Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, April 24, 1866

Admiral Farragut and Mrs. F. are staying with us, and I find little time to write. Have had several interviews with the President and Mr. Seward in relation to the cruise of the Chattanooga and passage of Colonel Robert Johnson, under an appointment of the State Department. The President evidently feels embarrassed, yet anxious on his son's account. He is aware of the importance to himself and the country that he should be relieved from the care of this unfortunate young man, but is unwilling that anything personal to himself should be done.

I called last Thursday with Captain McKinstry and introduced him first to the President and then to Messrs. Stover and Robert Johnson. Subsequently I saw Mr. Seward, who arranged the subject-matter of the mission. I addressed him a letter, stating the cruise of the Chattanooga and the principal points at which she would stop. By request of Mr. S. an alteration was made, avoiding Australia and going to China and Japan instead of running directly on the west coast of South America.

At the Cabinet-meeting I submitted Admiral Godon's dispatch of the 23d of January, stating the demands and difficulties of Mr. Washburn,¹ our Minister to Paraguay, who had been absent from his post more than a year and has been wintering since last September with his family in Buenos Ayres. In the mean time the allies have blockaded the river and object to his passing through the lines, and he has made a demand for the Wasp or some other naval vessel to convey him and his family.

Mr. Seward, without knowing all the facts, at once requested that Mr. Washburn should have public conveyance. I showed him Godon's dispatch, who states that no foreign power has attempted to pass the blockade, that he cannot do it without obtaining from the Buenos Ayres authorities coal, and that to return the courtesy by setting them at defiance would be ungracious; that no foreign government has a representative in Paraguay; that we have no interests there, and that if Mr. Washburn gets there he will be almost the only American in the territory and will require a naval force to protect him.

Although taken a little aback by the statements of Godon, Seward had committed himself too strongly to back down. He said the Minister must go through the blockade, whether it cost $3000 or $30,000; that he must get the coal of the Buenos Ayres authorities and disoblige them by violating the blockade, if Mr. Washburn could not go without; and he (Seward) wanted to take Godon's dispatch and read.

_______________

¹ Charles Ames Washburn, brother of Elihu B. Washburne.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 490-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, December 14, 1865

Admiral Farragut came this morning, and the general order setting aside the doings of his court was printed and handed in shortly after his arrival. The proceedings were a shocking jumble, a fellow feeling probably among some members of the court. I should not be surprised if Farragut's kind and generous heart acquiesced against his better judgment, but I do not know. We had some talk in regard to promotions. It will make lifelong enmities to supersede. F. suggests that medals will answer an equal purpose.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 396

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, January 28, 1866

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 28, 1866.

Dear Mother:—Lucy is still with me. She is very happy. We do not go to parties or receptions much. Went to one. They are all alike; rather a bore generally. We sit at the same table with Vice-Admiral Farragut. A sociable, fine old gentleman — not old in manner, talk, or looks, but near seventy, I think, in fact. He has a kind and polite way and everybody likes him. We mean to go to the President's and General Grant's this week. All well at home when I heard last.

Affectionately,

R.

MRS. SOPHIA HAYES.
        Private.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 15

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, February 1, 1865

The board of which Admiral Farragut is President is in session. Their duties to advise on the subject of promotion for meritorious conduct in battle. I am not disposed to act under this law without consultation with and advice from earnest men in the service. There is a disposition to place Porter in advance by Fox, to which I cannot assent unless it comports with the views and opinions of senior men, who are entitled to speak on a question that so nearly concerns them. Admiral Porter is a man of courage and resources, but has already been greatly advanced, and has some defects and weaknesses.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 235

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, January 14, 1865

The week has been one of interesting incidents, incessant occupation. Admiral Farragut came a week since and called on me. After half an hour or more of conversation on affairs connected with his command, the capture of Mobile, and matters generally, I went with him to the President. In the evening, he, with Mrs. F. and Captain Drayton, spent the evening with us.

Much speculation has been had concerning the dismissal of General Butler. It was anticipated that, being a favorite with the extremists, his dismissal would create a great excitement, but it has passed off without irritation, almost without sensation. The quidnuncs and, indeed, most of the public impute his dismissal from the Army of the James to the Wilmington failure; but it will soon be known that General Grant desired to get rid of him. Butler's greater intellect overshadowed Grant, and annoyed and embarrassed the General-in-Chief.

General Butler's farewell to his army is in many respects skillful and adroit, but in some respects will prove a failure. He does not conceal his chagrin but has hardly discovered whom to strike.

The New York Tribune has striven to warp and torture facts to help Butler, regardless of others and of stern truth. But the Tribune is unsupported. Of course the Rebels and Copperheads will be gratified, and do not conceal their joy. They have some cause for their hate, for he has been a severe, perhaps in some cases an oppressive, governor.

I cannot forget, while glad he is withdrawn from the Fort Fisher command, which he was unfitted to fill, the service which he rendered at Baltimore and in Maryland early in the War, nor his administrative ability at New Orleans, with some infirmities it is true, but which was in many respects valuable to the country. Not a merit which he has should be obscured. I am not his admirer, and should lament to see him in any responsible position without a superior. He has inordinate and irrepressible ambition, and would scruple at nothing to gratify it and his avarice.

The Committee on the Conduct of the War have summoned him to Washington. There was mischief in this. He had been ordered by the President to Lowell. The President yielded. It was well, perhaps, for Butler was off duty. But in Washington he will help the mischief-makers make trouble and stimulate intrigue and faction. Allied with Wade and Chandler and H. Winter Davis, he will not only aid but breed mischief. This is intended.

Seward fears him. There is no love between them, and yet S. would prefer to avoid a conflict. Butler has the reckless audacity attributed to the worst revolutionists of France, in the worst of times, but is deficient in personal courage. He is a suitable idol for Greeley, a profound philanthropist, being the opposite of G. in almost everything except love of notoriety.

The discoveries and disclosures in the Philadelphia Navy Yard are astounding. Some twenty or more arrests have been made, and many of the parties confess their criminality. Some of the worst have not, but the proof against them is strong.

As these men, with scarcely an exception, are friends of the Pennsylvania delegation and appointees of the Administration, extraordinary efforts will be made in their behalf. The Representatives in Congress have, however, thus far behaved pretty well. Kelley protests that he will stand by no culprit, yet several he pronounces to be among the honestest men in Philadelphia, — wants them released and restored.

In Boston the trial of Smith Brothers is brought to a close. It has been on hand some three months. This P.M. (Saturday) Senator Sumner and Representative Hooper called on me with a telegram from the counsel of Smith objecting to the court for the next trial. F. W. Smith's trial is ended; Ben is assigned for next week. The counsel request Sumner to call upon me, and, if I will not grant their request, to go to the President. I told them I was not disposed to consider the subject, and Sumner said he was not inclined to call on the President.

Contentions and rivalries in the Washington Navy Yard give annoyance. Twenty per cent of the workmen are dismissed by order of the Department, and the Senators and Representatives from Maryland object that any Marylander should be of the number dismissed. These strifes among the men and the combinations among the rogues and their friends in the different cities are exciting and drawing out attacks and intrigues against me. The interference of Members of Congress is injurious.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 223-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, January 24, 1865

President sent for me this evening. Found Stanton with him, having a dispatch from General Grant desiring him to request me to remove Commander Parker, the senior officer on the upper James. After some conversation, informing them that we had two gunboats above, and that the Atlanta and Ironsides had been ordered thither, I mentioned that Farragut was here, and the President sent for him. On hearing how matters stood, he at once volunteered to visit the force. The President was pleased with it, and measures were at once taken.

I rode down to Willard's after parting at the Executive Mansion and had a few additional words with Admiral Farragut and invited Mrs. F. to stop at our house during the Admiral's absence.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 230

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, January 30, 1865

Great talk and many rumors from all quarters of peace. The journeys of the elder Blair to Richmond have contributed to these rumors, both here and at Richmond. I am not certain that early measures may not be taken, yet I do not expect immediate results. There were, however, many singular things in the early days of these troubles, and there may be as singular things in its close. There is difficulty in negotiating, or treating, with the Rebels. At the commencement Mr. Seward consulted and diplomatized with the organs of the Rebels, and supposed he could shape and direct their movements. I should not be surprised were he to fall into the same train of conduct at the close, — perhaps with more success now than at the beginning. The President, with much shrewdness and much good sense, has often strange and incomprehensible whims; takes sometimes singular and unaccountable freaks. It would hardly surprise me were he to undertake to arrange terms of peace without consulting any one. I have no doubt that the senior Blair has made his visits in concert with the President. Seward may have been in the movement. He has queer fancies for a statesman. He told me last week that he had looked in no book on international law or admiralty law since he entered on the duties of his present office. His thoughts, he says, come to the same conclusions as the writers and students. This he has said to me more than once. In administrating the government he seems to have little idea of constitutional and legal restraints, but acts as if the ruler was omnipotent. Hence he has involved himself in constant difficulties.

Admiral Farragut returned from James River Saturday night and came directly to my house, and spent yesterday with me. The condition of things on the upper James was much as I supposed. Commander Parker seems not to have been equal to his position, but I must have his own account before forming a decided opinion.

I subsequently learned that Fox, who was present at the close of the interview at the President's on the evening of the 24th, and by whom I sent telegrams to General Grant and Commodore Parker, had, on reaching the telegraph office, substituted his own name for mine to the communications. Farragut, who was present and knew the facts and what took place at the President's, learned what Fox had done when he arrived at Grant's quarters, for he saw the telegrams. The proceeding was certainly an improper one, and it is not surprising that Farragut was indignant.

I have, on one or two occasions, detected something similar in Fox in regard to important orders, — where he had been intrusive or obtrusive, evidently to get his name in the history of these times, and perhaps to carry the impression that he was at least a coadjutor with the Secretary in naval operations.

Farragut assures me he has observed and detected this disposition and some objectionable acts in Fox, as in this instance, which he thinks should be reproved and corrected, but while I regret these faults I have deemed them venial.

I perceive that Admiral Farragut, like many of the officers, is dissatisfied with Mr. Fox, who, he says, assumes too much and presumes too much. There is truth in this, but yet it is excusable perhaps. I wish it were otherwise. He is very serviceable and, to me, considerate, deferring and acquiescing in my decision when fixed, readily and more cheerfully than most others; but he is, I apprehend, often rough with persons who have business at the Department. In many respects, in matters that are non-essentials, I yield to him and others, and it annoys many by reason of his manner and language. His position is a hard one to fill. The second person in any organization, especially if he is true and faithful to his principal, incurs the censure and ill-will of the multitude. For these things allowance must be made. Fox commits some mistakes which cause me trouble, and it is one of his infirmities to shun a fair and honest responsibility for his own errors. This is perhaps human nature, and therefore excusable. With the Naval officers he desires to be considered all-powerful, and herein is another weakness. But he is familiar with the service and has his heart in its success.

Admiral Farragut favors a Board of Admiralty. It is a favorite theme with others to give naval ascendancy in court sessions. I can perceive arguments in its favor which would relieve the Secretary of labor, provided rightly constituted and properly regulated. There would, however, be jealousies in the service of such a board, as there are of the Assistant Secretary. It would be claimed that it dictated to the Secretary and abused his confidence. It would not be beneficial to the government and country.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 231-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 12, 1864

Cloudy——rained in the afternoon.

This is the anniversary of the first gun of the war, fired at Fort Sumter.

It is still said and believed that Gen. Lee will take the initiative, and attack Grant. The following shows that we have had another success:

MobiLE, April 11th, 1864.

TO GEN. S. COOPER, A. & H. GENERAL.

The following report was received at Baton Rouge, on the 3d inst., from the Surgeon-General of Banks's army: “We met the enemy near Shreveport. Union force repulsed with great loss. How many can you accommodate in hospitals at Baton Rouge 7 Steamer Essex, or Benton, destroyed by torpedoes in Red River, and a transport captured by Confederates.”

Farragut reported preparing to attack Mobile. Six monitors coming to him. The garrisons of New Orleans and Baton Rouge were very much reduced for the purpose of increasing Banks's forces.

D. H. MAURY, Major-General Commanding.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 185-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, October 1, 1864

The President yesterday made inquiry of me as to the disposition made of Farragut. Informed me that General Canby wanted him to remain at Mobile, and that F. preferred doing so to coming to Wilmington. I told him Farragut was relieved of the latter duty, and he could remain as long as he pleased in the Gulf. This morning the President called at the Navy Department and made further inquiry. Said that Halleck and Sherman had some movements on hand, and the War Department also, and would like to know if F. could remain. I told him he could.

Shortly after he left, two dispatches from Admiral Farragut came on to my table, received by this morning's mail, in which he expressed decided aversion to taking command at Wilmington.

These dispatches inform me that General Canby has an expedition on foot for the capture of Mobile, that he is getting troops for this purpose, etc., all of which has been studiously kept from the Navy Department, and now when ready to move, they are embarrassed. I immediately went over to the War Department and the President was there. He was, I soon saw, but slightly informed of the proposed army movement, but Stanton and Halleck, finding they had refined too much, had communicated hastily with him, in order that he should see me.

All this is bad administration. There will be want of unity and concert under such management. It is not because the President has any want of confidence in his Cabinet, but Seward and Stanton both endeavor to avoid Cabinet consultations on questions of their own Departments. It has been so from the beginning on the part of the Secretary of State, who spends more or less of every day with the President and worms from him all the information he possesses and can be induced to impart. A disposition to constantly intermeddle with other Departments, to pry into them and often to control and sometimes counteract them, has manifested itself throughout, often involving himself and others in difficulty. Chase for some time was annoyed that things were so but at length went into competition for the President's ear and company. He did not succeed, however, as against Seward, though adopting his policy of constant attendance. Stanton has been for the departmental system always. Pressing, assuming, violent, and impatient, intriguing, harsh, and arbitrary, he is often exceedingly offensive in his manners, deportment, and many of his acts.

A majority of the friends of the Administration in the last Congress was opposed to the President, but his opponents were the cronies and intimates of Stanton, or Chase, who, however, were not cordial towards one another or in anything but in their hostility to the President. Stanton kept on more intimate terms with the President, while his friends were the most violent in their enmity. Wade, Winter Davis, and men of that description were Stanton's particular favorites and in constant consultation with him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 165-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, October 3, 1864

Had an interview with Seward, agreeable to the wishes of the President, concerning the order to A. J. Hamilton for bringing out cotton. I perceived that S. was prepared for me, and had expected an earlier call. He said that the scheme was one by which certain important persons in the Rebel cause were to be converted. Had himself not much faith that it would amount to anything, and yet it might. The President believed there would be results; but had been very confidential and secret in all that was done. He (S.) had drawn up the order carefully by special request of the President, but had never communicated to any one but Stanton what had been done. Some time since Stanton had got some inkling of the subject and had directly applied to him for information, and when this was done he did not feel at liberty to withhold from a colleague intelligence sought. But he at once informed the President that he had told Stanton. Nothing had yet been done, and nothing farther said, until I had brought up the subject. I remarked that the subject was of a character which seemed to deserve general consultation in the Cabinet, for three of the members besides himself were concerned in its executions; that I was especially so, it being my special duty to prevent intercourse with the Rebels and enforce the blockade. But this order conflicted with that duty, was not in good faith, I apprehended, with others of our people, or with foreign powers. I told him I had made inquiries of Fessenden, for the order expressly referred to the Treasury agents, and they would of course report to him. Seward said there was no interference with the blockade. He had prepared the order with great care and sent one copy to General Canby, and one to Admiral Farragut, and proposed to send and get it for my perusal, give me a copy if I wished. I told him I already had a copy, which seemed to surprise him. He appeared not to be aware that it was the duty of a naval officer to communicate his official acts to the Navy Department; that all the three Departments must come into possession of this confidential circular, and not unlikely it would go into the courts. He is not yet dispossessed of his early error that the government can be carried on by executive order regardless of Department or laws.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 167-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, October 7, 1864

The President was not at his house to-day. Mr. Bates had said to me that the President told him there was no special business. Nevertheless, I preferred soon after twelve to walk over, having some little business of my own. Fessenden, Usher, and myself arrived about the same moment, and we had half an hour's friendly talk. In the course of it, Fessenden took an occasion to pass an opinion upon certain naval officers, showing the prejudiced partisan rather than the enlightened minister and statesman. Farragut, he said, was the only naval officer who has exhibited any skill and ability; there were undoubtedly other officers, but they had not been brought out. I inquired what he thought of Foote. “Well, I allude more particularly to the living,” said he, “but what is Lee, that you have kept him in? Is there any reason except his relationship to the Blairs and to Fox?" — he knew of no other reason. I inquired when Lee had been remiss, and asked him if he knew that Montgomery Blair and Lee were not on speaking terms and had not been for years. He seemed surprised and said he was not. I told him such was the case; that he had never expressed a wish in Lee's behalf to me, or manifested any gratification at that selection, but on the contrary, I knew Blair had thought, with him, that it was an appointment not judicious. I did not tell F. of the narrow animosity of Lee towards Fox. But all this spleen came, I knew, from the War Department and certain influences connected with it. Dahlgren he also denounced, yet when I inquired if he had ever investigated the subject, if he was aware that Dahlgren had maintained an efficient blockade, while Du Pont, whom he half complimented, had not [sic]. “Then,” said I, “what do you say of Porter?” He admitted that he had thought pretty well of Porter until he begun to gather in cotton, and run a race with Banks to get it instead of doing his duty. I told him this was ungenerous and, I apprehended, a sad mistake on his part. The whole tenor of the conversation left no doubt on my mind that Stanton, Winter Davis, Wade, Chase, the thieving Treasury agents and speculators had imposed on Fessenden.

. . . Fessenden is, in some personal matters, very much of a partisan, and his partisan feelings have made him the victim of a very cunning intrigue. He dislikes Seward, and yet is, through other instrumentalities, the creature to some extent of Seward.

Stanton, having been brought into the Cabinet by Seward, started out as a radical. Chase and others were deceived by his pretensions at the beginning, but some time before leaving the Cabinet, Chase found a part of his mistake. Fessenden and others have not yet. They suppose Stanton is with them; Seward knows better. I have no doubt but Stanton when with Fessenden, Wade, and others acquiesces and participates in their expressed views against Seward. Hating Blair, it has grieved Stanton that Lee, the brother-in-law of Blair, should have command, and Fessenden has been impressed accordingly. Himself inclined to radicalism on the slavery issue, though in other respects conservative, Fessenden, who is in full accord with Chase, has a dislike to Blair, an old Democrat but who is represented as the friend of Seward. Yet Blair has no more confidence in, or regard for, Seward than Fessenden has, and I have been surprised that he should acquiesce in the erroneous impression that is abroad. It is easy to perceive why Seward should favor the impression alluded to. Blair was ready to accept the denunciatory resolution of the Baltimore convention as aimed at him, whereas it was intended more particularly for Seward. The Missouri radicals are some who were deceived by the impression that Seward and Blair were a unit. In the convention there was a determination to get rid of Mr. Seward, but the managers, under the contrivance of Raymond, who has shrewdness, so shaped the resolution as to leave it pointless, or as not more direct against Seward than against Blair, or by others against Chase and Stanton.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 172-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, September 17, 1864

Talked over the subject of Wilmington, examined its localities, and considered the position of things fully with Porter and Fox. I had intended Blair should have been present, for the meeting was at his house, but he was compelled to leave for Baltimore.

Porter has preferred retaining the Mississippi Squadron, but repeated what he has heretofore said, - that he had been treated kindly by the Department, and if I ordered him to go over Niagara Falls in an iron pot he should obey the order. In other words, he and every naval officer must submit and give up their own wishes to the orders of the Department without a murmur of dissent.

There was a special Cabinet-meeting to-day on the subject of the abandoned plantations. A person of the name of Wright wishes the President to put him in possession of what he claims to be his plantation, now in the occupancy of Mr. Flanders, the Treasury agent. It seems that F. has fifty-two of these plantations, or had some time since, perhaps he has more now.

The President said serious questions were rising in regard to this description of property; appeals were made to him, and he could not undertake to investigate and adjust them. Quite a discussion took place in which the President, Mr. Bates, and Mr. Stanton took the principal part. It was not made distinctly to appear how these plantations came into the hands of Mr. Flanders, the Treasury agent. All who were present, except Mr. Bates and myself, seemed to take it for granted that it was legitimate and proper. They said the law had prescribed how abandoned plantations became forfeit. Mr. Stanton said he had given the subject great attention and most thorough investigation, and he made a somewhat emphatic and labored argument, telling the President (very properly I think) he could not, and ought not to, take upon himself the details of these embarrassing questions; that when Admiral Farragut and General Butler took possession of New Orleans, many of the inhabitants fled, leaving their plantations, and kept themselves within the Rebel lines; thousands of negroes were left unprovided for. It became necessary for the government to provide for them; the military authorities had taken up their deserted plantations and seized others, and let them out for the negroes to work. When Mr. Chase got his Treasury agents at work, it was thought best to turn these plantations over to him. After a little time, Chase became sick of his bargain, and desired the War Department to retake possession and responsibility but he (S.) had, declined.

Mr. Bates wanted a definition of “abandoned.” Was it “abandonment” for a man to leave his home with his family and go for a few months to the North, or to Cuba, or to Richmond? etc. Mr. Stanton said the statute made that clear, but Mr. Bates thought Congress, though they made law, did not make dictionaries. I put the question if a man had two plantations, one in Alabama and one in Louisiana, at the time of the capture of New Orleans, and he, being in Alabama, remained there, within the Rebel lines, attending to his private domestic affairs, whether that would be an abandonment of his Louisiana plantation so that Mr. Flanders could take and hold it. I also asked if there was not a preliminary question to all this, — would it not be necessary to ascertain by proper, legal inquiry whether the owner was a Rebel and traitor.

There is too much of a disposition to jump to a conclusion — to take for granted — on many occasions. The owner by legal title-deeds and records is entitled to his land unless he has forfeited it. If a Rebel and traitor, he may have forfeited it, but who is to decide that he is a traitor? Not the military commander or quartermaster, and yet no other officer or tribunal has passed over them.

Some difference appeared between Fessenden and Stanton as to which should have the custody of the plantations. F. thought the agent should report to S. and vice versa. If seized or taken possession of from military necessity, I have never been able to see why the Treasury agent should have them. If not a military necessity, how can he have possession, except under some legal decision? It is not sufficient that the law says the land of a traitor shall be forfeited. Who shall expound and carry the law into effect, transferring title? Not the Treasury agent, certainly.

The President said he wished some means devised to relieve him from these questions. He could not undertake to investigate them. Stanton said that was true, but that, having given the subject great consideration, he was prepared to say what in his opinion was best, – that was that the whole of the matters pertaining to abandoned plantations should be turned over to the War Department and he would organize a bureau or tribunal to make rightful disposition of each case presented.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 148-50

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, September 27, 1864

Received mail from Admiral Farragut. Among his dispatches one confidential, inclosing a letter from General Canby, who had received a singular order signed by the President, directing that one A. J. Hamilton should be permitted to export cotton from Sabine Pass, Galveston, etc., himself, and that Hamilton's written order should be a permit for others to export. As General Canby, to whom this document was directed, has no control over the squadron, he had inclosed the President's order to Admiral Farragut. The Admiral had transmitted it to the senior officer off Galveston, and communicated copies of the whole correspondence to me, remarking that it would lead to immense swindling.

I submitted this extraordinary document to the President, and remarked as I did so, that in the discussions that had taken place on this subject on two or three occasions within the last six weeks, and since this order (dated, I think, the 9th of August) was issued, no allusion had been made to it, that it conflicted with the blockade which the Department was obliged to enforce, and that I was surprised on receiving the information. The President seemed embarrassed but said he believed it was all right. “How right?” I inquired. He said it was one of Seward's arrangements, that he guessed would come out well enough; but evidently did not himself know, or, if he knew, was unwilling or unable to explain.

This is another specimen of the maladministration and improper interference of the Secretary of State. Commencing with the first expedition sent out to supply Sumter, which he took measures to defeat, there has been on his part a constant succession of wrong acts, impertinent intrigues in the affairs of other Departments, blunders and worse than blunders, that disgrace the Administration. There is unmistakable rascality in this cotton order. Thurlow Weed was here about the time it was issued, and it will not surprise me if he has an interest in it.

Seward thinks to keep his own name out of the transaction. The President has been made to believe that the order was essential; the Secretary of State has so presented the subject to him that he probably thought it a duty. There are times when I can hardly persuade myself that the President's natural sagacity has been so duped, but his confidence in Seward is great, although he must know him to be, I will not say a trickster, because of his position and our association, but over-cunning to be strictly honest. And when I say this, I do not apply to him dishonesty in money transactions when dealing with men, or the government perhaps, but political cheating, deceiving, wrong administration. He knows this scheme to bring out cotton was a fraud, and hence, instead of coming directly to me, who have charge of the blockade, or bringing the question before the Cabinet in a frank and honorable manner, there is this secret, roundabout proceeding, so characteristic of the Secretary of State.

He insisted on a blockade at the beginning. Would not listen to closing the ports. Would make it an international, not permit it to be a domestic, question. Now, in violation of international law and of fair and honorable blockade, he and his friends are secretly bringing out cotton from Texas. This is not in good faith, but is prostituting the government and its action. I regret that Farragut did not disregard the order until it came to him legitimately through the proper channel.

Had a call from my old friend the elder Blair. It was not unexpected. Detaching Lee from the North Atlantic Squadron I supposed would cause dissatisfaction to Lee, who would, through his wife, stimulate her father to make an effort in his behalf. The old man got word to-day that Lee was detached and hastened to me. He thought himself hard used in the blows that fell upon his children. Frank had been smitten for exposing Frémont and Chase. Montgomery had been dismissed from the Cabinet, and simultaneously Lee had been detached from his command after two years' faithful service. I told him the case appeared a hard one as he presented it; that I felt the removal of Montgomery from our counsels as the greatest misfortune that had befallen the Cabinet, but my consolation was that it would only be temporary and he would certainly soon have as honorable a position; that Frank had done and was doing great service, which the country would, if it did not already, appreciate; that Lee was not degraded in being assigned to another command. I knew him to be cautious and vigilant, but not, perhaps, the man for an immediate demonstration, an assault requiring prompt action. He had labored well, and in a pecuniary point of view been better paid than any man in the Navy.

The old man wanted me to recommend him for promotion to a full commission as rear-admiral, but that, I told him, followed deserving action. It must be earned.

Acting Admiral Lee has acquitted himself very well, has discharged his duties intelligently and firmly. But he can never be a great commander. While he has administered the affairs of his squadron safely, he has failed to devise and execute any important act. The same opportunities in the hands of Porter, or Foote, or Farragut, and, I think, of John Rodgers, would have shown vastly more important results. His caution runs into timidity. He is avaricious and ambitious, I fear ungenerous and illiberal; is destitute of heroic daring.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 159-62

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, September 28, 1864

I called to-day on Secretary Fessenden with Farragut’s dispatch and the order of the President permitting A. J. Hamilton of Texas to bring out cotton, to the Treasury agent. He disclaims all knowledge of the transaction and says he will not recognize it. Looks upon it as an outrageous swindle, violating the blockade, and imposing upon the country. “Why,” he pertinently inquires, “was not this question, so important, not submitted to the whole Cabinet.” He was very earnest and wished me to again inquire of the President in regard to it.

Had an interview with Attorney-General Bates respecting some questions submitted to him for opinion. The old gentleman is very honest and right-minded; delights to be thought a little – or a good deal - obstinate, if satisfied he is right.

The finding of a court martial in the case of Commander Downes of the R. R. Cuyler, which ran short of fuel, and he, instead of using his sails and striving to get into port, proceeded to dismantle his vessel, burning his spars, gun-carriages, caissons, etc., bought lumber from on board a merchant vessel on its way to Cuba; and for all this sends in a dispatch complaining of his engineer and preferring charges against him, without any seeming consciousness that he was responsible himself, or blamable. But the court condemns Downes and dismisses him from the service. The sentence is severe but correct, though the punishment may be mitigated. It is necessary, however, to correct a rising error among a certain class of officers who are inclined to relieve the commander of a ship of responsibility, a pernicious error that would, if acquiesced in, demoralize the service. That his engineer was in fault is doubtless true, but the commander must make himself acquainted with the condition of his vessel and its equipment. Downes has proved himself an officer of merit in some respects, and it must be remembered to his credit at a time when a great failing has put him in jeopardy.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 162-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, September 2, 1864

Admiral Farragut’s dispatch relative to the capture of Fort Morgan and the infamous conduct of General Page in spiking his guns after his surrender is received. It was most disgraceful and would justify severe treatment.

Some of the Administration presses and leaders have undertaken to censure me for slighting Du Pont. Not one of them awards me any credit for selecting Farragut. Yet it was a great responsibility, for which I was severely criticized, and until he had proved himself worthy of my choice, I felt it.

The contrast between Farragut and Du Pont is marked. No one can now hesitate to say which is the real hero; yet three years ago it would have been different. Farragut is earnest, unselfish, devoted to the country and the service. He sees to every movement, forms his line of battle with care and skill, puts himself at the head, carries out his plan, if there is difficulty leads the way, regards no danger to himself, dashes by forts and overcomes obstructions. Du Pont, as we saw at Sumter, puts himself in the most formidable vessel, has no order of battle, leads the way only until he gets within cannon-shot range, then stops, says his ship would not steer well, declines, however, to go in any other, but signals to them to go forward without order or any plan of battle, does not enjoin upon them to dash by the forts; they are stopped under the guns of Sumter and Moultrie, and are battered for an hour, a sufficient length of time to have gone to Charleston wharves, and then they are signalled to turn about and come back to the Admiral out of harm's way.

When I appointed Du Pont to command a squadron, I met the public expectation. All but a few naval officers, most of whom were under a cloud, approved and applauded so judicious a selection. But no cheering response was made to the appointment of Farragut. Some naval officers said he was a daring, dashing fellow, but they doubted his discretion and ability to command a squadron judiciously. Members of Congress inquired who he was, and some of them remonstrated, and questioned whether I was not making a mistake, for he was a Southern man and had a Southern wife. Neither the President nor any member of the Cabinet knew him, or knew of him except, perhaps, Seward, but he was not consulted and knew nothing of the selection until after it was made. When told of the appointment, he inquired if Farragut was equal to it, and asked if it would not have been better to have transferred Du Pont to that command.

Farragut became a marked man in my mind when I was informed of the circumstances under which he left Norfolk. At the time the Virginia convention voted to secede he denounced the act, and at once abandoned the State, leaving his home and property the day following, avowing openly and boldly, in the face and hearing of the Rebels by whom he was surrounded, his determination to live and die owing allegiance to no flag but that of the Union under which he had served. This firm and resolute stand caused me not only to admire the act, but led me to inquire concerning the man. I had known of him slightly during Polk's administration, when I had charge of a naval bureau, remembered his proposition to take San Juan d'Ulloa at Vera Cruz, and all I heard of him was well, but he was generally spoken of as were other good officers. Fox, Foote, and Dahlgren gave him a good name. Admiral D. D. Porter was emphatic in his favor, and his knowledge and estimate of men were generally pretty correct. Admiral Smith considered him a bold, impetuous man, of a great deal of courage, and energy, but his capabilities and power to command a squadron was a subject to be determined only by trial.

Had any other man than myself been Secretary of the Navy, it is not probable that either Farragut or Foote would have had a squadron. At the beginning of the Rebellion, neither of them stood prominent beyond others. Their qualities had not been developed; they had not possessed opportunities. Foote and myself were youthful companions at school. And I have stated the circumstances under which Farragut was brought to my notice. Neither had the showy name, the scholastic attainments, the wealth, the courtly talent, of Du Pont. But both were heroes. Du Pont is a polished naval officer, selfish, heartless, calculating, scheming, but not a hero by nature, though too proud to be a coward.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 133-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, September 9, 1864

At the Cabinet council Fessenden introduced some trade regulations prepared with the intention of carrying out the last enactment of Congress, and designed to supersede all former regulations. This last law is, so far as he could make it so, a creation of Mr. Chase, and I am surprised that Senators Morrill and Morgan should have yielded to him. The regulations of Mr. Fessenden are tainted with Chase's schemes and errors, and belong to the same school of monopoly permits and favoritism. They met with little favor, however. The President objected at the threshold to that part of the plan which threw upon him the odium, and labor, and responsibility of selecting the agents who were to proceed within the Rebel lines. Both he and Mr. Fessenden, however, started with the assumption, and as a settled fact, that the cotton within the Rebel lines must be sought for and brought out, trading on the part of the government with the enemy. The only difference between them was whether it should be by a few selected agents specially permitted, or whether it should be open to all who wished to trade with the Rebels. Mr. Fessenden's plan was the first, the President's was the last. All gave a preference to the President's plan, or view of opening the traffic to all if to any. Mr. Stanton stated some of the objections to traffic beyond our lines, and thought, if it were to be done, it should be in concurrence with the generals in the Departments.

Mr. Blair questioned the whole policy of trading with the enemy, or having dealings with them while in a state of war. The principles of absolute non-intercourse with those in arms which I have always maintained no one undertook now to controvert when suggested by Mr. Blair. The President explained his views were that extensive regions lay open where neither army was in possession, where there was an abundance of cotton which the parties or owners (non-belligerents) would bring forward, but the moment the cotton appeared, approaching a market, it was immediately seized and appropriated by our own soldiers and others. It was plunder. He desired to correct this, and wished Mr. Fessenden to so modify and so shape his regulations as to effect it.

The position of Mr. Blair I deem eminently correct as between people of different nations. But this is not our case; ours is not an ordinary war, and our great primary fundamental purpose is a restoration of the Union. Commercial intercourse is not one of the means of attaining that end. A large portion of the people in the Rebel region are not enemies of the Union; they sincerely desire its restoration and the benefits that would flow from it. Give them, whenever amicable, the opportunity. Promote friendly intercourse. Let the people in such portions of the country as are not strictly in military occupation come forward with their cotton and begin to feel that they are of us and we of them. Tennessee and Kentucky, northern Georgia and Alabama, the entire country bordering on the Mississippi, etc., etc., can thus, under skillful and right treatment be soon reclaimed. We want no frontiers.

The success of Sherman at Atlanta, following on that of Farragut at Mobile, has very much discomposed the opposition. They had planned for a great and onward demonstration for their candidate and platform, but our naval and army successes have embarrassed them exceedingly. General McClellan, in his letter of acceptance, has sent out a different and much more creditable and patriotic set of principles than the convention which nominated him; but the two are wholly irreconcilable. It will be impossible for Vallandigham, Wood, Tom Seymour, Long, Brooks, and men of that stripe to support McClellan without an utter abandonment of all pretensions to consistency or principle. Yet some of that class will be likely to adhere to him, while those who are sincere will not. But the letter will be likely to secure him more friends than he will lose by it.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 138-40

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 15, 1864

Admiral Farragut writes that his health is giving way under the great labor imposed and long-continued service in the Gulf and the Caribbean Sea. Says he must have rest and shore exercise. The Department had ordered him North to command the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron and capture Wilmington. These orders he had not received when his dispatch was written, and I am exceedingly embarrassed how to proceed. Fox tells me that Grant, with whom he has conversed, would not be satisfied with Lee. Grant had so said or intimated to him when Fox was sent with Gillmore to consult with Grant in regard to operations at Wilmington. My own convictions are that Lee is not the man for that. That kind of work is not in him, except under the immediate orders of another. He is true and loyal, prudent and cautious. Farragut would take the place three times while Lee was preparing, and hesitating, and looking behind for more aid. It pains me to distress him and the Blairs by detaching him and ordering another to the work, but individual feelings, partialities, and friendships must not be in the way of public welfare.

The importance of closing Wilmington and cutting off Rebel communication is paramount to all other questions, more important, practically, than the capture of Richmond. It has been impossible to get the War Department and military authorities to enter into the spirit of this work. They did not appreciate it. But they and Grant have now engaged in it, and Grant is persistent. Just at this crisis Farragut unfortunately fails. It is unavoidable, a necessity. He would not ask relief if not compelled to, and may try to obey the orders, though I think not; and if he offers to, I shall not, under the present aspect of affairs, accept the service from him. But who shall take his place? Lee is not the man, whatever his worth in other respects. Admiral Porter is probably the best man for the service, but his selection will cut Lee to the quick. Porter is young, and his rapid promotion has placed him in rank beyond those who were his seniors, some of whom it might be well to have in this expedition. But again personal considerations must yield to the public necessities. I think Porter must perform this duty. Neither Goldsborough nor Du Pont are men for such service. Nor is Davis. Dahlgren has some good qualities, but lacks great essentials and cannot be thought of for this command. His promotion is not and never will be popular with the Navy. Men as well as officers participate in this feeling. I regret it. I strove to have him suppress his aspirations as premature and not earned afloat. But it is difficult to reason with vain ambition. Dahlgren is not for such a duty the equal of Porter, even were he popular with the service and the country. I see no alternative but Porter, and, unprejudiced and unembarrassed, I should select him. The movement is secret, and I have no one to confer with but Fox, who is over-partial to Porter and whose opinion is foregone, and known already before asking.

Now, how to dispose of Lee? I think we must send him for the present to the West Gulf, and yet that is not strictly right, perhaps, to others. His harvest of prize money, I think, is greater than that of any other officer, and the West Gulf, should Wilmington be closed, will be likely, the war continues, to be the theatre of blockade-running. I think, however, Lee must, for a time at least, have the position.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 145-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 23, 1864

Received dispatches to-day from Admiral Farragut confirming intelligence received several days since through Rebel sources. The official account confirms my own previous impressions in regard to operations. Secretary Stanton in one of his bulletins represented that Fort Gaines had surrendered to General Granger and the army. It is shown that the proposition of Colonel Anderson, who commanded the fort, was to surrender to the fleet after the monitors had made an assault, that Admiral Farragut consulted with General Granger, that the terms were dictated from the squadron, that Colonel Anderson and Major Brown went on board the Admiral's vessel when the arrangement was consummated, etc.

Why should the Secretary of War try to deprive an officer like Farragut and the naval force of what is honestly their due? It is only one of many like occurrences during the War. I do not recollect a single instance of generous award to the Navy by Stanton or Halleck. Some will doubtless get in error by it, but I think the country mainly rightly appreciates it, and history may put all right. Not the history of this day and period; a generation at least must pass away before the errors, prejudices, and perversion of partisans will be dissipated, and the true facts be developed. I have had but brief opportunities to look into the so-called histories of the great events now passing, but the cursory examination which I have given let me see mountains of error, and much of it, I am sorry to say, was not unintentional on the part of the writers. Facts were made or worked to suit the partialities or prejudices of the person who professed to record them. Many in this day who read and hear of the capture of New Orleans believe it was taken by General Butler and the army, who were a hundred miles distant when the city surrendered, and it is obviously the purpose of the Secretary of War to so spread such an impression in regard to the capture of Fort Gaines, so that the Navy shall not have the credit.

It does not surprise nor grieve me that another and different class — the intense partisan - should wholly ignore the Navy Department in all naval victories. No word of credit is awarded us by them for the late achievement, yet I know the people are not wholly ignorant on the subject. Some of the more thoughtful will appreciate the labor and responsibility devolving on those who prepared the work, and furnished the means for the work in hand. Some credit is due for the selection of Farragut in the first instance. Mervine had been first assigned to command the blockade in the Gulf. I found when organizing the squadron at the commencement of the Rebellion that there was pressure and claim of usage for the senior officers. Many who were counted best had seceded and proved traitors. My thoughts turned to Gregory for that command, but Paulding, who was then the detailing officer, persuaded me to take Mervine. It was a mistake. Gregory is infinitely the better man. A few months satisfied me that Mervine, a worthy man doubtless, was good for nothing as an officer for such duties as the times required, and he was detached. He and his friends were greatly miffed and wanted a court of inquiry. Anxious to secure an efficient man for his successor, I consulted many and scrutinized carefully. The choice was eventually narrowed down to two, McKean and C. H. Bell. Foote, whom I consulted with others, after much hesitation inclined me to McKean, of whom I thought well from his promptness and patriotism immediately on his return from Japan in the Niagara. He was certainly an improvement on Mervine, but yet not the man, I was soon convinced, partly from ill health, — for the work that was wanted.

When the expedition to New Orleans was determined upon, the question as to who should have command of the naval forces became a subject of grave and paramount importance. I had heard that Farragut resided in Norfolk at the beginning of the troubles, but that he abandoned the place when Virginia seceded and had taken up his residence in the city of New York. The fact interested me. I had known something of him in Polk's administration, and his early connection with Commodore Porter was in his favor. All that I heard of him was to his credit as a capable, energetic, and determined officer, of undoubted loyalty. Admirals Joe Smith and Shubrick spoke well of him. The present Admiral D. D. Porter, who, with others, was consulted, expressed confidence in him, and as Porter himself was to take a conspicuous part in the expedition, it had an important influence. But among naval officers there was not a united opinion. Most of them, I think, while speaking well of Farragut, doubted if he was equal to the position, certainly not so well appointed a man as others, - but yet no one would name the man for a great and active campaign against Mobile or some other point. They knew not of New Orleans. After the question was decided, and, I believe, after Fox and D.D. Porter both wrote Farragut unofficially of his probable selection to command the new Gulf Squadron, I was cautioned in regard to the step I was taking. Senator Hale, when he learned the fact, asked me if I was certain of my man, — Southern born, a Southern resident, with a Southern wife, etc. Several Members of Congress questioned me closely; few knew Farragut, who had not then carved out a great name, and there was, I became conscious, a general impression or doubt whether I had not made a mistake. I will not follow the subject here. His works speak for themselves, and I am satisfied the selection was a proper one, probably the very best that could be made.

At that time Du Pont was in favor, almost a favorite. He had sought to be, or his friends had sought to have him, transferred to Washington to take the place of Paulding. Seward proposed it, and thought Paulding might be otherwise provided for, suggesting the navy yard at Philadelphia or Brooklyn, or a squadron. I did not assent to the arrangement, and the President, who saw I had some feeling on the subject, concurred with me emphatically. Seward said the subject had been brought to him by Winter Davis, — in other words, Du Pont.

I did not then, as I do now, know thoroughly either Davis or Du Pont. It was a skillful intrigue, yet it did not succeed. But the blockade, requiring a close and minute hydrographical knowledge of the coast, brought me in contact with Mr. Bache of the Coast Survey. Mr. Bache sought to make our acquaintance personal and intimate, and but for my unremitting and ceaseless devotion to pressing current duties I should have fully responded. But I had not time. I think he saw and appreciated it, and he intimated, not exactly proposed, a board to take up the subject of our Southern coast, its channels, approaches, inlets, and defenses in detail, and report to me. It struck me favorably, and Du Pont was put upon that board with him, was brought to Washington, and commenced forming a clique while reporting on the surveys of the coast. He moved with great skill, and I, being unsuspicious, was, I can perceive, to some extent deceived. But I think the ill success of the intrigue of H. Winter Davis and himself through Seward led Du Pont to the conclusion that he would not be likely to make head against me during this administration. He therefore changed his tactics, became greatly friendly and profoundly respectful, designing, if he could, to use me. To some extent he did so. Old Admiral Shubrick was his relative and patron. Mr. Fox was devoted to him, and I listened much to Fox as well as to Shubrick. Admiral Paulding, then here, was kindly disposed, as detailing officer, to second Du Pont, and Admiral Davis was his shadow. Of course with such surroundings, and with Du Pont himself, who became friendly, I think truly friendly, and almost deferential, I yielded much to his wishes and recommendations. It was early arranged that he should have a squadron to effect a lodgment at some port on the South Atlantic. Fernandina was much thought of, but Port Royal and Bull's Bay were mentioned. A division of the Atlantic Squadron, then commanded by Admiral Stringham, became indispensable, and Stringham himself, having taken offense, unwisely, at some order issued in my absence, proposed to resign just as the subject of dividing the squadron was taken up, which made the way clear for Du Pont. He took the Navy Register and made to a great extent his selection of officers. It was a Du Pont squadron emphatically. Poor Mercer, who had been his devoted friend, was detached from the Wabash, which was made Du Pont's flag-ship, and died of a broken heart. But neither Farragut nor David D. Porter were within the charmed circle. Du Pont had some jealousy, I saw, of Porter, but none of Farragut. I do not remember to have ever heard a complimentary remark of F. from Du Pont, but he evidently considered him a fair fighting officer, of ordinary standing, - not one of the élite, not of the Du Pont Navy. Of Porter he entertained a higher opinion, but he was no favorite, and, without any charge against him, I was given to understand that he was a troublesome fellow. . . .

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 114-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 30, 1864

Not much of interest at the Cabinet. Seward, Blair, and Bates absent from Washington. The capture of Fort Morgan is confirmed by accounts from Sherman.

Am trying to arrange for changes in command of our squadrons and of our navy yards. Something must be done to close the entrance to Cape Fear River and port of Wilmington. I give no credit to the newspaper gossip of connivance on the part of our naval officers with blockade-runners which many good men believe; but there is a want of effective action. Admiral Lee is true and loyal, careful, and circumspect almost to a fault, but, while vigilant, he has not dash and impetuous daring, and there seems some defect in the blockade which makes Wilmington appear an almost open port. It is true that blockade-running has become systematized into a business, and the ingenuity and skill of Englishmen and the resources of English capital are used without stint in assisting the Rebels.

I have been urging a conjoint attack upon Wilmington for months. Could we seize the forts at the entrance of Cape Fear and close the illicit traffic, it would be almost as important as the capture of Richmond on the fate of the Rebels, and an important step in that direction. But the War Department hangs fire, and the President, whilst agreeing with me, dislikes to press matters when the military leaders are reluctant to move.

Fox urges the immediate recall of Farragut and giving him the North Atlantic Squadron. But to withdraw Farragut from Mobile suddenly will give cause for censure. The country is expecting the capture of the city of Mobile. I do not think it an important object at this moment. We have the bay and have closed all communication from abroad. To capture the city will be difficult, very difficult if the army does not take the principal work in hand. If Farragut is recalled, the failure or omission to take the city will be imputed to the Navy Department. Besides, to withdraw Farragut and place him in the North Atlantic Squadron will be to advertise our object, and cause the Rebels to prepare for the work of defense. These and other considerations have weight, and prevent me from acting. It is important, however, that the port of Wilmington should be closed, and no effort should be spared to secure that object. Stanton expressed himself willing in our last conversation but doubted if General Grant could be brought into the movement just now, and was, I saw, disinclined himself to advise or recommend the measure. Have had some talk with Fox and sent him to urge Halleck and Stanton. He had an errand to perform with the President and proposed to open the subject to him also. As I had done so several times, and always found the President willing, and on the last two or three occasions solicitous, yet, like Stanton, deferring to Grant, I thought well of the proposition. It was suggested that Gillmore was at leisure or would be a good officer to command in such an expedition. I have a good opinion of Gillmore as a second officer and as an engineer or artillery officer, but his skill and strength in other respects and particularly in organizing and controlling men and planning and carrying out details of an important movement as chief are questionable, and therefore, I should, unless satisfied by competent men who know him better than I do, hesitate in regard to his selection. This is pretty plain and direct work, and he may succeed. Stanton has agreed to send for Gillmore and get his views. In some proposed changes of our squadron commands I find embarrassments. This one of taking Farragut from the West Gulf and transferring him to the North Atlantic is one. It will be a right and proper measure at the right time. But who shall succeed him? Dahlgren has asked to be relieved of his present command, which he earnestly sought, but I am doubtful about giving him the Western Gulf. Though I do not question his courage, which, however, is artificial, he evades responsibility, is craving in his demands, and profuse in expenditure. Fox has advised his transfer to the Mississippi, and that Porter should take Dahlgren's command. But this change does not suit me nor would it gratify either of those admirals. A second suggestion from Fox is that Porter should have command of a flying squadron for the defense of the coast and the West Indies which it is proposed to raise. This strikes me more favorably, provided he is to leave the Mississippi.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 127-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 9, 1864

At the Cabinet to-day there was no special business. Seward and Stanton were not present. Mr. Fessenden is absent in Maine. Governor Hahn of Louisiana was present a short time.

Alluding to the Niagara peace proceedings, the President expressed a willingness that all should be published. Greeley had asked it, and when I went into the President's room Defrees¹ was reading the proof of the correspondence. I have advised its entire publication from the first moment I had knowledge of it. Whether it was wise or expedient for the President to have assented to Greeley's appeal, or given his assent to any such irregular proceedings, is another thing, not necessary to discuss. Mr. Seward was consulted in this matter, and no other one was called in that I am aware. Mr. Fessenden says he happened, accidentally and uninvited, to come in and was knowing to it. No other member of the Cabinet was consulted, or advised with, until after the meeting took place at Niagara.

Fox left this p.m. for his annual vacation in New Hampshire. Faxon returned last Wednesday. The absence of either of them makes my duties more arduous.

General Averill is reported to have thrashed the raiders on the upper Potomac.

News of Farragut's having passed Forts Morgan and Gaines was received last night, and sent a thrill of joy through all true hearts. It is not, however, appreciated as it should be by the military. The President, I was sorry, spoke of it as important because it would tend to relieve Sherman. This is the narrow view of General Halleck, whom I tried to induce to make a joint demonstration against Mobile one year ago. He has done nothing new and only speaks of the naval achievement as a step for the army. While I regard the acts and opinions of Halleck as of little worth, I regret that from constant daily intercourse he should be able to imbue the President at times with false and erroneous notions. Halleck never awarded honest credit to the Navy; the President never knowingly deprived them of any merit. Yet I have mentioned the result.

Passing from the Executive Mansion to the Navy Department, I met the Count Gurowski, a Polish exile and a very singular man of most unhappy manners and temper. He has made himself obnoxious to almost everybody by constant and everlasting faultfinding and denunciation of almost everybody. Yet he has a strong but fragmentary mind with quite a retentive memory. Violent, self-opinionated, acrimonious, dissatisfied, he nevertheless has had great experience and often expresses opinions on questions that have passed and been disposed of that are sound and striking. They are, however, rather reminiscences of the opinions of others, reflections of their views, than original thoughts on his part. At least, such have been my conclusions of him. So far as I can judge, he has no proper discriminating powers, no just perceptions of character, is a creature of violent impulses and hatreds. Easily flattered, and as easily offended. A rough, uncouth bear, with no nice sense of honor, and when his prejudices are enlisted, has not a very great regard for truth, I fear.

He has just put out two volumes of a diary, in horrid style and bad English, commenting with great freedom on men and things, abusing in clumsy language almost all public characters. It so happens that I am one of the few that have escaped his assaults, without ever having courted favor, or, it seems, offended him. But shortly after the appearance of the last volume, a party was given by me to the Cabinet and to Congress. All my associates except Stanton he had coarsely abused and very many of the members. I did not think proper to invite the Count to meet these men, and he has exhibited unmistakable rage and disgust at the supposed slight. Of course, no cause of offense having been given, there is no way of appeasing this Polish bear. I have, therefore, not attempted it nor noticed his indignation. Meeting him to-day, as I have stated, he saw and recognized me, seemed to be embarrassed and to hesitate, then dropped his head and, turning off when within about fifty feet, he went far around, with his head bent over, shame and passion in his countenance. Poor Gurowski!

_______________ 

¹ John D. Defrees, the government printer.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 99-101