Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, August 2, 1865

 General Butler called on me to-day. Came direct from the Executive Mansion. Says the President is no better. He could not see him. Is confined to his room, indeed he every day confines himself to the house and room. General B. was very much inclined to talk on public affairs, and evidently intends taking an active part in the rising questions. Much of our conversation related to Jeff Davis and General Lee, both of whom he would have tried, convicted, and executed. Mild and lenient measures, he is convinced, will have no good effect on the Rebels. Severity is necessary.

Cameron called on me with his friend for the twentieth time at least, in relation to two appointments in the Philadelphia Navy Yard. He does not conceal from me, nor probably from any one, that he intends to be a candidate for the Senate. Hence his vigilance in regard to certain appointments, and he has prevailed in the Treasury and in the Post Office, against the combined efforts of all the Members of Congress. In sustaining, as he does, the policy of the President he shows sagacity. Kelley and the Members, but especially K., have shot wild on negro suffrage. There is a strong pressure towards centralism at this time. Many sensible men seem to be wholly oblivious to constitutional barriers and restraints, and would have the Federal government assume authority to carry out their theories. General Butler, to-day, speaks of the Rebel States as dead. I suggested that it was a more correct theory to consider them as still States in and of the Union, but whose proper constitution functions had been suspended by a conspiracy and rebellion. He said that was pretty much his view.

Chief Engineer Stimers sends in his resignation. I had given him orders to the Powhatan, and he does not wish to go to sea.

Unfortunately Stimers has got into difficulty with Lenthall and Isherwood; others, perhaps, are in fault. Stimers rendered good service in the first Monitor, and afterwards at Charleston, for which I felt under obligations to him, and did not hesitate to express it. Subsequently, when preparing to build the light-draft monitors, he and the Assistant Secretary took the subject in hand. Stimers became intoxicated with his own importance. While I supposed the Naval Constructor and Chief Engineer, to whose bureaus it belonged, were prosecuting the subject, under advisement with Mr. Ericsson, it appeared that these men had been ignored. When my attention was called to the question, Lenthall and Isherwood informed me that they had been excluded, and I then, for the first time, was made aware that Ericsson was on bad terms with Stimers and the two had no personal intercourse.

Inquiring into proceedings, I found serious difficulties existed, requiring essential modifications and a large increase of expenditure to make the vessels efficient or capable of flotation with their armament. No one, however, was willing to take the responsibility for the mistake committed. I was to bear the whole, and I had been deceived and kept uninformed of the whole proceeding.

Stimers and Fox, had, I think, connived that they could do this work independent of the proper officers and perhaps of Ericsson; probably hoped to acquire reputation. Their plan was kept from my knowledge, although the work was done in my name.

Lenthall and Isherwood culpably withheld from me information of what was being done; were vexed with Fox and Stimers, and were willing they should become involved, because a slight had been shown them. When I was made aware of the facts, I called all to an account. Fox and Stimers placed the blame on Lenthall and Isherwood, and when I called these latter gentlemen to account they plead ignorance and disclosed the whole truth. The whole thing was disgracefully improper and wrong.

In the mean time, the enemies of the Department, having got hold of the failure, opened their batteries, and I was compelled to encounter them for the follies and errors of my subordinates. On the whole, I succeeded in extricating the Department from very serious difficulties, and got a tolerable vindication before Congress, but I look upon the whole transaction as the most unfortunate that has taken place during my administration of the Navy Department.

The Assistant Secretary was probably more in fault than any other. It was his specialty. He expected great successes, where he had a great failure. Stimers was implicated about as deeply, but Stimers became intoxicated, overloaded with vanity. Neither of them, nor both combined, were competent for what they undertook. The glory was to have been theirs, the responsibility was mine.

The bureau officers failed in their duty in not informing me. I so told them and they each admitted it. Lenthall did so repeatedly and with many regrets, with much suppressed indignation that Fox should shrink from an honest, open avowal of his responsibility.

Stimers I have treated kindly. He is more weak than wicked, not devoid of talents, though Lenthall and Isherwood deny him any ability. But I know he has some capability and I do not forget his services in the turreted vessels.

While Fox would give him special favor, and the others would grant him none, I would treat Stimers kindly but justly. He has wanted shore duty entirely. Under existing circumstances it is better he should get afloat. Fox and Stimers had arranged that Admiral Gregory should employ Stimers on gun-carriages, and the Admiral was persuaded to apply for him. I set the whole aside, and told Fox Stimers must go to sea. He assented to the correctness of my views, but hoped that I would not permit the enmity of L. and I. to crush Stimers. I assured him not, and gave Stimers the Powhatan. The return mail brings his resignation. I cannot do otherwise than to accept it.

Talked over the whole subject with Captain Drayton,¹ who concurs in my views. Had also a full interchange of views concerning Wilkes, whom he characterizes as the most insubordinate man in the Navy, insolent to his superiors, and the most arrogant and exacting to his subordinates. We also agreed in regard to Admiral Davis as an amiable man, a feeble officer, of some literary acquirements, but Drayton says very little pretensions to science.

_______________

 ¹ Chief of the Bureau of Navigation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 348-351

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 21, 1865

Have had no time the last ten eventful days to open this book; and am now in haste.

In the Senate as well as in the House, there has been a deliberate and mendacious assault on the Navy Department, but with even less success than the first. Senator Wade moved to adopt the Winter Davis proposition for a Board of Admiralty. It obtained, I am told, but two votes. A proposition which, under proper direction and duly prepared was not destitute of merit as a naval measure, provided the government is to have a more military and central character, has been put down, probably for years, perhaps forever.

The scheme in this instance was concocted by a few party aspirants in Congress and a few old and discomfited naval officers, with some quiddical lawyer inventors, schemers, and contractors. They did not feel inclined to make an open assault on me; they therefore sought to do it by indirection. Much of the spite was against the Assistant Secretary, who may have sometimes been rough and who has his errors as well as his good qualities, but who has well performed his duties, — sometimes, perhaps, has overdone, — has his favorites and decided prejudices.

Senator Hale, while he does not love me, has now particular hatred of Fox, and in striving to gratify his grudge is really benefiting the man whom he detests. He and others in the House have spoken of F. as the actual Secretary instead of the Assistant, striving thereby to hold him to a certain degree of accountability, and also hoping to sow dissension between him and me. For three years Hale made it his chief business to misrepresent and defame me, and he had with him at the beginning some who have become ashamed of him. In the mean time he has obtained other recruits. Blaine of Maine dislikes Fox, and in his dislike denounces the Navy Department, which he says, in general terms, without mentioning particulars, is mismanaged.

But I have no reason to complain when I look at results and the vindication of able champions. They have done me more than justice. Others could have done better, perhaps, than I have done, and yet, reviewing hastily the past, I see very little to regret in my administration of the Navy. In the matter of the light-draft monitors and the double-enders I trusted too much to Fox and Stimers. In the multiplicity of my engagements, and supposing those vessels were being built on an improved model, under the approval and supervision of Lenthall and the advice of Ericsson, I was surprised to learn when they were approaching completion, that neither Lenthall nor Ericsson had participated, but that Fox and Stimers had taken the whole into their hands. Of course, I could not attempt to justify what would be considered my own neglect. I had been too confiding and was compelled, justly perhaps, to pay the penalty in this searching denunciation of my whole administration. Neither of the men who brought me to this difficulty take the responsibility.

We have made great progress in the Rebel War within a brief period. Charleston and Columbia have come into our possession without any hard fighting. The brag and bluster, the threats and defiance which have been for thirty years the mental aliment of South Carolina prove impotent and ridiculous. They have displayed a talking courage, a manufactured bravery, but no more, and I think not so much inherent heroism as others. Their fulminations that their cities would be Saragossas were mere gasconade, — their Pinckneys and McGrawths and others were blatant political partisans.

General Sherman is proving himself a great general, and his movements from Chattanooga to the present demonstrate his ability as an officer. He has, undoubtedly, greater resources, a more prolific mind, than Grant, and perhaps as much tenacity if less cunning and selfishness.

In Congress there is a wild, radical element in regard to the rebellious States and people. They are to be treated by a radical Congress as no longer States, but Territories without rights, and must have a new birth or creation by permission of Congress. These are the mistaken theories and schemes of Chase, — perhaps in conjunction with others.

I found the President and Attorney-General Speed in consultation over an apprehended decision of Chief Justice Chase, whenever he could reach the question of the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Some intimation comes through Stanton, that His Honor the Chief Justice intends to make himself felt by the Administration when he can reach them. I shall not be surprised, for he is ambitious and able. Yet on that subject he is as much implicated as others.

The death of Governor Hicks a few days since has brought on a crisis of parties in Maryland. Blair is a candidate for the position of Senator, and the President wishes him elected, but Stanton and the Chase influence, including the Treasury, do not, and hence the whole influence of those Departments is against him. Blair thinks the President does not aid him as much as he had reason to suppose he would, and finds it difficult to get an interview with him. I think he has hardly been treated as he deserves, or as the President really wishes, yet the vindictiveness of the Chief Justice and Stanton deter him, control him against his will.

The senior Blair is extremely anxious for the promotion of his son-in-law, Lee, and has spoken to me several times on the subject. He called again to-day. I told him of the difficulties, and the great dissatisfaction it would give the naval officers. Pressed as the old man is by not only Lee but Lee's wife, and influenced by his own willing partiality, he cannot see this subject as I and others see it.

A few days since the President sent into the Senate the nomination of Senator E. D. Morgan for the Treasury. It was without consultation with M., who immediately called on the President and declined the position.

Seward, whom I saw on that evening, stated facts to me which give me some uneasiness. He called, he says, on the President at twelve to read to him a dispatch, and a gentleman was present, whom he would not name, but S. told the gentleman if he would wait a few moments he would be brief, but the dispatch must be got off for Europe. The gentleman declined waiting, but as he left, the President said, “I will not send the paper in to-day but will hold on until to-morrow." Seward says he has no doubt the conversation related to M.'s nomination, but that, the paper being made out, his private secretary took it up with the other nominations, and the President, when aware of the fact, sent an express to recall it, in order to keep faith with the gentleman mentioned. This gentleman was, no doubt, Fessenden.

I called on Governor Morgan on Sunday evening and had over an hour's conversation with him, expressing my wish and earnest desire that he should accept the place, more on the country's account than his own. He gave me no favorable response. Said that Thurlow Weed had spent several hours with him that morning to the same effect as myself and trying to persuade him to change his mind, but he would give Weed no assurance; on the contrary had persisted in his refusal. He, Morgan, was frank and communicative, as he has generally been with me on important questions, and reviewed the ground, State-wise and national-wise. “What,” he inquired, “is Seward's object? He never in such matters acts without a motive, and Weed would not have been called here except to gain an end."

Seward, he says, wants to be President. What does he intend to do? Will he remain in the Cabinet, or will he leave it? Will he go abroad, or remain at home? These, and a multitude of questions which he put me, showed that Morgan had given the subject much thought, and especially as it affected himself and Seward. Morgan has his own aspirations and is not prepared to be used by Weed or Seward in this case.

My own impressions are that Morgan has committed a great mistake as regards himself. Seward may be jealous of him, as M. is suspicious he is, but I doubt if that was the controlling motive with S. I think he preferred Morgan, as I do, for the Treasury, to any tool of Chase. The selection, I think, was the President's, not Seward's, though the latter readily fell in with it. Blair had advised it. Fessenden was probably informed on the morning when Seward met him at the President's and desired to have the nomination postponed.

I am told Thurlow Weed expressed great dissatisfaction that Morgan did not accept the position. That Weed and Seward may have selfish schemes in this is not unlikely, but whether they have or not, it was no less the duty of Morgan to serve his country when he could.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 240-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, August 17, 1864

 I wrote a letter to the Secretary of State, softly pointing out the proper course of proceeding in this French claim for captured cotton, for I should be sorry to have him let down himself and the Government. But I know not how, having taken charge of this claim, he will receive it. I think, however, he will show his shrewdness and tact and take the hint, if he has not committed himself, as he often does, without being aware of the effect.

Had quite a talk to-day with Mr. Lenthall, Naval Constructor, on the subject of the light-draft monitors and his duties generally. He claims to know but little about them. I told him this would not answer, that I should hold him responsible for what pertained to his bureau; that it was his duty to criticize, and let me know what, in his opinion was wrong; that it was his duty to know, and he must not plead ignorance to me; that on important matters I did not want his views second-handed, but he must come to me direct. From what I could learn in relation to the light-draft vessels, I had come to the conclusion that, while I had trusted to him, he had mere superficial conversations with Mr. Fox, without seeing or advising with me, and I apprehended Fox and Stimers had been going on without consulting others, with confident belief they would give us very superior vessels, until they awoke to the fact that they were not Naval Constructors or the men to do this work, except under the advice and direction of experts. I had supposed until last spring that Lenthall and Ericsson were giving the light ironclads their attention, but I found they were not, and I had not been advised of the fact. My plain talk seemed to astonish, and yet not altogether displease Lenthall. He said he had no doubt Mr. Fox and Mr. Stimers had committed the great mistake I alluded to. They thought after submitting their plans to him, without, however, procuring from him any computations, but an expression, that struck him more favorably than Ericsson that they could show off something for themselves that would give them a name.

Fred Seward called on me with a letter from Raymond to his father inquiring whether anything had been effected at the navy yard and custom-house, stating the elections were approaching, means were wanted, Indiana was just now calling most urgently for pecuniary aid. I told Seward that I knew not what the navy yard had to do with all this, except that there had been an attempt to levy an assessment on all workmen, as I understood, when receiving their monthly pay of the paymaster, by a party committee who stationed themselves near his desk in the yard and attempted the exaction; that I was informed Commodore Paulding forbade the practice, and I certainly had no censure to bestow on him for the interdiction. If men choose to contribute at their homes, or out of the yards, I had no idea that he would object, but if he did and I could know the fact, I would see such interference promptly corrected; but I could not consent to forced party contributions. Seward seemed to consider this view correct and left.

I am sadly oppressed with the aspect of things. Have just read the account of the interview at Richmond between Jaquess and Gilmore on one side and Jeff Davis and Benjamin on the other.¹ What business had these fellows with such a subject? Davis asserts an ultimatum that is inadmissible, and the President in his note, which appears to me not as considerate and well-advised as it should have been, interposes barriers that were unnecessary. Why should we impose conditions, and conditions which would provoke strife from the very nature of things, for they conflict with constitutional reserved rights? If the Rebellion is suppressed in Tennessee or North Carolina, and the States and people desire to resume their original constitutional rights, shall the President prevent them? Yet the letters to Greeley have that bearing, and I think them unfortunate in this respect.

They place the President, moreover, at disadvantage in the coming election. He is committed, it will be claimed, against peace, except on terms that are inadmissible. What necessity was there for this, and, really, what right had the President to assume this unfortunate attitude without consulting his Cabinet, at least, or others? He did, he says, advise with Seward, and Fessenden, who came in accidentally, also gave it his sanction. Now Seward is a trickster more than a statesman. He has wanted to get an advantage over Horace Greeley, and when the President said to Greeley, therefore, that no terms which did not include the abolition of slavery as one of the conditions (would be admissible), a string in Greeley's harp was broken. But how it was to affect the Union and the great ends of peace seems not to have been considered. The Cabinet were not consulted, except the two men as named, one, if not both, uninvited, nor as regarded Jaquess and Gilmore in their expedition. It will be said that the President does not refuse other conditions, and that he only said “to whom it may concern” he would make peace with those conditions, but that he does not refuse different and modified conditions to others. (It was undoubtedly an adroit party movement on the part of the President that rebuked and embarrassed Greeley and defeated a wily intrigue.) But, after all, I should, even with this interpretation, wish the President not to be mixed up with such a set, and not to have this ambiguity, to say the least. Most of the world will receive it as a distinct ultimatum.

_______________ 

¹ An account of the interview of Colonel James F. Jaquess and Mr. James R. Gilmore with the President of the Confederacy and his Secretary of State, written by Mr. Gilmore, appeared in the Atlantic Monthly for September, 1864.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 107-10

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 23, 1863

Seward called this morning and had quite a story to tell of foreign affairs and the successes that have attended his management. For a time, he says, matters looked a little threatening with France, but Count Mercier tells him all is now right, — we can do, on certain points which have been controverted, pretty much as we please.

All this was a prelude to a proposition, the object of which was to make excellent friends of the French, who have ten thousand hogsheads of tobacco in Richmond which they declare was purchased before the Rebellion, and which they cannot get out by reason of the blockade. This tobacco was being heavily taxed by the Rebels, and what the French Government now wants, and what he very much wanted, was an arrangement by which this French tobacco might be got from Richmond. It would be such a capital thing, and the favor would be so highly appreciated by the French, that they would become our very good friends.

I informed Mr. Seward it was a plain case and easily disposed of. We had only to lift the blockade and the French tobacco and everybody else's tobacco would leave Richmond. I did not see how this favor could be granted to the French Government and denied to other governments, and if extended to foreigners, our own citizens, many of whom had large amounts of property in the Rebel region, could not be interdicted from its exportation. In plain words the blockade must be maintained in good faith or be abandoned. I was not aware that we were under any special obligation to the French Government; I would not purchase or bribe, and I was opposed to favoritism as a principle in government. He said his idea was that a distinction might be made in this, — that the tobacco belonged to the Government, and therefore was an isolated case which could not be claimed as a precedent, and furthermore it was bought and paid for before the blockade was established. I told him the principle was the same with governments as with individuals; that the Belgian and others had made haste to remove their tobacco within the time limited when the blockade was declared; that their sympathies were with us, they had no faith in the Rebel movement, but it was different with the French Government. It did not pain or grieve me that they were taxed and heavy losers by the Rebels, and the rules of blockade ought not in my opinion to be relaxed for their benefit.

Mr. Seward was, I saw, discomfited, and he no doubt thinks me impolitic, unpractical, and too unyielding and severe to successfully administer the Government. I on the other hand deem it a misfortune that at a period like this there should be any disposition to temporize and indulge in expedients of a questionable character or loose and inconsiderate practices. “What we have most to fear,” said Sir Vernon Harcourt, “is not that America will yield too little, but that we shall accept too much.” It was not, nor will it be, my conduct that prompts this humiliating characterizing of the American Government. No improper concessions will be made by me to France or her Minister.

Neither Seward nor Stanton was at the Cabinet-meeting. Mr. Bates has left for Missouri. The President was with General Hooker at the War Department when we met, but soon came in. His countenance was sad and careworn, and impressed me painfully. Nothing of special interest was submitted. The accustomed rumor in regard to impending military operations continues.

Chase, who evidently was not aware that General Hooker was in Washington until I mentioned it, seemed surprised and left abruptly. I tried to inspire a little cheerfulness and pleasant feeling by alluding to the capture of the Fingal. For a few moments there was animation and interest, but when the facts were out and the story told there was no new topic and the bright feelings subsided. Believing the President desired to be with General Hooker, who has come in suddenly and unexpectedly and for some as yet undisclosed reason, I withdrew. Blair left with me. He is much dispirited and dejected. We had ten or fifteen minutes' talk as we came away. He laments that the President does not advise more with all his Cabinet, deprecates the bad influence of Seward, and Chase, and Stanton, Halleck, and Hooker.

Had two interviews with Dahlgren to-day in regard to his duties as successor of Du Pont in command of the South Atlantic Squadron. Enjoined upon him to let me at no time remain ignorant of his views if they underwent any change, or should be different in any respect from mine or the policy proposed. Told him there must be frankness and absolute sincerity between us in the discharge of his official duties, — no reserve though we might differ. I must know, truthfully, what he was doing, what he proposed doing, and have his frank and honest opinions at all times. He concurs, and I trust there will be no misunderstanding.

My intercourse and relations with Dahlgren have been individually satisfactory. The partiality of the President has sometimes embarrassed me and given D. promotion and prominence which may prove a misfortune in the end. It has gained him no friends in the profession, for the officers feel and know he has attained naval honors without naval claims or experience. He has intelligence and ability without question; his nautical qualities are disputed; his skill, capacity, courage, daring, sagacity, and comprehensiveness in a high command are to be tested. He is intensely ambitious, and, I fear, too selfish. He has the heroism which proceeds from pride and would lead him to danger and to death, but whether he has the innate, unselfish courage of the genuine sailor and soldier remains to be seen. I think him exact and a good disciplinarian, and the President regards him with special favor. In periods of trying difficulties here, from the beginning of the Rebellion, he has never failed me. He would, I know, gallantly sustain his chief anywhere and make a good second in command, such as I wished to make him when I proposed that he should be associated with Foote. As a bureau officer he is capable and intelligent, but he shuns and evades responsibility. This may be his infirmity in his new position.

The official reports of the capture of the Fingal, alias Atlanta, are very gratifying and confirm our estimate of the value of the monitor class of vessels and the fifteen-inch guns. The Department, and I, as its head, have been much abused for both. Ericsson, the inventor of the monitor or turret vessels, wanted a twenty-inch gun. His theory is impregnability in a vessel and immense calibre for his guns, which shall be irresistible. Dahlgren would not himself consent to take the responsibility of more than a thirteen-inch gun. Fox and Admiral Smith favored a fifteen-inch, which the Department adopted, though with some hesitation, without the approval of D., the Ordnance Officer, who, however, did not remonstrate against it, but went forward under orders, the responsibility being with me and not on him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 338-42

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, January 3, 1863

We have, yesterday and to-day, broken accounts of a great fight for three days — and not yet terminated — at Murfreesborough, Tennessee. All statements say we have the best, that we shall beat the Rebels, that we have pierced their centre, that we are driving them through M., etc. I hope to hear we have done instead of we “shall” do. None of our army fights have been finished, but are drawn battles, — worrying, exhausting, but never completed. Of Rosecrans I have thought better and hope a good account of his work, but the best sometimes fail, and he may not be best.

A word by telegraph that the Monitor has foundered and over twenty of her crew, including some officers, are lost. The fate of this vessel affects me in other respects. She is a primary representative of a class identified with my administration of the Navy. Her novel construction and qualities I adopted and she was built amidst obloquy and ridicule. Such a change in the character of a fighting vessel few naval men, or any Secretary under their influence, would have taken the responsibility of adopting. But Admiral Smith and finally all the Board which I appointed seconded my views, and were willing, Davis somewhat reluctantly, to recommend the experiment if I would assume the risk and responsibility. Her success with the Merrimac directly after she went into commission relieved me of odium and anxiety, and men who were preparing to ridicule were left to admire.

When Bushnell of New Haven brought me the first model and plan, I was favorably impressed. I was then in Hartford, proposing to remove my family, but sent him at once to Washington, following myself within a day or two. Understanding that Ericsson, the inventor, was sensitive in consequence of supposed slight and neglect by the Navy Department or this Government some years ago, I made it a point to speak to Admiral Smith, Chairman of the Board, and specially request that he should be treated tenderly, and opportunity given him for full and deliberate hearing. I found Admiral Smith well disposed. The plan was adopted, and the test of her fighting and resisting power was by an arrangement between Admiral Smith and myself, without communication with any other, that she should, when completed, go at once up Elizabeth River to Norfolk Navy Yard, and destroy the Merrimac while in the dry dock, and the dock itself. Had she been completed within the contract time, one hundred days, this purpose would have been accomplished, but there was delay and disappointment, and her prowess was exhibited in a conflict with her huge antagonist under much more formidable circumstances. Her career since the time she first entered Hampton Roads is public history, but her origin, and everything in relation to her, from the inception, have been since her success designedly misrepresented.

Admiral Smith beyond any other person is deserving of credit, if credit be due any one connected with the Navy Department for this vessel. Had she been a failure, he, more than any one but the Secretary, would have been blamed, and [he] was fully aware that he would have to share with me the odium and the responsibility. Let him, therefore, have the credit which is justly his.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 213-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, November 1, 1862

The work on the ironclad turret steamer Passaic is nearly finished. Ericsson makes a proposition to fire the fifteen-inch gun through the orifice instead of protruding the piece. I have no faith in it. Fox was at first disposed to consider it favorably but doubtingly. Have sent Fox, Admiral Smith, and Dahlgren to New York to witness test experiment

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 179

The center of our army across the Potomac . . .

. . . is now at Warrenton, and is pushing the enemy gradually backward.  The rebel army is now beyond the Rappahannock at that point, having resisted our advance only by occasional skirmishing, to cover their retreat.  The right wing, General Banks’ division, is at Strasburg, and Jackson’s force is supposed to be at Woodstock.  Our left wing, some 80,000 strong, which went down the Potomac, is supposed to be in the vicinity of fortress Monroe, and is likely soon to be heard from.  Watching for the iron plated battery Virginia is now the matter of absorbing interest at the Fortress.  It is understood that, in addition to the smart little Ericsson Monitor, other and novel means of assault on the rebel monster have been prepared, upon which great reliance is placed.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 12, 1862, p. 1

Washington Items

LATER FROM ISLAND NO. 10.

WASHINGTON, March 24. – Col. Segur, representative from the Accomac district arrived here this morning confirming the intelligence about the privateer Nashville and Fort Macon being destroyed by the rebels.

Gen. Scott is here aiding the war Department by his advice.

Senator Lane of Indiana has received advices from Indiana of the formation of ten regiments of Indianians.

The Republican states that the President has removed Gen. Denver from the command of the Department of Kansas.

The entire national debt is now four hundred million dollars.

WASHINGTON, March 24. – Col. Van Amburg of the New York 22d Regiment, has been appointed Military Governor at Alexandria, Va.  Gen. Montgomery becoming Military Governor of Annapolis.

Letters from Port Royal declare the investment of Fort Pulaski complete.  Tatnal, with his flotilla carrying supplies of wood and water have been driven back.  It is believed the garrison will soon be forced to surrender.

The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was fully opened to-day for passengers and freight.

An immense quantity of bids, plans, specifications and models of iron-clad vessels have already been received at the Navy Department, for the sea-board and Western States.  One from Ericsoon for a vessel similar to the Monitor but 300 feet in length.

Secretary Welles has, in the name of the President, sent a letter of thanks to Lieut. Worden, in which he says the action of the Monitor with two guns, engaging a powerful armed steamer of at least eight guns, and repulsing her, has elicited general admiration and received the applause of the whole country.  He thanks him and commends him for the heroism displayed and the great service rendered, and adds, in the action on the 10th, the performance, power, and capacity of the Monitor must effect a radical changes in Naval warfare.

Representative Arnold introduced a bill to-day to make freedom national and slavery sectional.  It prohibits slavery and involuntary servitude in all territories now existing or hereafter to be formed or acquired in any way, in all places purchased or to be purchased by the U. S. for dock yards, arsenals, vessels on the high seas or national highways outside of State jurisdiction, and in all places where the National Government has exclusive jurisdiction and power.  Slaves in such places are declared to be free and may assert their freedom at any time thereafter, on the principle “once free always free.”

The House sent the Segur case to the Committee on Elections to-day.

Gen. Strong and Col. Munson, of the Tenth Indiana, were to-day confirmed Brigadier Generals.

The following nominations for Brigadier Generals were sent into the Senate to-day: Col. Dodge, 4th Iowa; Col. Canby, Commanding in New Mexico, and Major Weisel, Sixth U. S. Infantry, Kentucky.

Mr. Wickliffe introduced a bill to-day placing public lands and the proceeds of sales thereof, surveyed or unsurveyed, to the payment of the public debt.

Capt. Summers, of the Steamer Lake Erie No. 2, left Island No. 10 at 11 o’clock Sunday evening, and reports that about 10 o’clock a bright light was discovered in the direction of the Island.  It was thought by officers of the Erie that it proceeded from burning transports ignited by bursting shells from the mortars. – Nothing confirmatory of this report has been received at headquarters.  The river is rising rapidly.

On board Steamer D. F. Wilson,

Off Island No. 10,

March 24, 9 o’clock P.M.

Everything is quiet at Island No. 10.  The mortars continue firing all day and night at intervals of every half hour, mostly concentrated upon the upper battery which is now fairly silenced.  This battery has not replied for two days.  Only one gun can be seen in position and that is probably a [goll]*.  The batteries on the main shore and the Island are also mysteriously silent.  Their encampments grow smaller day by day and transports still continue flying about apparently carrying away troops.

The river is still rising rapidly and everything is overflowed.  The rebels are drowned out of some of their batteries, and are attempting to erect new ones, but the well directed fire of our mortars prevents them.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4.  *In the Indiana Messenger, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Wednesday, March 26, 1862, p. 3, the Portland Daily Advertiser, Portland, Maine, Tuesday, March 25, 1862 and the New York Times, New York, New York, March 25, 1862 all give this word as “Quaker.”

Iron-Clad Vessels

BOSTON, March 14. – An order was unanimously adopted in the House to-day authorizing the construction of one or two iron-clad steamers on the plan of the Ericsson steamer Monitor, for the protection of Massachusetts harbors.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 4

It appears there were on board the Monitor . . .

. . . in her attack upon the Merrimac, fifty wrought iron shot of one hundred and sixty-eight pounds each, which Capt. Ericsson believes would have reached the vitals of the rebel monster had they been tried; but that they were not tired because of an express interdict from the Ordnance Department.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 1

The following from the New York Post . . .

. . . was published while the Ericsson steamer Monitor was being constructed, and is a full and accurate description of the engine of war that defeated the rebel iron-clad vessels, that made such havoc with our old wooden ships off Fortress Monroe:

A New Engine of War -- Description of the Ericsson Battery -- Its Peculiarities and Uses

There is now building at the Continental Iron Works, Green Point, a formidable iron battery, which will probably prove a novel and efficacious implement of war.  Congress at its last session made an appropriation of one million five hundred thousand dollars, for building iron-clad vessels, and Captain Ericsson submitted to the commissioners who were appointed to examine the proposals, a plan for an impregnable iron battery, which should be novel, yet simple in its construction.  His plans were approved, and the contract for building the battery was awarded to S. S. Bushnell & Co.  By the terms of the contract it is to be finished and equipped for active service in one hundred days from the 5th of October.  It is not to be accepted if, on being subjected to the enemy’s guns at the shortest range, it fails to fulfill the pledges made in regard to it.  So confident are the inventor and contractors of its success, that one of these gentlemen remarked that he should be perfectly ready to enter into a contract to take any city that can be approached by water.

THE HULL.

Avoiding as far as possible technical terms and phrases, let us examine the vessel and gather as clear an idea as possible of its structure.  The hull is sharp at both ends, and instead of the gradual curve of a cut water the bow projects, and coming to a point at an angle of eighty degrees, the sides instead of the ordinary bulge, incline at an angle of about fifty one degrees to the vertical line.  This hull is flat-bottomed, six feet six inches in depth, and built quite light, of three-eighth inch iron.  It is one hundred and twenty-four feet long and thirty four feet wide at the top.

Resting on this is another, or upper hull, also flat bottomed with perpendicular sides and pointed ends.  It is forty one feet and four inches wide, so that it juts over the lower hull on each side three feet and seven inches.  It is one hundred and seventy-four feet long, thus extending twenty-five feet beyond the hull at each end.  The sides are five feet high, and when in fighting order the lower hull will be entirely immersed, and the upper one sunk three feet six inches, thus leaving but eighteen inches both fore and aft above the water, the battery drawing teen feet of water.

The sides of this upper hull are composed of an inner guard of iron; outside of this is a strongly fastened wall of white oak thirty inches thick, and covered with an iron armor six inches in thickness.  The bottom of this vessel is joined to the hull, so that the interior is open to the bottom, as in a sloop.  The deck comes flush with the top of the upper hull, and is bomb proof.  First is a frame of oak beams, ten inches square and twenty six inches apart covered with eight inch plank and protected with two layers of iron, each an inch thick. – There will be no railing or bulwark of any kind above the deck.

The ends of the upper vessel projecting over the hull, fore and aft, serve as a protection to the propeller, rudder and anchor.  The propeller is of course at the stern; and the equipoise rudder behind that, and they are so protected by the upper vessel that they cannot be struck by a ball.  The anchor is in front, and is short but very heavy.  It is hoisted by a chain running into the hold, up into a place fitted for it, outside of the lower hull, but within the impregnable walls of the upper hull.

The inclination of the lower hull is such that a ball to strike it in any part must pass through at least twenty five feet of water, and then strike at an inclined iron surface, at an angle of about ten degrees.  It is, therefore, absolutely protected yet so light as to give great buoyancy.  A ball striking the eighteen inches of exposed upper hull, to do material damage, must pass through six inches of iron, thirty inches of white oak, and then about half an inch more of iron.  It is exceedingly doubtful whether southern ingenuity has invented a gun that will accomplish it.

The Hull being finished, we will go on board.  Only three things are exposed above deck.  In the center is the turret or citadel, the wheel house and possibly a box around the smoke escape.

THE WHEEL HOUSE.

The battery will be steered from the front, and the wheel house will stand before the turret.  It will be of iron, very strong, though during action, it is not intended that is should be exposed.  It can be lowered into the hold like a bale of dry goods on one of the Broadway sidewalk falls.  When lowered, the top, which is bomb-proof, is level with, and forms part of the deck.  The joints are water-tight.  The house will be pierced for sharp shooters.

THE CHIMNEY.

The draft for the furnaces is a forced one, and in action no chimney will be used, as the smoke will pass through the bomb-proof gratings in the deck as the deck will be continually washed by the sea, the accumulation of cinders, &c, will be of no consequence.  Probably a small guard will surround the gratings, to prevent heavy seas breaking over them, and a contrivance is made to prevent what water may dash over from going into the furnaces.

THE TURRET.

The whole vessel thus described is but a bed to support the castile.  The turret, is the important feature of the structure, is a round cylinder twenty feet in interior diameter and nine feet high.  It is built entirely of iron plates, one inch in thickness, eight of them securely bolted on, one over the other with the joints over lapping each other.  Within this there is a lining of iron one inch thick, thus giving nine inches of solid iron.  It rests on a bed plate, or rather ring made of composition, which is securely fastened to the deck.  To help support the weight, which is about a hundred tons, a vertical shaft ten inches in diameter is attached and fastened to the bulkhead. – The top is covered with forged iron beams and perforated iron, shell proof.  The top is perforated to allow the smoke from the guns, and even more, the concussion of air to pass off.  The concussion from a gun fired in a small close room would kill the inmates as quickly as though the ball had struck them.  In small casemates men cannot work for more than a couple of hours at a time, the concussion of the air causing sometimes bleeding at the nose and ears.  Frequently the men have to be rubbed down as carefully as a race horse after its victory.  The top has also some small sliding hatchways composed of two inch plate iron, to serve as entrance ways.

The turret has two circular port holes, three feet above the deck and just large enough for the mouth of the gun to be run out.

THE ARMAMENT.

The Battery will carry two very heavy rifled guns.  The carriages of wrought iron, will run back on iron slides, are made to fit very accurately.  The whole turret, by an arrangement worked by a special engine, is made to revolve.  The operator within, by a rod connected with the engine, is enabled to turn it at pleasure.  It can be made to revolve at the rate of sixty revolutions a minute – a speed which would be uncomfortable to endure.  It is so accurately made that it can be regulated with within half a degree.

THE WORKING.

In action the guns will be loaded and run out while the port holes are away from the enemy.  When ready the turret will be turned as nearly accurate as possible.  By nicely adjusted wheels, a very precise aim is quickly obtained the gun fired, and instantly the turret is turned to bring the gun out of danger.  The gun is then drawn in and loaded as before.  While one gun is being aimed and discharged, the other is loading so that almost a continuous discharge is taking place.

THE MACHINERY.

There will be two engines, one for the propeller, with 40-inch cylinders and 22-inch stroke.  The battery is not built for speed. – It is a battery, not an iron-cased ship.  The ventilation is obtained by blowers worked by another smaller engine, which also works the blowers for the boilers and turns the turret.  They are built very compactly; yet of great power.

THE UTILITY.

The battery, so far as can now be judged, seems to have no vulnerable part, save the port holes which are exposed only for about half a minute in firing.  Its sharp and massive iron prow will enable it to sink any ordinary vessel with perfect ease.  In case it is boarded no harm is done.  The only entrance is at the top of the turret, which cannot be easily be scaled and even then but one man at a time can descend.  There are no places in the deck where an entrance can be forced, so the boarding party may stay until the sea washes them off, or the sharp shooters assist in their departure. – The mechanics who have it in charge are all very sanguine of its success.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 3

First Session -- 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, March 11. – HOUSE. – Mr. CRITTENDEN addressed the House in opposition to the resolution.

Mr. FISHER, of Delaware, favored the resolution.

Mr. HICKMAN, did not consider the resolution of any great practical importance, but would vote for it.

After further debate the question was put and the resolution passed, 88 to 31.  Adjourned.

SENATE. – The bill for the purchase of coin was resumed.  Mr. Fessenden’s amendment increasing the amount to fifty millions was adopted and the bill passed.

The report of the Conference Committee on the Legislative appropriation bill was agreed to.

The bill reducing the expenses of the sales of public lands was passed.

The following amendment to the Confiscation bill was ordered printed: “Strike out the first question and insert the personal property, money, stock, credits and effects of every kind and nature, wheresoever situated, belonging to persons who have heretofore held office under Government or State, and all persons who now or may hereafter hold office under the so-called Confederate States or any State in rebellion or are or may be engaged in resisting the Federal Government, shall be confiscated, such confiscation to take immediate effect, and the possession of their right and title to the personal property of such persons shall cease.”

Senate adjourned.

WASHINGTON, March 19. – HOUSE. – Mr. EDWARDS introduced a joint resolution tendering the thanks of Congress to J. Erricsson for his enterprise, skill and forecast displayed in the construction of the Monitor, and to Lieut. Wooden, officers and men for service recently rendered.  Referred to the Committee on naval affairs.

Mr. McPherson introduced a joint resolution which was referred to, to fill the vacancy in the board of Regents.

The House passed the bill authorizing the appointment of a commission to set with the Commissioners from Great Britain and France for the purpose of adopting measures for the protection of the fisheries on the coast of Newfoundland.  Three thousand dollars was appropriated to carry the act into effect.

The House passed the Senate bill amendatory of the act for carrying into effect the treaty with New Grenada and Costa Rica for the adjudication of claims.

Mr. CALVERT submitted a minority report.  The subject was recommended to this committee for the District of Columbia.

Mr. BLAIR of Missouri from the Committee on Military affairs reported a bill to increase the efficiency of the Medical department.  Also a bill to provide for the organization of Signal corps to serve during the present war, the consideration of which was postponed.

The House passed the bill amendatory of the 8th section of the act to promote the efficiency of the Navy.

Mr. SEDGWICK’S report from the Naval Committee, a bill regulating the grades of line officers of the Navy.

The House passed the Senate bill providing for the customary acknowledgement of the letter and presents from the King of Siam.

Mr. ASHLEY from the Committee on Loyalty reported a bill providing for provisional governments, over the district of countries in rebellion against the United States, and the President is authorized to take possession and instituted such governments, Governors, &c. to be appointed, and Legislative Assemblys [sic] and Courts established, and continue until the people form new State Governments.

Mr. CRAVENS, from the Senate Committee, submitted a report which takes the ground that the bill provides that Congress has no power to exclude slaves from the Union and hold them in colonial dependencies and vassalage till ready to be admitted.

SENATE. – Mr. TRUMBULL from the Judiciary Committee Reported back the resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Powell, with the recommendation that it do not pass.

Mr. SHERMAN, offered a Joint resolution expressing the thanks of Congress to Lieutenant Warden and Sailors.  Laid over.

He also introduced a bill to authorize the President to take possession of certain property. – Referred.

Mr. LATHAM introduced a bill to repeal all laws preventing foreign vessels from carrying the mails to Panama and Aspinwall, and a joint resolution was received from the House tendering aid, &c., to certain States.  Referred to the Committee on Judiciary.

On motion of Mr. WILSON, of Mass., the law to authorize the Secretary of War to accept monies appropriated by the States in the payment of volunteers, was taken up and passed.

WASHINGTON, March 13. – HOUSE. – Mr. DUELL introduced a joint resolution which was passed tendering the thanks of Congress to Gen. Curtis and the officers and men under his command, and sincerely sympathizing with the relatives and friends of the officers and soldiers of the army who fell at Pea Ridge.

The House in Committee of the Whole resumed consideration of the tax bill.

Mr. RICHARDSON of Illinois moved amendment providing that two per cent. of the whole revenue derived from the bill shall be set  apart for the purpose of buying or obtaining by treaty certain territory outside of the limits of the United States on which to colonize free blacks, and for the payment of the expenses of transportation there.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 3

Iron-clad Ships

In The vigor which will be given to the mail clothing business for the navy, by the Merrimacing among our vessels and fortified posts, and by the reported, but probably overdrawn victory of Ericsson’s Monitor, with the additional stimulus of the fifteen millions which congress has appropriated for that purpose, it is to be hoped that the Navy department will not too hastily adopt the Ericsson round tower plan for all its harbor or sea-going war vessels.

The essential quality of this tower is its invulnerability, and the only advantage we can see in it is in the lighter draft which may be secured by reducing the position which is raised above the water high enough for the guns, too small a section.  In this quality they furnish a plan for invulnerable gunboats within the capacity of our rivers.  But this is obtained at the cost of space for the guns, and fighting men; and whatever may be the improvement, guns and men will continue to be essential; and, other things being equal, the most guns and fighting men will be likely to decide the contest.

If the whole gun-deck can be made invulnerable, that of course would be vastly better than a cramped tower and only two guns.  If the Monitor has done all that is reported, the Merrimac also was a success, and it may be that she has approached nearer the true plan.  She is cut down to near the water, and a slanting iron roof built over her.  A fraction of the thickness of iron required to directly resist a shot, will make it glace off.  It is necessary that the armor should extend only about three feet below the surface.  It seem[s] possible that the vessels may be built curving outwardly from about that line to one a few feet above the surface, and then slanting inwardly to a sufficient height for a flat spar-deck over the gun-deck, so that a much lighter armor than used for the Warrior and other British and French men-of-war will turn shot at any angle at which they can possibly strike it.

This form of the hull, would greatly increase the buoyance of the ship in a seaway, and in that respect might nearly compensate for the increased width near the surface.  A light armor would protect the upper deck, and probably that of the sides could be reduced so as to obviate the objections the British and French mail-clad vessels have found.  These vessels are so heavily loaded by their armor as seriously to affect their seagoing qualities; the sea water percolates between the iron plates and must soon rust of the bolts, and the weight, which furnishes no compensating support to the vessel, strains it in a seaway.  In her recent passage to Lisbon the Warrior experienced two of these difficulties.

It seems to be thought by some that if the guns are large enough, one or two will answer; but if both sides have as large, the number of them will become as important as before.  The chances are greater for missing the mark than for hitting it, and the greater number of guns, the greater chance for making a hit.  There is nothing in the armor or armament of vessels to make the number of guns any less important now than it ever was.  Besides the importance of a great armament and crew, and plenty of fighting space, our mail-clad men-of-war must be great rams, prepared to take a tilt with their sharp beaks.  For this purpose size and weight are essential. – {Cin. Gazette.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 2

Mr. Ericsson’s iron-clad steamer is . . .

. . . called the “Monitor.”  She went to sea on Thursday, for some unknown destination.  Mr. Ericsson is on board, and desires to test the invulnerability of his ship by engaging the strongest battery of the enemy which can be got at.  The “Monitor” carries only two 11-inch columbiads.  Lieut. Worden, who commands the battery, is an officer of great experience and tried courage, and the sailors and gunners are said to be picked men. {Nat. Intel.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 8, 1862, p. 2

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, March 28.

SENATE. – Mr. TenEyck presented a petition for citizens of New York against further traffic and monopoly in the public lands.

Mr. Wright presented a petition for citizens of Indiana in relation to the proposed tax on spirits.

Mr. King from the committee on pensions, reported a bill to prevent the allowance of pensions to the widows and orphans of revolutionary soldiers unless the claims were established.  Passed.

Mr. Morrill presented a resolution from the Legislature of Main in relation to the reciprocity treaty.  Referred.

Mr. Harris presented a petition that the New York Caucassian and other newspapers be allowed privileges in the mails as the abolition newspapers.

Mr. Wright introduced a bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia..

Mr. Grimes moved to take up the resolution in regard to Brig. Generals.  The resolution declares that no more Brigadier Generals shall be appointed unless for gallantry in action.  Mr. Grimes said there were already one hundred and eighty Brigadier Generals appointed in the regular army.

After debate the resolution was disagreed to.

On motion of Mr. King, the bill remitting duties on arms ordered by States prior to July 1^st, 1862 was taken up.

The naval appropriation bill was taken up, the question being on the amendment of the completion of the Steven’s battery.

Mr. Fessenden offered a proviso, that no part of the appropriation be paid until said battery shall be completed according to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the Navy is full and adequate for the purpose of its construction.

Mr. Thompson spoke in favor of the amendment.  He contended that Mr. Stevens had done all he could in accordance with his contract.  He had been obliged to change his plan by the increased efficiency of naval warfare.  Great injustice had been done him by the commissioners.  If this battery would be completed it would be the most powerful naval armament in the world.

WASHINGTON, March 28.

HOUSE. – Mr. Sedgwick, from committee on naval affairs, declared it fit and proper that public acknowledgement should be made to John Ericsson, for the enterprise, skill, energy and tact displayed by him in constructing the iron-clad Monitor, which under gallant and able management came so opportunely to the relief of our fleet in Hampton Roads, and defended it against the vessels of the navy, seemingly irresistible to any other power at our command, and that the thanks of Congress be presented to him for the great service thus rendered to the country.  The resolution was adopted.

An amendment proposing a tax on cotton of one cent per pound after the 1^st of May, was rejected.

An amendment was adopted exempting from duty red oil.  Also paraffin, whale and fish oils.  The tax on burning fluid was stricken out.

An amendment was adopted that when the manufacturer of illuminating gas shall not manufacture above 500,000 cubic feet per month, he shall pay a tax of 5 cents per each thousand cubic feet, when he manufactures above 500,000 cubic feet he shall pay a tax of 10 cents on each 1,000 cubic feet, when he manufactures above this, and not exceeding 15 million cubic feet, he shall pay 15c for each 1,000 cubic feet, and that when he manufactures over 15 millions cubic feet, he shall pay a tax of 20c for each 1,000 cubic feet. – Gas Companies are authorized to add the duty on tax to their charges.

Mr. Washburn inquired of the chairman of the committee on invalid pensions whether any action had been taken towards the passage of a tax providing for pensions on account of decease officers and soldiers of the present war.

Mr. Edwards replied that a bill for that purpose has already been reported.

The House then resumed the consideration of the tax bill.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 29, 1862, p. 1

Mr. Ericsson Proposes To Defy England And Europe

Captain Ericsson has written the following letter to Mr. Epes Sargent, of Boston:

NEW YORK, March 11.

MY DEAR SARGENT. – I accept with great pleasure your congratulations and assure you that every exertion will be made on my part to furnish the nation with war vessels that will enable us to defy Europe.  Give me only the requisite means, and in a very short time we can say to those Powers, now bent on destroying Republican freedom leave the Gulf with your frail craft or perish!  I have all my life asserted that mechanical science will put an end to the power of England over the seas.  The ocean is Nature’s highway between the nations.  It should be free; and surely Nature’s laws, when properly applied, will make it so.

Yours very truly,

J. ERICSSON.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 25, 1862, p. 2

NEW YORK, March 17 [1862]

Our merchants are getting up a subscription for a testimonial to Capt. Ericsson.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 18, 1862, p. 1

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, March 12.

SENATE. – Mr. Davis presented petitions from citizens of Kentucky, asking Congress to turn a deaf ear to all schemes of emancipation, and turn their attention to the business of the country.

Mr. Trumbull, from the judiciary committee, reported back the resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Powell, with the recommendation that it do not pass.

Mr. Sherman offered a joint resolution expressing the thanks of Congress to Lieut. Worden and sailors.  Laid over.

He also introduced a bill to authorize the President to take possession of certain property.  Referred.

Mr. Latham introduced a bill to repeal all laws preventing foreign vessels from carrying the mails to Panama and Aspinwall.

A joint resolution was received from the House, tendering aid, &c., to certain States.  Referred to the committee on judiciary.

On motion of Mr. Wilson, of Mass., the bill authorizing the Secretary of War to accept monies appropriated by the States in payment of volunteers was taken up and passed.

The Senate passed the bill to define the pay and emoluments of the army, &c., including a deduction of ten per cent. on the salaries paid by the Government during the rebellion.

The bill abolishing slavery in the district of Columbia came up.  Several amendments of the committee were reported.  Amendments were also adopted to punish kidnapping and repealing all inconsistent with the act.

Mr. Davis offered an amendment that all persons liberated be colonized and appropriating 100,000 dollars for it.  He addressed the Senate in support of his amendment, but without further action.  Adjourned.

HOUSE. – Mr. Edwards introduced a joint resolution, tendering the thanks of Congress to J. Ericsson, for his enterprise, skill and forecast displayed in the construction of the Monitor, and to Lieut. Worden, officers and men, for services recently rendered.  Referred to the committee on naval affairs.

Mr. McPherson introduced a joint resolution, which was referred, to fill the vacancy of the board of regents.

The House passed the bill authorizing the appointment of commissioners to meet commissioners from Great Britain and France for the purpose of adopting measures for the protection of the fisheries on the coast of Newfoundland.  $3,000 was appropriated to carry the act into effect.

The House passed the Senate bill amendatory of the act for carrying into effect treaties with New Granada and Costa Rica for the adjustification of claims.

Mr. Colvert submitted a minority report.  The subject was re-committed to the committee on the District of Columbia.

Mr. Blair, of Mo., from the committee on military affairs, reported a bill to increase the efficiency of the medical department.  Also, a bill to provide for the organization of a signal corps to serve during the present war.  The consideration of both was postponed.

The House passed the bill amendatory of the 8^th section of the act to promote the efficiency of the navy.

Mr. Sedgwick reported from the naval committee a bill regulating the grades of line officers.

The House passed the Senate bill providing for the custody of the letter and presents from the King of Siam.

Mr. Ashley, from the committee on territories, reported a bill providing for a temporary provisional government over the district of country in rebellion against the U. S.  The President is authorized to take possession and institute such government with the aid of the military and naval powers.  Governors, &c., to be appointed legislative assembly and courts established and continue till the people for new State governments.  Mr. Cravens, from same committee, submitted a report which takes the ground that the bill provides that Congress has the power to exclude certain States from the Union, and hold them in colonial dependence and vassalage till re-admitted.

The Union may be dissolved by act of Congress, an assumption as absurd and fatal as that a State can annul its allegiance to the Union by State action.  The bill further is impracticable in its details; incendiary and equally as repulsive to the principles of justice and humanity as to the constitution.

Mr. Harding also submitted the minority views of the committee, saying there are abundant reasons for believing the armed rebellion will be speedily subdued and put down.  The bill at a single blow strikes out of existence eleven States – in effect an ordinance of secession.  It strikes down the constitution and dissolves the government, is inconsistent with sound policy, utterly at war with religion and humanity; and hence the minority enter their most solemn and earnest protest against it.

Mr. Pendleton said the bill being clearly unconstitutional, he moved it be laid on the table.  Carried, 65 to 66.

Mr. Ashley, from the committee on territories, reported a bill to provide for a temporary government for Arizona.

The House went into committee of the whole on the tax bill, Mr. Colfax in the chair.

Mr. Morrill, of Vt. explained at length the provisions and effects of the bill.  He said the measure as composed would meet the large demands of the government.

Considerable debate followed, participated in by Bingham, Hickman and Wadsworth, but without action the House adjourned.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, March 13, 1862, p. 1

The Naval Engagement

Our telegraph dispatches give an account of a severe engagement between the rebel Iron steamer Merrimac and the Ericsson iron clad steamer Monitor.  The former draws 23 feet of water.  The Monitor carries only two 11-inch columbiads.  Her sailors and gunners were picked [well] and it seems succeeded in driving off the Merrimac.  Mr. Ericsson was on board the Monitor when she left New York, and was very desirous of testing her invulnerability.  The test has proved her fitness to cope with anything the rebels can command.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 11, 1862, p. 1

The "Union" Gun For The Monitor

It is reported that the mammoth “Union” gun cast in Pittsburgh is to be transferred to the Monitor, and the dispatch with which the projectiles for it are being hurried up, would go to show that the rumor may not be altogether without foundation. Mr. Ericsson has stated that the Monitor was designed to carry much heavier guns than those now in use, and the “Union” supplied with the elongated and improved projectiles no being made for her in Pittsburgh, would certainly constitute a most effective and formidable engine of defense and destruction.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 4