called on me on business and took occasion to express ultra views, and had a sarcastic hit or two but without much sting. He is not satisfied, nor is Wade, yet I think the latter is mollified and disinclined to disagree with the President. But his friend Winter Davis, it is understood, is intending to improve the opportunity of delivering a Fourth-of-July oration, to take ground distinctly antagonistic to the Administration on the question of negro suffrage.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 324-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 20, 1865

Mr. Seward was absent from the Cabinet-meeting. All others were present. The meetings are better and more punctually attended than under Mr. Lincoln's administration, and measures are more generally discussed, which undoubtedly tends to better administration. Mrs. Seward lies at the point of death, which is the cause of Mr. Seward's absence.

The subject of appointments in the Southern States the Rebel States—was discussed. A difficulty is experienced in the stringent oath passed by the last Congress. Men are required to swear they have rendered no voluntary aid to the Rebellion, nor accepted or held office under the Rebel government. This oath is a device to perpetuate differences, if persisted in.

I was both amused and vexed with the propositions and suggestions for evading this oath. Stanton proposed that if the appointees would not take the whole oath, to swear to as much as they could. Speed was fussy and uncertain; did not know but what it would become necessary to call Congress together to get rid of this official oath. Harlan¹ believed the oath proper and that it should stand. Said it was carefully and deliberately framed, that it was designed, purposely, to exclude men from executive appointments. Mr. Wade and Mr. Sumner had this specially in view. Thought there was no difficulty in these appointments except judges. All other officers were temporary; judges were for life. I remarked that did not follow. If the Senate, when it convened, did not choose to confirm the judicial appointments, the incumbents could only hold until the close of the next session of Congress. But above and beyond this I denied that Congress could impose limitations and restrictions on the pardoning power, and thus circumscribe the President's prerogative. I claimed that the President could nominate, and the Senate confirm, an officer independent of that form and oath, and if the appointee took and faithfully conformed to the constitutional oath, he could not be molested. McCulloch inclined to my views, but Stanton insisted that point had been raised and decided and could not, therefore, be maintained. I claimed that no wrong decision could be binding, and I had no doubt of the wrongfulness of such a decision, denying that the constitutional rights of the Executive could be frittered away by legislation. There is partyism in all this, not union or country.

_______________

¹ Harlan had succeeded Secretary Usher in the Department of the Interior.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 318-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 10, 1865

On Wednesday evening Mrs. W. held a levee, which always disarranges. The season has thus far been one of gaiety. Parties have been numerous. Late hours I do not like, but I have a greater dislike to late dinners. The dinner parties of Washington are to be deprecated always by those who regard health.

The President has communicated his movements tending to peace. Jeff Davis has published the letter of Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell. They do not materially differ. The prospect of peace does not seem nearer than before the interview took place, yet I trust we are approximating the much desired result. There are ultras among us who do not favor the cessation of hostilities except on terms and conditions which make that event remote. A few leading radicals are inimical to the Administration, and oppose all measures of the Administration which are likely to effect an immediate peace. They are determined that the States in rebellion shall not resume their position in the Union except on new terms and conditions independent of those in the proposed Constitutional Amendment. Wade in the Senate and Winter Davis in the House are leading spirits in this disturbing movement. It is the positive element, violent without much regard to Constitutional or State rights, — or any other rights indeed, except such as they may themselves define or dictate.

Not much was done to-day at the Cabinet. Some discussion of general matters. Speed suggested what if one of the States, Michigan for instance, should decline to send Senators or Representatives to Congress, or take any action of themselves in the conduct of the federal government; or supposing Michigan were to take such action or non-action, and the western peninsula of that State, being a minority, should non-concur with the State but persist in being represented in Congress. In the course of the remarks, I inquired what would be said or done provided any State should choose to adopt a different organization from any that we now have, — for instance, combine the executive, legislative, and judicial powers in the same hands, elect perhaps ten men and have one go out yearly. The subjects were novel. The President thought there were implied obligations on the part of each State to perform its duties to the general government which they could not neglect or refuse.

We get as yet no Secretary of the Treasury. Fessenden is locum tenens, reluctantly, I apprehend. The place is one which he does not like and cannot fill, and he is aware of it. Nor is he a very useful man to devise measures in council. He has ability as a critic and adviser but is querulous and angular. Some allowance must be made for infirm health, which has sharpened a sometimes unhappy temper. On two or three occasions he has manifested a passionate and almost vindictive ferocity towards Preston King which surprised me. His ability is acute rather than comprehensive. My intercourse with him has been pleasant, but not very intimate. We must soon know his successor. Of all the men named, Morgan is probably the best, and my impression is that he will finally be appointed. Some will object because Seward is from the same State, but that is a frivolous objection. I am not certain who the radicals are pressing for the place. They will not be pleased with Morgan if S. remains, but who their favorite is I do not learn.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 238-40

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 21, 1865

Have had no time the last ten eventful days to open this book; and am now in haste.

In the Senate as well as in the House, there has been a deliberate and mendacious assault on the Navy Department, but with even less success than the first. Senator Wade moved to adopt the Winter Davis proposition for a Board of Admiralty. It obtained, I am told, but two votes. A proposition which, under proper direction and duly prepared was not destitute of merit as a naval measure, provided the government is to have a more military and central character, has been put down, probably for years, perhaps forever.

The scheme in this instance was concocted by a few party aspirants in Congress and a few old and discomfited naval officers, with some quiddical lawyer inventors, schemers, and contractors. They did not feel inclined to make an open assault on me; they therefore sought to do it by indirection. Much of the spite was against the Assistant Secretary, who may have sometimes been rough and who has his errors as well as his good qualities, but who has well performed his duties, — sometimes, perhaps, has overdone, — has his favorites and decided prejudices.

Senator Hale, while he does not love me, has now particular hatred of Fox, and in striving to gratify his grudge is really benefiting the man whom he detests. He and others in the House have spoken of F. as the actual Secretary instead of the Assistant, striving thereby to hold him to a certain degree of accountability, and also hoping to sow dissension between him and me. For three years Hale made it his chief business to misrepresent and defame me, and he had with him at the beginning some who have become ashamed of him. In the mean time he has obtained other recruits. Blaine of Maine dislikes Fox, and in his dislike denounces the Navy Department, which he says, in general terms, without mentioning particulars, is mismanaged.

But I have no reason to complain when I look at results and the vindication of able champions. They have done me more than justice. Others could have done better, perhaps, than I have done, and yet, reviewing hastily the past, I see very little to regret in my administration of the Navy. In the matter of the light-draft monitors and the double-enders I trusted too much to Fox and Stimers. In the multiplicity of my engagements, and supposing those vessels were being built on an improved model, under the approval and supervision of Lenthall and the advice of Ericsson, I was surprised to learn when they were approaching completion, that neither Lenthall nor Ericsson had participated, but that Fox and Stimers had taken the whole into their hands. Of course, I could not attempt to justify what would be considered my own neglect. I had been too confiding and was compelled, justly perhaps, to pay the penalty in this searching denunciation of my whole administration. Neither of the men who brought me to this difficulty take the responsibility.

We have made great progress in the Rebel War within a brief period. Charleston and Columbia have come into our possession without any hard fighting. The brag and bluster, the threats and defiance which have been for thirty years the mental aliment of South Carolina prove impotent and ridiculous. They have displayed a talking courage, a manufactured bravery, but no more, and I think not so much inherent heroism as others. Their fulminations that their cities would be Saragossas were mere gasconade, — their Pinckneys and McGrawths and others were blatant political partisans.

General Sherman is proving himself a great general, and his movements from Chattanooga to the present demonstrate his ability as an officer. He has, undoubtedly, greater resources, a more prolific mind, than Grant, and perhaps as much tenacity if less cunning and selfishness.

In Congress there is a wild, radical element in regard to the rebellious States and people. They are to be treated by a radical Congress as no longer States, but Territories without rights, and must have a new birth or creation by permission of Congress. These are the mistaken theories and schemes of Chase, — perhaps in conjunction with others.

I found the President and Attorney-General Speed in consultation over an apprehended decision of Chief Justice Chase, whenever he could reach the question of the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Some intimation comes through Stanton, that His Honor the Chief Justice intends to make himself felt by the Administration when he can reach them. I shall not be surprised, for he is ambitious and able. Yet on that subject he is as much implicated as others.

The death of Governor Hicks a few days since has brought on a crisis of parties in Maryland. Blair is a candidate for the position of Senator, and the President wishes him elected, but Stanton and the Chase influence, including the Treasury, do not, and hence the whole influence of those Departments is against him. Blair thinks the President does not aid him as much as he had reason to suppose he would, and finds it difficult to get an interview with him. I think he has hardly been treated as he deserves, or as the President really wishes, yet the vindictiveness of the Chief Justice and Stanton deter him, control him against his will.

The senior Blair is extremely anxious for the promotion of his son-in-law, Lee, and has spoken to me several times on the subject. He called again to-day. I told him of the difficulties, and the great dissatisfaction it would give the naval officers. Pressed as the old man is by not only Lee but Lee's wife, and influenced by his own willing partiality, he cannot see this subject as I and others see it.

A few days since the President sent into the Senate the nomination of Senator E. D. Morgan for the Treasury. It was without consultation with M., who immediately called on the President and declined the position.

Seward, whom I saw on that evening, stated facts to me which give me some uneasiness. He called, he says, on the President at twelve to read to him a dispatch, and a gentleman was present, whom he would not name, but S. told the gentleman if he would wait a few moments he would be brief, but the dispatch must be got off for Europe. The gentleman declined waiting, but as he left, the President said, “I will not send the paper in to-day but will hold on until to-morrow." Seward says he has no doubt the conversation related to M.'s nomination, but that, the paper being made out, his private secretary took it up with the other nominations, and the President, when aware of the fact, sent an express to recall it, in order to keep faith with the gentleman mentioned. This gentleman was, no doubt, Fessenden.

I called on Governor Morgan on Sunday evening and had over an hour's conversation with him, expressing my wish and earnest desire that he should accept the place, more on the country's account than his own. He gave me no favorable response. Said that Thurlow Weed had spent several hours with him that morning to the same effect as myself and trying to persuade him to change his mind, but he would give Weed no assurance; on the contrary had persisted in his refusal. He, Morgan, was frank and communicative, as he has generally been with me on important questions, and reviewed the ground, State-wise and national-wise. “What,” he inquired, “is Seward's object? He never in such matters acts without a motive, and Weed would not have been called here except to gain an end."

Seward, he says, wants to be President. What does he intend to do? Will he remain in the Cabinet, or will he leave it? Will he go abroad, or remain at home? These, and a multitude of questions which he put me, showed that Morgan had given the subject much thought, and especially as it affected himself and Seward. Morgan has his own aspirations and is not prepared to be used by Weed or Seward in this case.

My own impressions are that Morgan has committed a great mistake as regards himself. Seward may be jealous of him, as M. is suspicious he is, but I doubt if that was the controlling motive with S. I think he preferred Morgan, as I do, for the Treasury, to any tool of Chase. The selection, I think, was the President's, not Seward's, though the latter readily fell in with it. Blair had advised it. Fessenden was probably informed on the morning when Seward met him at the President's and desired to have the nomination postponed.

I am told Thurlow Weed expressed great dissatisfaction that Morgan did not accept the position. That Weed and Seward may have selfish schemes in this is not unlikely, but whether they have or not, it was no less the duty of Morgan to serve his country when he could.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 240-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, January 14, 1865

The week has been one of interesting incidents, incessant occupation. Admiral Farragut came a week since and called on me. After half an hour or more of conversation on affairs connected with his command, the capture of Mobile, and matters generally, I went with him to the President. In the evening, he, with Mrs. F. and Captain Drayton, spent the evening with us.

Much speculation has been had concerning the dismissal of General Butler. It was anticipated that, being a favorite with the extremists, his dismissal would create a great excitement, but it has passed off without irritation, almost without sensation. The quidnuncs and, indeed, most of the public impute his dismissal from the Army of the James to the Wilmington failure; but it will soon be known that General Grant desired to get rid of him. Butler's greater intellect overshadowed Grant, and annoyed and embarrassed the General-in-Chief.

General Butler's farewell to his army is in many respects skillful and adroit, but in some respects will prove a failure. He does not conceal his chagrin but has hardly discovered whom to strike.

The New York Tribune has striven to warp and torture facts to help Butler, regardless of others and of stern truth. But the Tribune is unsupported. Of course the Rebels and Copperheads will be gratified, and do not conceal their joy. They have some cause for their hate, for he has been a severe, perhaps in some cases an oppressive, governor.

I cannot forget, while glad he is withdrawn from the Fort Fisher command, which he was unfitted to fill, the service which he rendered at Baltimore and in Maryland early in the War, nor his administrative ability at New Orleans, with some infirmities it is true, but which was in many respects valuable to the country. Not a merit which he has should be obscured. I am not his admirer, and should lament to see him in any responsible position without a superior. He has inordinate and irrepressible ambition, and would scruple at nothing to gratify it and his avarice.

The Committee on the Conduct of the War have summoned him to Washington. There was mischief in this. He had been ordered by the President to Lowell. The President yielded. It was well, perhaps, for Butler was off duty. But in Washington he will help the mischief-makers make trouble and stimulate intrigue and faction. Allied with Wade and Chandler and H. Winter Davis, he will not only aid but breed mischief. This is intended.

Seward fears him. There is no love between them, and yet S. would prefer to avoid a conflict. Butler has the reckless audacity attributed to the worst revolutionists of France, in the worst of times, but is deficient in personal courage. He is a suitable idol for Greeley, a profound philanthropist, being the opposite of G. in almost everything except love of notoriety.

The discoveries and disclosures in the Philadelphia Navy Yard are astounding. Some twenty or more arrests have been made, and many of the parties confess their criminality. Some of the worst have not, but the proof against them is strong.

As these men, with scarcely an exception, are friends of the Pennsylvania delegation and appointees of the Administration, extraordinary efforts will be made in their behalf. The Representatives in Congress have, however, thus far behaved pretty well. Kelley protests that he will stand by no culprit, yet several he pronounces to be among the honestest men in Philadelphia, — wants them released and restored.

In Boston the trial of Smith Brothers is brought to a close. It has been on hand some three months. This P.M. (Saturday) Senator Sumner and Representative Hooper called on me with a telegram from the counsel of Smith objecting to the court for the next trial. F. W. Smith's trial is ended; Ben is assigned for next week. The counsel request Sumner to call upon me, and, if I will not grant their request, to go to the President. I told them I was not disposed to consider the subject, and Sumner said he was not inclined to call on the President.

Contentions and rivalries in the Washington Navy Yard give annoyance. Twenty per cent of the workmen are dismissed by order of the Department, and the Senators and Representatives from Maryland object that any Marylander should be of the number dismissed. These strifes among the men and the combinations among the rogues and their friends in the different cities are exciting and drawing out attacks and intrigues against me. The interference of Members of Congress is injurious.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 223-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 16, 1864

Met Attorney-General Speed today at Cabinet-meeting and was introduced by the President. Mr. Seward read the correspondence with the Brazilian representative in relation to the capture of the Florida. It is quite diplomatic, but Seward has the best of it thus far, for the Brazilian commenced too strong and has overshot the mark. What ground Seward will ultimately occupy is uncertain. He does not know himself, I apprehend; indeed, he has more than once said as much to me. I desire him to maintain our rights while doing justice to Brazil. Why has she given shelter and refuge and aid and supplies to Rebel pirates who are depredating on the commerce of a nation with which she is on terms of amity? Put her on the defensive.

Preston King dined with me to-day. Had a couple of hours' very agreeable conversation with him. He is a man of wonderful sagacity; has an excellent mind and judgment. Our views correspond on most questions. On the suppression of the Rebellion, on the rights of the States, on the reestablishment of the Union, on the extinguishment of slavery, there was entire concurrence of opinion. I did not doubt our agreement on these points before we met. I had touched on them with some others and found great bewilderment. There is, I think, no man in the Cabinet but Dennison who agrees with me on the subject of State rights. Seward on two or three occasions has had flings against what he calls “the damned doctrine”; but how he can have a Union without the distinctive States he has never intimated or explained. He has, I think, no sound views, substantial principles, perceptions, or settled convictions on the subject of national or State rights. Trained in the school of expedients, his tendencies are those of a large majority of Congress as to centralism. Conservatives and radicals each move in that direction, whatever disagreements they may have in other respects. Chase as much as Seward disregards the rights of the State on certain matters affecting personal rights where he has a theory of his own. Hence my chief regret that he should have received his present appointment. His one idea is the extinguishment of slavery, and to accomplish that end he would not be restrained by any reserved rights of the States.

We have intelligence of the release of the robbers and murderers who fled into Canada after their work at St. Albans. The Governor-General and the Canadian authorities denounce and disavow the act of the judge, which is an outrage that cannot be acquiesced in, or submitted to for a moment, yet I fear Seward will hesitate.

Senator Wade called on me yesterday, and was, as he always has been with me, very pleasant and affable. I think, however, the old man is a little acrimonious towards the President. He is Chairman of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, with Chandler, Gooch, etc. It is a convenient machine to cover up what the War Department wishes to have covered up, and it can be directed against those that the War Department would assail. It is a child of Stanton's.

H. Winter Davis made an attack on Seward in the House and got defeated, which evidently disturbed him. He and Thad Stevens and others had an opportunity to ventilate their feelings, They do not like Seward and are running their heads and putting their hands into all sorts of mischief and indiscretion to relieve their hostility. Both Stevens and Davis have talents but lack wisdom.

Had a call yesterday and to-day from Spencer of New York, who wishes to have Scofield, the imprisoned contractor, released. Scofield was convicted and is now in Fort Lafayette. Has been confined about six months since he was sentenced. Was to be imprisoned for one year and pay a fine of $20,000. Is ready to pay the fine, claims to have been imprisoned three months before sentence. Wants remission of the rest of his term. Spencer says Mr. H. J. Raymond, Mr. Darling, and others, good Administration men, desire S. released and have petitioned to that effect. Spencer says that he has taken a very active part, presided at the Cooper Institute meetings, never before asked a favor.

I inquired of him whether he was here as a friend of Scofield, as a politician and friend of the Administration, or professionally for his client. He admitted it was the latter, did not know Scofield. I inquired why he then spoke of it as a favor, a favor to himself. He appeared a little discomposed for a moment, but said it was to him a favor in this way: if he was successful in this case, it would be of some pecuniary benefit and lead to additional business. “Tavors from the government," said I.

I informed him, both yesterday and to-day, that I could not favor any remission; that I considered Scofield a bad man, of loose and demoralizing motives, whose association with yard employees was pernicious; that his punishment was light. Our conversation was full and long. He said yesterday he wished to present the case to the President, but did not desire to do this without first informing me. To-day he told me that he had been waiting six hours with Judge Anthon of New York for an interview, but, desiring to get off this evening, he called again on me while Judge A. was waiting.

About half an hour after he left me, the President sent for Fox, and I have no doubt it is to get his views and opinions in regard to Scofield. Thinks I am prejudiced, or it is so represented, Spencer having seen me. Not infrequently, when parties fail with me, they go to the President, and of course state their ill success, but, claiming to have a case, press him to act, and he, knowing from them my decision, sends for Fox to get the facts. It is not a very satisfactory way, but is the President's peculiarity. He sometimes has excused himself on the ground that he did not wish to disturb me to come over when he only wished to make a simple inquiry, etc., -supposed Fox might know the facts. Weed and his set have Scofield in hand; want his money for electioneering purposes. Thinks he would succeed if I were away or not consulted.

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Stanton came in this morning to tell me he had just got a telegram from General Thomas, announcing the defeat and annihilation of Hood's army. Present indications are an early closing of the Rebellion. If we have tolerable success the next ten days, they will have no formidable army but Lee's at Richmond.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 197-200

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, October 1, 1864

The President yesterday made inquiry of me as to the disposition made of Farragut. Informed me that General Canby wanted him to remain at Mobile, and that F. preferred doing so to coming to Wilmington. I told him Farragut was relieved of the latter duty, and he could remain as long as he pleased in the Gulf. This morning the President called at the Navy Department and made further inquiry. Said that Halleck and Sherman had some movements on hand, and the War Department also, and would like to know if F. could remain. I told him he could.

Shortly after he left, two dispatches from Admiral Farragut came on to my table, received by this morning's mail, in which he expressed decided aversion to taking command at Wilmington.

These dispatches inform me that General Canby has an expedition on foot for the capture of Mobile, that he is getting troops for this purpose, etc., all of which has been studiously kept from the Navy Department, and now when ready to move, they are embarrassed. I immediately went over to the War Department and the President was there. He was, I soon saw, but slightly informed of the proposed army movement, but Stanton and Halleck, finding they had refined too much, had communicated hastily with him, in order that he should see me.

All this is bad administration. There will be want of unity and concert under such management. It is not because the President has any want of confidence in his Cabinet, but Seward and Stanton both endeavor to avoid Cabinet consultations on questions of their own Departments. It has been so from the beginning on the part of the Secretary of State, who spends more or less of every day with the President and worms from him all the information he possesses and can be induced to impart. A disposition to constantly intermeddle with other Departments, to pry into them and often to control and sometimes counteract them, has manifested itself throughout, often involving himself and others in difficulty. Chase for some time was annoyed that things were so but at length went into competition for the President's ear and company. He did not succeed, however, as against Seward, though adopting his policy of constant attendance. Stanton has been for the departmental system always. Pressing, assuming, violent, and impatient, intriguing, harsh, and arbitrary, he is often exceedingly offensive in his manners, deportment, and many of his acts.

A majority of the friends of the Administration in the last Congress was opposed to the President, but his opponents were the cronies and intimates of Stanton, or Chase, who, however, were not cordial towards one another or in anything but in their hostility to the President. Stanton kept on more intimate terms with the President, while his friends were the most violent in their enmity. Wade, Winter Davis, and men of that description were Stanton's particular favorites and in constant consultation with him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 165-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, October 7, 1864

The President was not at his house to-day. Mr. Bates had said to me that the President told him there was no special business. Nevertheless, I preferred soon after twelve to walk over, having some little business of my own. Fessenden, Usher, and myself arrived about the same moment, and we had half an hour's friendly talk. In the course of it, Fessenden took an occasion to pass an opinion upon certain naval officers, showing the prejudiced partisan rather than the enlightened minister and statesman. Farragut, he said, was the only naval officer who has exhibited any skill and ability; there were undoubtedly other officers, but they had not been brought out. I inquired what he thought of Foote. “Well, I allude more particularly to the living,” said he, “but what is Lee, that you have kept him in? Is there any reason except his relationship to the Blairs and to Fox?" — he knew of no other reason. I inquired when Lee had been remiss, and asked him if he knew that Montgomery Blair and Lee were not on speaking terms and had not been for years. He seemed surprised and said he was not. I told him such was the case; that he had never expressed a wish in Lee's behalf to me, or manifested any gratification at that selection, but on the contrary, I knew Blair had thought, with him, that it was an appointment not judicious. I did not tell F. of the narrow animosity of Lee towards Fox. But all this spleen came, I knew, from the War Department and certain influences connected with it. Dahlgren he also denounced, yet when I inquired if he had ever investigated the subject, if he was aware that Dahlgren had maintained an efficient blockade, while Du Pont, whom he half complimented, had not [sic]. “Then,” said I, “what do you say of Porter?” He admitted that he had thought pretty well of Porter until he begun to gather in cotton, and run a race with Banks to get it instead of doing his duty. I told him this was ungenerous and, I apprehended, a sad mistake on his part. The whole tenor of the conversation left no doubt on my mind that Stanton, Winter Davis, Wade, Chase, the thieving Treasury agents and speculators had imposed on Fessenden.

. . . Fessenden is, in some personal matters, very much of a partisan, and his partisan feelings have made him the victim of a very cunning intrigue. He dislikes Seward, and yet is, through other instrumentalities, the creature to some extent of Seward.

Stanton, having been brought into the Cabinet by Seward, started out as a radical. Chase and others were deceived by his pretensions at the beginning, but some time before leaving the Cabinet, Chase found a part of his mistake. Fessenden and others have not yet. They suppose Stanton is with them; Seward knows better. I have no doubt but Stanton when with Fessenden, Wade, and others acquiesces and participates in their expressed views against Seward. Hating Blair, it has grieved Stanton that Lee, the brother-in-law of Blair, should have command, and Fessenden has been impressed accordingly. Himself inclined to radicalism on the slavery issue, though in other respects conservative, Fessenden, who is in full accord with Chase, has a dislike to Blair, an old Democrat but who is represented as the friend of Seward. Yet Blair has no more confidence in, or regard for, Seward than Fessenden has, and I have been surprised that he should acquiesce in the erroneous impression that is abroad. It is easy to perceive why Seward should favor the impression alluded to. Blair was ready to accept the denunciatory resolution of the Baltimore convention as aimed at him, whereas it was intended more particularly for Seward. The Missouri radicals are some who were deceived by the impression that Seward and Blair were a unit. In the convention there was a determination to get rid of Mr. Seward, but the managers, under the contrivance of Raymond, who has shrewdness, so shaped the resolution as to leave it pointless, or as not more direct against Seward than against Blair, or by others against Chase and Stanton.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 172-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, August 26, 1864

Am harassed by the pressure on the enlistment question. A desire to enter the Navy to avoid the draft is extensive, and the local authorities encourage it, so that our recruiting rendezvous are, for the time being, overrun. The Governors and others are applying for more rendezvous in order to facilitate this operation. The draft for five hundred thousand men is wholly an army conscription. Incidentally it aids the Navy, and to that extent lessens the number of the army. I have been willing to avail ourselves of the opportunity for naval recruiting, but the local authorities are for going beyond this and making our enlistments a primary object of the draft. Because I cannot consent to this perversion I am subjected to much captious criticism, even by those who should know better.

Neither Stanton, Blair, nor Bates were to-day at the Cabinet-meeting. Judge Johnson of Ohio informs me that Wade is universally denounced for uniting with Winter Davis in his protest, and that he has been stricken from the list of speakers in the present political campaign in that State.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 121-2