Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, May 17, 1866

Have been some indisposed, with a good deal to do. Fox is about leaving, but is managing and contriving to get position and go abroad with éclat. Seward has encouraged him in this, and it is not pleasant for me to oppose it, although the whole proceeding is wrong in my opinion, or rather is such as should not be encouraged. Faxon thinks the demonstration is, on the part of Fox, for self-glorification and with a design to steal fame at my expense. This may have some foundation, but I hope not, and believe not, in so aggravated a degree as Faxon and some others conjecture. The President spoke of this queer mission to-day in rather contemptuous terms, and said there were efforts on the part of some to glorify Fox as an indispensable part of the Government. I made the matter as pleasant as I well could to the President, for Fox has been useful and I wish him to have the full benefit of it. To me he has been respectful and always obedient and attentive. I do not believe he intends to arrogate anything at my expense. If he attempts it, time will correct it. His work, as I understand, is to be made the agent of some of the South American states in building some turreted vessels and perhaps others, and he fancies that by going across the Atlantic in the Miantonomah he shall obtain useful celebrity. This, in my opinion, is the impelling motive and he is not, perhaps, sufficiently considerate of myself and others in pressing forward his scheme.

Faxon does not believe that he intends to resign his place in the Department, but thinks that he means to resume his position here on his return. That cannot be and I am unwilling to believe he would, if he could, be guilty of the bad faith and duplicity that would be involved in such a procedure.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 509

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, May 21, 1866

Captain S. P. Lee called on me to-day respecting his orders to Mare Island. The President on Saturday showed me an application which Lee had made to him to be relieved from the orders and placed on leave for one year. Mr. Blair had left with me a similar paper, unsigned, however. The President inquired what he should do with the paper. I answered that it was an extraordinary application even if made to the Department, but more extraordinary in passing over the Department and applying to the President to rid himself of orders.

The President said he would refer the paper to me to dispose of. It reached me this A.M., and Lee followed it within half an hour. He showed a consciousness of manner in opening the subject, and made a half-turn apology for having gone to the President by saying, if he had not called on me, his father-in-law, Mr. Blair, had. I did not conceal from him my surprise at the unusual course he had pursued, the more so as his age, experience, and long attendance at Washington precluded any idea that it was the result of ignorance.

I told him that he had been favored and fortunate in some respects beyond any officer of his grade, perhaps beyond any officer in the service; that he could not expect to remain off duty while all others were on duty; that he had been eight months on waiting orders, and that no officer had asked a year's leave; that he assigned no reason, nor could I conceive of any that would justify such leave.

He said his case was peculiar and he wished to remain in Washington to attend to his promotion.

Then, said I, any officer would be entitled to the same privilege, and the service would soon be in a demoralized state; that I did not desire for his own reputation to see him seated at the threshold of the Executive Mansion, or at the door of the Senate, beseeching for undue favors; that he would do well to leave his case in the hands of the Department, as did other officers. He certainly would fare as well if away as if here.

The interview was long and unpleasant. Again this evening he has called at my house to repeat the same plea.

The President, I find, is by no means pleased with the steps that have been taken in regard to Fox's going to Russia. He thinks that injustice is designed towards me by Seward, certain Radicals, and by Fox himself. His surmises are probably correct, except as regards Fox, who does not wish to do me wrong, though, perhaps, not sufficiently considerate in his efforts for this mission; and on other occasions the same fault may appear.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 511-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, May 23, 1866

Fox called on me last evening and unexpectedly bade me farewell. Said he would not trust himself to call at the Department to-day. He was very much affected, said words were wanting to express his high respect and admiration for me and the qualities which I possessed for the position which I filled. Spoke of over five years' intercourse, during which there had not been one unpleasant word, nor, as he was aware, an unpleasant thought between us. I have not time now to speak of F. and his qualities, but shall do so. He has been useful to the country and to me, relieving me of many labors and defending me, I believe, always. His manner and ways have sometimes given offense to others, but he is patriotic and true.

The President and his Cabinet were serenaded this evening. I am opposed to these methods of calling out public men; have respectfully suggested to both Presidents Lincoln and Johnson that it was not advisable to address gatherings at such times, and was determined not to break over the rule myself. I had, therefore, given the subject no attention and was embarrassed when a crowd of perhaps a thousand appeared before my door with a band of music. Declining to make remarks, I stated that I approved the policy of the Administration and was for the union of the States and the rights of the States.

I understand Stanton read off a long address and McCulloch and Dennison each made speeches. The latter acquitted himself with credit, and Stanton read his prepared address from his door, a man standing each side of him with a lighted candle. Dennison made a soothing speech for the party; said everything was lovely. Speed ran away, and Harlan would not show himself.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 512-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, May 28, 1866

Events have crowded thick, and I have been unable to find time to record them. Judge Blair called on me yesterday with a request that I would, for his father's sake, revoke the orders of Captain Lee to Mare Island. Lee has been busy and mischievous in his intrigues to evade duty. I am told has seen every Senator but one and related his services and sorrows. As a last resort he threatens to take his wife and child to California and thus leave his father-in-law's family desolate. His persisting in this respect has made Mr. Blair, who is now seventy-five, sick and is likely to permanently affect his health.

Judge Montgomery Blair, who for nine years, he tells me, has not spoken to Lee, and who would, I have no doubt, feel relieved were Lee in California, earnestly requested for his father's sake, that the orders might be revoked. I finally told him that I would, with the approval of the President, to whom Lee himself had appealed, revoke them and place Lee on leave for two months. The President, on whom we called, assented, and I this morning sent Lee a revocation of the order to Mare Island. He knew the fact yesterday. Two hours after the order revoking his detail to Mare Island, I received a long communication of eight or ten foolscap pages, dated the 26th, accepting the order, and stating he should proceed to Mare Island by next steamer. I immediately wrote him that he was at liberty to go or remain, and that I made it optional with him to present a future claim for favor for indulgence granted.

The intrigues of this man to get his orders countermanded have been as wonderful as disgusting. His wife was made to harass her old father and threaten him with an interruption of domestic arrangement and family repose if he was not permitted to remain. Appliances and measures through others were used. My wife was compelled to listen to lamentations on account of the cruel orders of the Department. I called on the President the latter part of last week, and there were sixty or eighty children from the orphan asylum with the matron and others, and I was implored, for the children's sake, to revoke the orders, that Mrs. Lee could remain, for she was one of the managing directors of the school, etc., etc.

The President invited me to come and see him on Saturday. He was not reconciled to the arrangement in regard to Fox. We went over the whole subject, and I told him Fox had rendered great service, such as I thought would justify his visiting Europe for six months in behalf of the Department. Among other things the President has received from some quarter an impression that Fox is a Radical and strong in that interest. This, I think, is one of the intrigues of Lee, through the elder Blair.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 513-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, May 12, 1866

Moore, the President's Private Secretary, came to me on Wednesday, the 9th, by request of the President, who desired him to consult with me respecting orders recently issued to Captain S. P. Lee to take command at Mare Island Navy Yard. He said the elder Blair was very importunate on the subject and made it a personal matter. I told him I was aware of what Lee was procuring to be done through others, and that therein he was violating regulations and usage, but that it was characteristic of him. The orders to him were complimentary, for he had seniors who had prior claims, but I considered Lee a good yard officer. His case was peculiar. I had given him the command of the North Atlantic Squadron when other and older officers were entitled to the position. But, knowing that he had good business qualities, and that much that was improper was then being carried on in violation of blockade by Treasury men and by General Butler, I had purposely selected him for that position. The business portion of his duties were well performed, but as an officer he has not sufficient energetic fighting qualities. Some efforts towards getting possession of the entrance of [the] Cape Fear [River] and capturing Fort Fisher were proposed, but eventuated in nothing, and when the army finally indicated a willingness to join in a coöperative movement, the first step taken was to detach Lee. While in command, however, he had been wonderfully favored in procuring prize money, being entitled to one twentieth of all the captures on that extensive blockade. He had, consequently, accumulated a handsome fortune of over $150,000. With the fortune he now sought rank to which the Navy was opposed. I have been more blamed for favoritism to Lee than to any other officer. But while others blamed me for favors to Lee, he was dissatisfied because I did not give him promotion and was continually harassing my old friend his father-in-law to press his promotion. I had repeatedly assured Mr. Blair, as well as Lee, that it was impossible to gratify him. Both they and those opposed to him had done me injustice. I had in view the good of the service without partiality or prejudice.

I told Moore to tell the President that Lee had now had about nine months' waiting orders, that every officer of his grade was on duty, that he could not expect to escape duty and remain in the service; that his rank did not entitle him to a squadron, but it would be unpleasant for him after having acted as rear-admiral to take a single ship and go under the command of another. I had, therefore, given him the California shore station, to which, however, he was not entitled, but as a compromise under the peculiar circumstances. But this duty he was trying to evade through political influence, and, instead of coming to the Department, he was intriguing and operating through his father-in-law and annoying the President. I requested him to communicate the facts in full to the President, for I desired him to know them and would myself speak to him on the subject.

At a caucus of the Republican members of the Connecticut Legislature General Ferry on the seventh ballot was nominated. Senator Foster had been confident of a reelection, but there never was a case worse managed. His friends went into a caucus without qualification, having Governor Buckingham and Ferry for competitors. B. was from the same town with Foster, and the contest consequently had a personal bearing. Ferry, being from the western part, slipped in between them. I had told Dixon and had written to some friends that the struggle would be likely to eventuate in Ferry's nomination.

Babcock and Sperry of New Haven have undertaken to manage the matters, and they have, as I expected they would, made a failure. They have been afraid of dividing the party, and, as the Radicals outnumber them in the organization, they must go against their conviction and do wrong. I do not believe there is vim enough among the friends of Johnson to make a stand in this matter. Babcock has run his head into a bag and taken others with him. He is afraid to withdraw it lest he should see something. By this action he has demoralized the members.

Fox is bewildered with the idea of going out in his official capacity as Assistant Secretary of the Navy to Europe. I am sorry to see so much self-glorification. But he is stimulated by Seward, Grimes, and others.

Old Mr. Blair came in to-day and had more than an hour's talk with me in behalf of Lee. I went over the ground with him, as I did with Moore. "But," said Mr. Blair, "I ask as a favor to myself, who have labored here in Washington for thirty-five years without office, that Lee may have a position in Washington." He said his sons, Montgomery and Frank, had been sacrificed, and he asked me as an old friend to spare Lee. I told him I was willing to do anything in my power for him or either of his sons, but I could not depart from what is right and the usages of the service; that Lee had been guilty of great impropriety in procuring him to take up his cause with the President or myself; that Lee had received special favors, had become rich in a place which others believed justly theirs, and that they had imputed his success to the Blair influence; that, were I to give Lee position here in one of the bureaus, as he, Mr. Blair, requested, or were I to give him promotion as asked, it would cause great dissatisfaction in the service, and be charged to the Blairs; that I, as a friend, was unwilling that discontent against them should be incurred for Lee; that he ought not to absorb their influence nor strive to get court favor at their expense.

Mr. Blair claimed that Lee stood next to Farragut and Porter in the Navy and ought to be made an admiral; says he would have been but for Fox, and named some things against Fox which I told him were incorrect. At length he drew out an application from Lee, but not signed though in his handwriting, asking a year's leave. I told him it was an extraordinary application, such as no one of his rank had made, and that Lee must know it was improper. He could not think, after his great pecuniary success, of remaining idle in the service, nor must he strive to evade its duty. If he declined the Navy Yard at Mare Island, he might take Pensacola, or he might have a good ship, but he must not decline service after nine months' leisure. I told him I could do better for Lee if absent than if here, that whatever I had done for him had been unsolicited and when he was away.

Mr. Blair deprecated the desolation of his house from this order to move; said his daughter and grandchildren would leave him, and he and his old woman would pack up and go to California also, which was very hard at seventy-five. I said that neither he, his wife, nor daughter would go, that he had been urged to this application by this improper view.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 504-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, March 7, 1866

I have addressed a letter concerning League Island, communicating the report of Mr. Fox, the Assistant Secretary, who visited Philadelphia with the Naval Committee. The improvidence and neglect of Congress on this subject shows how unreliable all legislation is for the public interest in high party times. By an intrigue Brandegee of New London was placed on the Naval Committee. Colfax purchased his support by that appointment, and the displacement of English, an act of dissimulation and discourtesy to me personally as well as a sacrifice of the public interest. Brandegee wants the navy yard at New London because he lives there and it is his home, not for the public interest and the national welfare, and for that narrow, selfish, low object the Navy and the country are sacrificed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 445-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, January 17, 1866

Mr. Fox, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, informed me some days since of an offer which he had for the presidency of the new steamboat line about to be established between New York and San Francisco. I regret to lose him from the Department, where, notwithstanding some peculiarities which have caused dissatisfaction with a few, he is of almost invaluable service, and he has in him a great amount of labor. He has a combination of nautical intelligence and common sense such as can hardly be found in another, and we have worked together with entire harmony, never in a single instance having had a misunderstanding. I have usually found his opinions sensible and sound. When I have had occasion to overrule his opinions, he has acquiesced with a readiness and deference which won my regard. His place I cannot make good in some respects. Faxon, Chief Clerk, would be as great a loss to me, in some particulars greater,—but there are certain subjects wherein Fox, from his naval experience, is superior to any man who can be readily found.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 418

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, December 23, 1865

R. J. Meigs called on me by request of the President in relation to Captain Meade, who is under suspension, having been convicted and sentenced last May. He now, through his friend Meigs, appeals to the President. I told him there was no appeal. He could have a pardon from the President, or perhaps he could order the proceedings to be set aside.

A late general order prohibiting officers from coming to Washington without permission troubles Meade, who claims this is his residence and that he is here on private business. Fox protests against his being here intriguing and annoying the President, Department, Congress, and others, and has appealed to me earnestly and emphatically to order Meade to leave Washington, but it is one of those cases which we cannot enforce arbitrarily, although no injustice would be done. He has some excuse for being in Washington, and we must not be tyrants.

Governor Pease left to-day. His brother John went three or four days since. Yesterday, when all the others had withdrawn from the Cabinet council but the President, Seward, and myself, and perhaps Chandler, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, who had been present, Seward inquired if there was any truth in the report or rumor that Stanton had left, or was about to leave, the Cabinet. The President replied warmly, as it seemed to me, that he had not heard of any such rumor. Seward said it was so stated in some of the papers, but he had supposed there was nothing in it, for he and Stanton had an understanding to the effect that Stanton would remain as long as he did, or would give him notice if he changed. The President said he presumed it was only rumor, that he reckoned there was not much in it; he had heard nothing lately and we might as well keep on for the present without any fuss. Seward said he knew Stanton had talked this some time ago. "I reckon that is all," said the President.

Seward had an object in this talk. He knows Stanton's views and thoughts better than the President does. The inquiry was not, therefore, for information on that specific point. If it was to sound the President, or to draw out any expression from me, he wholly failed, for neither gave him an explicit reply.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 402-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, December 9, 1865

Mr. Fox informed me a day or two since that he had an offer of the charge of a coal company in Pennsylvania. Thinks they will give him very high pay. Will not go unless they do. He spoke of it again to-day. Wishes to go to Pennsylvania for a few days next week. I should personally regret to lose either him or Faxon. Each seems indispensable to me. It would be a job to train others.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 393-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, August 21, 1865

I took a ride yesterday with Governor Dennison to Silver Spring and had a pleasant interview of a couple of hours with the elder Blair. He has great political sagacity, tact, and ability and watches with keen eyes the movements of men and parties. I find his views in most respects correspond with my own as to demonstrations now being made by ultra-partisans. He attributes much to Stanton, and suggested that General Grant ought to be made Secretary of War. Therein I differed from him. General Rousseau called on me to-day in behalf of Commander Pendergrast, who has been suspended by court martial for two years. The sentence I have thought severe and intended to mitigate it. Admiral Porter, as well as General R., thinks P. has been sufficiently punished; says Fox has been a little vindictive in the matter. This I am unwilling to believe, although Fox has remonstrated on two occasions, when I have had the case under consideration. Pendergrast says that most of the court which tried him were retired officers, placed on the retired list by the board of which his uncle, the late Commodore P., was a member, and that they as well as others have supposed that he was a son instead of nephew of the Commodore, and he is apprehensive there was a prejudice against him on that account.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 364-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: September 28, 1865

I have been absent during most of the month of September in my native State and among the scenes of my childhood and youth. Change is there. Of the companions who fifty years ago it was my pleasure to love, and who I truly believe loved me, few, only few, remain, while of those who were in middle life or more advanced age, men who encouraged and stood by me, who voluntarily elected me to the Legislature when I was but twenty-four, scarcely one remains. Their children and grandchildren to some extent occupy their places, but a different class of persons have come into the old town and much altered its character.

Little of importance has transpired during the month. The rebellious States are reorganizing their governments and institutions, — submitting to results they could not arrest or avert. In the Free States, political conventions have been held and movements made to revivify old parties, and, on the part of the extremists, or Radicals, an exhibition of intense hate towards the Rebels which bodes mischief has manifested itself.

In New York an extraordinary step, a coup d'état, was taken by the Democratic organization, which indorsed President Johnson and nominated Union men to some of the most important places on the ticket. A counter move was made by the Union party, which nominated an entire new ticket, and passed resolutions not remarkable in any respect.

The Massachusetts Republican convention did not like to take ground antagonistic to the Administration, although the leaders, particularly Sumner and his friends, cannot suppress their hostile feelings. Their resolutions, adopted at Worcester, are very labored, and abound more in words than distinct ideas, reminding one of the old woman who wished to scream but dared not.

In Connecticut the question of amending the State Constitution so as to erase the word "white" is pending. Some feeling among the old Abolitionists and leading politicians was exhibited, and they may, and probably will, work up some feeling in its favor; but generally the people are indifferent or opposed to it. But for the national questions before the country, the amendment would be defeated; the probabilities appeared to me in its favor. I avoided interfering in the question or expressing an opinion on the subject, but the partisans are determined to draw me out. It is asserted in the Times that I am opposed to negro suffrage. Two of the editors deny this and have so written me. I replied in a hasty note that no one was authorized to say I had expressed opposition to it. Since then I have had a telegram from the editor of the Press, Warner, asking if I am in favor of negro suffrage. Disliking to be catechized in this way and not disposed to give a categorical answer, I replied that I was in favor of intelligence, not of color for qualification for suffrage. The truth is I have little or no feeling on the subject, and as we require that the electors shall read, and have few negroes in Connecticut, I acquiesce in, rather than advocate, the amendment. I would not enslave the negro, but his enfranchisement is another question, and until he is better informed, it is not desirable that he should vote. The great zeal of Sumner and the Abolitionists in behalf of the negro voting has no responsive sympathy with me. It is a species of fanaticism, zeal without discretion. Whenever the time arrives that he should vote, the negro will probably be permitted. I am no advocate for social equality, nor do I labor for political or civil equality with the negro. I do not want him at my table, nor do I care to have him in the jury-box, or in the legislative hall, or on the bench. The negro does not vote in Connecticut, nor is he taxed. There are but a few hundreds of them. Of these perhaps not half can read and consequently cannot vote, while, if the restriction is removed, all will be taxed.

Judge Blair came to see me the day after I came back. He is preparing a reply to Judge Holt. During my absence the papers have published a statement made by Mr. Fox in relation to the Sumter expedition, which was sent to the Senate as an appendix to my reply to a call of the Senate, but that body declined to receive F.'s statement. It comes in now, aptly, with Blair's speech, and will doubtless be considered a part of the scheme. General Meigs hastened too fast to reply in order to assure Mr. Seward.

There are serious mistakes or blunders in Meigs's letter, which, however, will doubtless be corrected. Blair wished to get the armistice signed by Holt, Toucey, and Mallory, and asked if I remembered it. I told him I did, and that we had it on our files. But on sending for the volume I find it is only a copy. Yet my convictions were as positive as Blair's that the original was in the Navy Department. I thought I remembered the paper distinctly, its color and general appearance, but the copy does not correspond with my recollection, yet I cannot doubt it is the paper which I saw. From this difference I am admonished of the uncertainty and fallibility of human testimony.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 372-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, July 24, 1865

On Saturday evening I went with the President (whose health is suffering from excessive labor and care) and Preston King down the Potomac and took a sail yesterday in the Bay, returning last evening to Washington. Mr. Fox and Mr. Faxon accompanied us, also Wright Rives, the President's private secretary, also Dr. Duval. It was a small, pleasant, quiet party, intended to promote health and strength, especially to the President, who permits himself to be overtaxed.

The great iron ram Dunderberg was launched on Saturday. The papers give details of the vessel from its inception to the launch, but much of it warped. Among other things it is said the Navy Department entered upon the construction of this ship with great reluctance. It was after deliberate consideration. If it had been stated that I engaged in this work and made this contract with great caution and circumspection it would have been true. At the time this decision was made and the vessel commenced, a foreign war was feared. We had a large defensive force, but not as many and formidable vessels as we should need in the event of a war with a maritime power.

We had contracted for the Dictator and the Puritan, turreted vessels, which, if completed, would break up any attempted blockade of our harbors or coasts, but we could not cruise with them. Admiral Smith urged that one of these vessels should be of iron, the other of wood. The Assistant Secretary, Mr. Fox, was urgent and persistent for the construction of four vessels. Mr. Lenthall was not partial to the turreted form of vessel. I decided in favor of two, and but two, and the Dictator and the Puritan were the results of that decision. I have since wished that one of these vessels was of wood, as Admiral Smith proposed, and I have rejoiced that I did not yield to the appeals for more. Probably those who urged the construction of more are glad also.

The Dunderberg was a different description of vessel. Mr. Webb had been importuned to build a large vessel for the government and was urged as the best man for such a contract in the country by numbers of the first men in New York and elsewhere. While glad to have the indorsement of such men, I by no means entered into a contract to oblige them or Mr. Webb, who, I have no doubt, procured the names by solicitation. In view of what was being done by England and France, and of the then condition of our affairs, I felt that we might need such a vessel. So feeling, I came to the conclusion that Mr. Webb was the best builder with whom I could contract, offered the best terms, and, under the circumstances, his plan, though exceptionable, was perhaps the best, with some modifications. These he made, reserving the turrets, to which Mr. Lenthall strongly objected, and which he predicted Mr. Webb would wish to abandon before the ship was completed. Events have verified his anticipations. These are some of the facts in regard to the Dunderberg. I take no special pride in the vessel, and could I have the money which she costs, I should prefer it to the vessel. Yet I feel assured I did right in ordering her to be built. We could not, in the crowded condition of the yards, attempt to build her in either of them.

In the violent assaults of Winter Davis and others upon the Department, I was accused of not having a navy of formidable vessels. I had vessels for the purposes then wanted. Ships of a more expensive and formidable character, like the Dunderberg, could not be built in a day. Now, when they are likely not to be wanted, and when they are drawing near completion, the same class of persons abuse me for what I have done towards the building up of a formidable navy. But one must not expect to escape the abuse and unjust attacks of demagogues. I certainly ought not to complain, for the country has nobly stood by me through all the misrepresentation and detraction of the malicious and ungenerous who have made it a point to assail me. Conscious that I have tried to do my duty, I have borne with patience.

I called on the President in relation to the Navy Agent in Washington, Brown, whose term expires on the 27th inst. Last winter, it was understood between Mr. Lincoln and myself that paymasters should hereafter perform the duty of Navy Agents, and thus save the expense of that class of officers. But about the 4th of March Vice-President Hamlin made a special appeal in behalf of Brown, and in view of Hamlin's disappointments and retirement, the good Mr. Lincoln had not the stamina to refuse him, or to say to him that it conflicted with a policy which he had deliberately adopted. My relations with Hamlin were such that I could not very well argue this point, and the President could modify or yield his own opinions. He understood my embarrassment and addressed me a note, stating his pledge inconsiderately made to Hamlin. I have submitted this note and the circumstances to President Johnson. He concurs with me, and is also somewhat embarrassed from delicacy, in consequence of his attitude towards Hamlin, whom he superseded. I suggested that he might oblige Hamlin by giving some other place to Brown or to any one else whom H. should name. This met his approval, and he suggested that I should have a letter prepared to H. for him, the President, to sign. I proposed speaking to Brown himself, stating the general policy of appointing no Navy Agent, and that, by acquiescing, the President would feel disposed to consider him and Hamlin favorably. He liked this, and I accordingly stated the case to Brown soon after, who was a good deal flurried and not prepared to decide whether he would resign or let his appointment run out and another be appointed, but would inform me on Wednesday.

While with the President, I remonstrated on his severe labors which are over-tasking his system. The anterooms and halls above and below were at the time a good deal crowded. He said he knew not what to do with these people; that a large delegation from Maryland had just left him, having called in relation to appointments in that State and here.

We had some conversation in regard to the Baltimore officers and Maryland matters and differences which there existed. The combination against the Blairs is fed and stimulated from Maryland). I expressed myself very decidedly for the Blairs, whom I had long known and who are true men. To which he fully responded and made the remark that they were true to their friends always, quality ever to be commended.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 340-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, August 2, 1865

 General Butler called on me to-day. Came direct from the Executive Mansion. Says the President is no better. He could not see him. Is confined to his room, indeed he every day confines himself to the house and room. General B. was very much inclined to talk on public affairs, and evidently intends taking an active part in the rising questions. Much of our conversation related to Jeff Davis and General Lee, both of whom he would have tried, convicted, and executed. Mild and lenient measures, he is convinced, will have no good effect on the Rebels. Severity is necessary.

Cameron called on me with his friend for the twentieth time at least, in relation to two appointments in the Philadelphia Navy Yard. He does not conceal from me, nor probably from any one, that he intends to be a candidate for the Senate. Hence his vigilance in regard to certain appointments, and he has prevailed in the Treasury and in the Post Office, against the combined efforts of all the Members of Congress. In sustaining, as he does, the policy of the President he shows sagacity. Kelley and the Members, but especially K., have shot wild on negro suffrage. There is a strong pressure towards centralism at this time. Many sensible men seem to be wholly oblivious to constitutional barriers and restraints, and would have the Federal government assume authority to carry out their theories. General Butler, to-day, speaks of the Rebel States as dead. I suggested that it was a more correct theory to consider them as still States in and of the Union, but whose proper constitution functions had been suspended by a conspiracy and rebellion. He said that was pretty much his view.

Chief Engineer Stimers sends in his resignation. I had given him orders to the Powhatan, and he does not wish to go to sea.

Unfortunately Stimers has got into difficulty with Lenthall and Isherwood; others, perhaps, are in fault. Stimers rendered good service in the first Monitor, and afterwards at Charleston, for which I felt under obligations to him, and did not hesitate to express it. Subsequently, when preparing to build the light-draft monitors, he and the Assistant Secretary took the subject in hand. Stimers became intoxicated with his own importance. While I supposed the Naval Constructor and Chief Engineer, to whose bureaus it belonged, were prosecuting the subject, under advisement with Mr. Ericsson, it appeared that these men had been ignored. When my attention was called to the question, Lenthall and Isherwood informed me that they had been excluded, and I then, for the first time, was made aware that Ericsson was on bad terms with Stimers and the two had no personal intercourse.

Inquiring into proceedings, I found serious difficulties existed, requiring essential modifications and a large increase of expenditure to make the vessels efficient or capable of flotation with their armament. No one, however, was willing to take the responsibility for the mistake committed. I was to bear the whole, and I had been deceived and kept uninformed of the whole proceeding.

Stimers and Fox, had, I think, connived that they could do this work independent of the proper officers and perhaps of Ericsson; probably hoped to acquire reputation. Their plan was kept from my knowledge, although the work was done in my name.

Lenthall and Isherwood culpably withheld from me information of what was being done; were vexed with Fox and Stimers, and were willing they should become involved, because a slight had been shown them. When I was made aware of the facts, I called all to an account. Fox and Stimers placed the blame on Lenthall and Isherwood, and when I called these latter gentlemen to account they plead ignorance and disclosed the whole truth. The whole thing was disgracefully improper and wrong.

In the mean time, the enemies of the Department, having got hold of the failure, opened their batteries, and I was compelled to encounter them for the follies and errors of my subordinates. On the whole, I succeeded in extricating the Department from very serious difficulties, and got a tolerable vindication before Congress, but I look upon the whole transaction as the most unfortunate that has taken place during my administration of the Navy Department.

The Assistant Secretary was probably more in fault than any other. It was his specialty. He expected great successes, where he had a great failure. Stimers was implicated about as deeply, but Stimers became intoxicated, overloaded with vanity. Neither of them, nor both combined, were competent for what they undertook. The glory was to have been theirs, the responsibility was mine.

The bureau officers failed in their duty in not informing me. I so told them and they each admitted it. Lenthall did so repeatedly and with many regrets, with much suppressed indignation that Fox should shrink from an honest, open avowal of his responsibility.

Stimers I have treated kindly. He is more weak than wicked, not devoid of talents, though Lenthall and Isherwood deny him any ability. But I know he has some capability and I do not forget his services in the turreted vessels.

While Fox would give him special favor, and the others would grant him none, I would treat Stimers kindly but justly. He has wanted shore duty entirely. Under existing circumstances it is better he should get afloat. Fox and Stimers had arranged that Admiral Gregory should employ Stimers on gun-carriages, and the Admiral was persuaded to apply for him. I set the whole aside, and told Fox Stimers must go to sea. He assented to the correctness of my views, but hoped that I would not permit the enmity of L. and I. to crush Stimers. I assured him not, and gave Stimers the Powhatan. The return mail brings his resignation. I cannot do otherwise than to accept it.

Talked over the whole subject with Captain Drayton,¹ who concurs in my views. Had also a full interchange of views concerning Wilkes, whom he characterizes as the most insubordinate man in the Navy, insolent to his superiors, and the most arrogant and exacting to his subordinates. We also agreed in regard to Admiral Davis as an amiable man, a feeble officer, of some literary acquirements, but Drayton says very little pretensions to science.

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 ¹ Chief of the Bureau of Navigation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 348-351

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 5, 1865

Captain Drayton died last night. The nation is not aware of the loss it has sustained. There will be difficulty in finding an equally good man for his position. Truthful, intelligent, discriminating, with no partialities or prejudices that were allowed to interfere with his duties, he was invaluable.

I recall more distinctly our last interview and conversation on the Wednesday before he died. He took great interest in the Naval Academy. Thought Porter well adapted for the place at this time when rigor and renovation were wanted. Blake he considered no disciplinarian, too much of a courtier, not severely and sternly truthful. I remarked to him that I had at one time thought of Foote as a proper successor to Blake, but it was before he was made an Admiral. He said that Foote had some excellent qualities but was not, perhaps, full up to the position. Knowing that Raymond Rodgers and Drayton had been pets of Du Pont, I thought it a good time to ascertain how far he had permitted himself to be mixed up with the Du Pont clique. Drayton said promptly and at once that Rodgers was not adapted to the post, that it would have been unfortunate to have given it to him. I told him I had become aware of that, though at one time partial to him for the position, chiefly on the recommendation of Du Pont, strongly favored and indorsed by Fox; but when I came personally to know more of Rodgers, and see how he chose to identify himself without reason with Du Pont's controversy – become a partisan – and to quarrel with the Department for no cause, [I saw] that it would not do to appoint him. In all this canvassing of characters there was coincidence of views between us, even when I had previously supposed there was a difference. It was no conforming of his opinions to mine, for Drayton was truthful; though modest, he was independent and frank.

I authorized Admiral Porter to take charge of the funeral ceremonies, as we heard nothing from his relatives and friends. Telegrams were again sent to Alexander Hamilton, Jr., also to relatives at Hyde Park, informing of Drayton's decease.

I called to see the President, but his family had just arrived from Tennessee, and, he not being well, I deferred my business, which was, among other things, to deliver a letter sent to me by Mrs. James K. Polk.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 353-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: May 13 & 14, 1865

The piratical ram Stonewall has reached Nassau and is anchored in the outer harbor, from which our vessels are excluded. The State Department promise decisive measures with Sir Frederick Bruce and the British authorities.

Extraordinary efforts are made, in every quarter where it is supposed influence can be felt, to embarrass the Navy Department and procure favor for Henderson, Navy Agent, whose trial is near. G. W. Blunt has come on from New York for the express purpose of getting the case postponed, by inducing the Department to interfere. Told Blunt the case had gone to the courts and I could not undertake to interfere and direct the courts in the matter. The attorneys had the case in hand. Blunt requested me not to give a positive refusal till Monday. In the mean time Preston King called on me on Sunday, as I ascertained at the request of Blunt. King had, on two previous occasions, conversed with me on the subject, and then and now fully concurred in the propriety and correctness of my course. Mr. Lowrey, brother-in-law of Fox, has written the latter entreating him to favor Henderson, saying I would yield, if Fox would only take ground for H. Morgan has written me begging I will not incur the resentment of the editors of the Post by insisting on the prosecution. I am urged to do wrong in order to let a wrongdoer escape.

Intelligence was received this morning of the capture of Jefferson Davis in southern Georgia. I met Stanton this Sunday P.M. at Seward's, who says Davis was taken disguised in women's clothes. A tame and ignoble letting down of the traitor.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 305-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 28, 1865

Edgar, Fox, and others left to-day for a trip on the Santiago de Cuba, to Havana, Charleston,

etc., etc. They were to return by the 15th prox., but will hardly get back before the 17th.

The President being absent on a visit to the army near Richmond, there was to-day no Cabinet-meeting.

Comptroller Taylor declines to pass requisitions, and refuses to obey the Secretary of the Treasury; will act on the order of the President. I see not the distinction. If illegal, the order of the President does not legalize it.

The strict letter of the law is doubtless with the Comptroller in this matter of drawing money before the commencement of the fiscal year. But, unfortunately for him, he has acted otherwise and the usage of himself and predecessor, Comptroller Whittlesey, under Mr. Secretary, now Chief Justice, Chase, have been wholly different. Mr. Taylor said yesterday that he did not pass requisitions last year, that the appropriation bill did not pass until after the commencement of the fiscal year. But he is mistaken. The appropriation was covered into the Treasury in May, and we had drawn, and he had passed, over four millions before the 1st of July. He has this year paid over one million before he accidentally discovered that his action conflicted with the law. The Secretary of the Treasury sent to notify me that a draft for ten thousand dollars on “Pay of the Navy” was presented by Riggs & Co., and desired to know if I would not pay from some other appropriation. I declined to do the illegal act and complicate and embarrass accounts.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 267-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, March 30, 1865

The President still remains with the army. Seward yesterday left to join him. It was after I saw him, for he was then expecting the President would return last evening or this morning. Stanton, who was present, remarked that it was quite as pleasant to have the President away, that he (Stanton) was much less annoyed. Neither Seward nor myself responded. As Seward left within less than three hours after this interview, I think the President must have telegraphed for him, and, if so, I come to the conclusion that efforts are again being made for peace.

I am by no means certain that this irregular proceeding and importunity by the Executive is the wisest course. Yet the President has much shrewdness and sagacity. He has been apprehensive that the military men are not very solicitous to close hostilities, — fears our generals will exact severe terms.

Mr. Faxon left this p.m. for Connecticut. His absence and that of Mr. Fox and Edgar will make my labors exceedingly arduous for the next fortnight, for Faxon will not return until week after next, and the others the week following.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 269

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, March 1, 1865

Judge J. T. Hale called on me to say he had had a conversation with the President and had learned from him that I had his confidence and that he intended no change in the Navy Department. He said a great pressure had been made upon him to change. I have no doubt of it, and I have at no time believed he would be controlled by it. At no time have I given the subject serious thought.

Mr. Eads and Mr. Blow inform me that Brandagee in his speech, while expressing opposition to me for not favoring New London for a navy yard, vindicated my honesty and obstinacy, which Blaine or some one impugned. Blaine is a speculating Member of Congress, connected, I am told, with Simon Cameron in some of his projects, and is specially spiteful towards the Navy Department. I do not know him, even by sight, though he has once or twice called on me. Some one has told me he had a difficulty with Fox. If so, the latter never informed me, and when I questioned him he could not recollect it.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 250

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, March 2, 1865

Had a houseful of visitors to witness the inauguration. Speaker Colfax is grouty because Mrs. Welles has not called on his mother, — a piece of etiquette which Seward says is proper. I doubt it, but Seward jumps to strange conclusions.

Hale, as I expected he would, made an assault on Fox's appendix to my reply, and denounces it as egotistical autobiography, and is determined it shall not be printed. The poor fellow seems not aware that he is advertising and drawing attention to what he would suppress.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 250-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 14, 1865

The President was some indisposed and in bed, but not seriously ill. The members met in his bedroom. Seward had a paper for excluding blockade-runners and persons in complicity with the Rebels from the country.

John P. Hale's appointment to Spain was brought up. Seward tried to gloss it over. Wanted Hale to call and see me and make friends with Fox. Hale promised he would, and Seward thought he might get a passage out in a government vessel.

The capture and destruction of a large amount of tobacco at Fredericksburg has created quite a commotion. It was a matter in which many were implicated. Several have called on me to get permission to pass the blockade or have a gunboat to convoy them. One or more have brought a qualified pass from the President. Colonel Segar, the last of them, was very importunate. I told him, as I have all others, that I should not yield in this matter; that I was opposed on principle to the whole scheme of special permits to trade and had been from the time that Chase commenced it; that I was no believer in the policy of trading with public enemies, carrying on war and peace at the same time. Chase was the first to broach and introduce this corrupting and demoralizing scheme, and I have no doubt he expected to make political capital by it. His course in this matter does much to impair my confidence in him. It was one of many not over scrupulous intrigues. Fessenden followed in the footsteps of Chase, not from any corrupt motives, nor for any political or personal aspirations, but in order to help him in financial matters. He had a superficial idea that cotton would help him get gold, — that he must get cotton to promote trade and equalize exchange.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 257-8