Colonel Jefferson Davis to Governor Albert G. Brown, September 20, 1847

(From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.)

Govr. A. G. Brown,

Sir,

From the preceding report much was omitted which would have been supplied had it been originally written for one who was not himself an actor in the events described. Some portion of the facts thus omitted I deem it proper here to append.

Having as stated in my report of the transactions of the 21st been marched at the close of that day to our encampment at the Walnut Springs, the regiment was dismissed to its quarters for the night. In the morning of the 22d I was warned that our regiment was required for field service. The Companies were formed and marched to the regimental parade. The severe service of the previous day had reduced the number, but had in no degree impaired the ardor or energy of our men. I announced the duty for which the regiment was drawn out and marched it from the encampment. The report that we were off for another fight brought out all who were able to march, and I have often recurred with pride to the recollection, that when I subsequently counted the files for the issue of ammunition, we had forty seven men more, than when we formed on our Regimental parade.

By directing our march through some fields which concealed us from the view of "the Citadel," we reached the plain above "fort Teneria", the work which we had taken on the previous day, before we came under the enemy's fire. Here his artillery in the fort "el Diablo" opened upon us, and before we reached fort "Teneria," one shot took effect, killing Private Dubois and wounding Private Gregg of Company "H."

In conjunction with the Tennessee Regiment, under the command of Lt. Col. Anderson, we relieved the guard found in "Fort Teneria," and under the assignment of Brigadier Genl. Quitman took post for further orders. This work, "La Teneria", was composed of two field entrenchments and a stone house; the salient, was a circular redoubt, mounting four guns, one at an open embrasure, and three in barbet; the next, was an irregular redan resting on the stone building; on the top of the stone building was a breast work of sand bags, from behind which the defenders had an upper tier of fire against their assailants, and at the last moment a plunging fire into the interior of the works below.

The Tennessee Regt. was placed in the round work, the Mississippi Riflemen with Major Ridgely's battery in the redan and stone building. From the top of this house I made frequent observations during the day upon the positions and movements of the enemy at the east end of the town, without acquiring any other valuable information, than that he had a large force at the north east angle of his defences.

Working parties were detailed throughout the day, and under the direction of Maj. Mansfield and Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers, threw up a traverse to connect the round work with the redan, and made some additions to the more defective part of the breast work. From the fort "el Diablo" and "the Citadel", the enemy continued throughout the day to throw shot and shells at us; by constant vigilance we avoided injury from them, though the walls of the intrenchment were much too low to defile the interior of the work. At the approach of night Capt. Taylor's company was posted in the north-west part of the stone building, the same in which we had taken the prisoners on the preceding day, with instructions to defend the gates in the event of a night attack, and by sentinels on the roof and at other suitable places to keep vigilant watch upon

the enemy. The other companies were distributed along the breast work of the redan.

We had left camp without preparation, were in light clothing and entirely without food. Our Quarter Master had been directed to bring out the blankets and the day's rations for the companies, he informed me subsequently that he made several ineffectual attempts to do so, and failed from being unable to get an escort for his wagon, across the plain, where it would have been exposed to attack. Thus unprovided, rain and a norther came together upon us. The work which we occupied was rudely constructed and unfinished, earth had been taken from the inside of the parapet, the rain collected in holes and men already shivering with cold had to stand in the water when called to the breast work. We were so near the enemy as to hear his guard calls, and the turning out of his cavalry patrols. His signals indicated that some concerted movement was to be made during the night; as he ought to have attacked us it was therefore to be expected, and we remained at the breast work, though the exposure was extremely severe.

Thus passed the night of the 22d. At dawn of the 23d our sentinels on the house top reported that very few persons were visible in the fort "el Diablo," my own observations connected with the events of the night induced me to believe that the greater part of the garrison had been withdrawn. I communicated these things to Genl. Quitman, Commanding the post, who authorized me to make a sortie with four companies, two of Missi. riflemen and two of Tenn: Infantry. We entered the suburbs of the city, and saw the enemy retreating rapidly before us. Having passed on sufficiently far to secure an approach on the gorge of the fort, and thus to avoid the fire of artillery if that arm had not been removed, the column was headed to the left and marched rapidly upon the fort. We found it's garrison and armament had been withdrawn, the traverse at its gorge had been dug down so as to render it more untenable by us, and the men who had been seen in it claimed to be noncombatants. With a small party of Riflemen commanded by Lieut. Hampton, I then proceeded with the assistance of Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers to examine the ground and a redoubt upon our right. It had been also evacuated, and the houses in it's vicinity, which had been pierced with loop holes, were generally abandoned. In this reconnoissance we took some fifteen prisoners who informed us that the enemy had retired to the main Plaza. Lieut: Scarret proposed to report these events to Genl. Taylor and to apply for sapping tools to advance into the city. For this purpose he soon after left us, and circumstances prevented his returning, as was desired. With the prisoners taken we returned to the fort "el Diablo."

I next proceeded with a few riflemen commanded by Lieut. Moore to reconnoitre the positions to our left. The first was a tenail connected by a line of abattis with a stone wall, in it's rear, thence the defences were continued along the bluff of the city, by houses, the stone walls of yards, and the barricades constructed at the ends of the streets, to the South-eastern angle of the Town, where an old Hospital, standing out in a salient position to the rest of the line, had been fortified and garnished with guns, to command one of the principal entrances to the Town, that by the Cadareita road. All the works along this line had been abandoned except the last mentioned, and from the obstinacy with which it was maintained, it is probable that the enemy then had in contemplation a retreat by that route, the only one then open to him on which he could have carried artillery.

When returning from this reconnoissance to the fort "el Diablo" I saw Lieut: Greaves with his Company, on the plain below the City, the facts connected with the duty he was performing will be found stated in Lieut. Greaves' report.

After our return to the fort "el Diablo" one of the Missi. Companies "G." was relieved by Company "B." and returned to the "Teneria." Company "D." was then ordered up, and my original command was changed, as noticed in my report to Genl. Quitman of the operations of the 23d. With Companies "B." Capt. Cooper & "D." Lieut. Russell & "H." Lieut. Moore, and one company of the 1st Tenn. Volunteers, I advanced under Genl. Quitman's orders. As the line, upon this side of the enemys defences, was a system of detached field works they were each of course untenable by us as long as the enemy could hold those in their rear, we therefore proceeded, over the ground I had reconnoitred, to the block of the city, where the enemy first contested our progress, and the action commenced, as described in my report of the 23d.

The chief preparations of the enemy had been made against an attack upon the northern and eastern side of the Town. We were expected to approach by the Marin or Cadareita road, and from the enceinte of outworks to the main plaza, nothing had been omitted to increase the resistance upon these approaches. Barricade, succeeded barricade, along the streets; the dwellings were supplied with ammunition, and prepared for its use. Infantry posted on the tops of the houses were securely sheltered by the stone parapet which surrounds their flat, roofs, and though forced from these positions it must be conceded that they firmly resisted. The Mississippi and Texas Riflemen were vastly their superiors at sharp shooting and drove them back but they slowly retired from house to house and from square to square, obstinately defending the crossing of every street. We continued to advance until abreast of the Cathedral of the main plaza, here we seized a two story house, and maintained a contest, under the converging fire of the enemy, which lasted several hours, he was finally driven from every exposed position within the range of our rifles. The command at this position consisted of the advance of Col. Woods Texan Rangers, under Genl. Henderson; and the advance of the Missi. Riflemen.

The prisoners taken in our reconnoissance of the morning, and a Mexican found in our second reconnoissance, to the left, concurred in stating that the Main plaza was a square to the right of the Cathedral, but we now found that the Cathedral was upon one side of the plaza, and that our direction had been too far to the right. On the next square, immediately before us, was an unusually high house, from which it seemed a plunging fire could be thrown into the Plaza.

To this house, after consultation with Genl. Henderson, it was decided to advance, and secure it as a position to be held through the night. The task was more difficult than any we yet had performed. Throughout the day we had been under the fire of the enemy's artillery, generally throwing shells, but now we were close upon his field guns, which covered by a permanently constructed barricade swept the narrow pebble paved street over which we had to pass. The deadly efficiency of artillery in such a situation rendered it necessary to construct a shelter for our men whilst crossing the street. For this purpose we had to rely on such material as the neighboring yards and houses contained, of which we were fortunate in getting enough and in form as convenient as would probably be found among articles not designed for such use.

Whilst engaged in this construction, I dispatched Sergeant Major Harlan to the rear, to inquire of Genl. Quitman what had become of the field piece which he had said would cooperate with us; and to direct Major Bradford, with the portion of the Regiment under him, to join me. Sergt. Maj. Harlan returned and informed me that all the troops in our rear had retired, and that he was told the order to withdraw had been three times sent to me. He also informed Genl. Henderson that a like order had been sent by the commanding Genl. to him.

This intelligence was received with regret by all. As the resistance of the enemy became more obstinate, as the danger and difficulty of advancing increased, the energy and resources of our men rose with the demand, and all their views were onward. To none is this remark more applicable than to those who had encountered the greatest hardship, the men of Company "H." This company after the exposure and fasting of the previous day and night had marched out with me early in the morning, before the supplies had been received from our encampment, and had been actively engaged ever since. I regret that, their gallant leader, Lieut. Moore had not made a report of this day (23d Sept. 1846) when he fell in the Battle of Buena Vista.

As we retired the enemy who had passed to our rear, kept up a constant fire upon us, especially at the crossings of the streets. We found no support in our rear until we reached the suburbs of the city, the first was Capt. Bainbridge with a company of the 3d U. S. Infantry and a piece of light artillery.

About five o.Clock having been actively engaged the whole day, we rejoined the other part of our Regiment, at the Fort we had left in the morning, and the whole were soon afterwards ordered to the encampment at the "Walnut Springs."

Early in the morning of the next day, a flag was sent out by the enemy, asking for a truce, and a conference, from which followed without further hostile operations the "Capitulation of Monterey."

Very Respectfully,

yr. obt. svt.

Jeffn. Davis.

Brierfield
        20th Sept. 1847.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 109-14

Diary of Lucy Larcom, September 5, 1861

Why do I not love to be near the sea better than among the mountains? Here is my home, if birthplace makes home. But no, it is not my natural preference; I believe I was born longing after the mountains. And rivers and lakes are better to me than the ocean. I remember how beautiful the Merrimac looked to me in childhood, the first true river I ever knew; it opened upon my sight and wound its way through my heart like a dream realized; its harebells, its rocks, and its rapids, are far more fixed in my memory than anything about the sea. Yet the vastness and depth and the changes of mist and sunshine are gloriously beautiful; I know and feel their beauty. Still, I admire it most in glimpses; a bit of blue between the hills, only a little more substantial than the sky, and a white sail flitting across it; or when it is hightide calm, — one broad, boundless stillness, then there is rest in the sea, but it never rests me like the strong silent hills; they bear me up on their summits into heaven's own blue eternity of peace. But is it right to wrap one's own being in this mantle of peace, while the country is ravaged by war? — its garments rolled in blood, brother fighting against brother to the death? The tide of rebellion surges higher and higher, and there is no sadder proof that we are not the liberty-loving people that we used to call ourselves, than to learn that there are traitors in the secret councils of the nation, in forts defended by our own bravest men ; among women, too: "Sisters! oh, Sisters! Shame o'ladies!" A disloyal woman at the North, with everything woman ought to hold dear at stake in the possible fall of this government, — it is too shameful! I hope every one such will be held in "durance vile" until the war is over.

But will it end until the question is brought to its true issue, — liberty or slavery? I doubt it: and I would rather the war should last fifty years, than ever again make the least compromise with slavery, that arch-enemy of all true prosperity, that eating sin of our nation. Rather divide at once, rather split into a thousand pieces, than sink back into this sin!

The latest news is of the capture of the Hatteras Forts, a great gain for us, and a blight to privateering at the South; — with a rumor of "Jeff Davis's" death, which nobody believes because it is so much wished. Yet to his friends he is a man, and no rebel. War is a bitter curse, — it forbids sympathy, and makes us look upon our enemies as scarcely human; and we cannot help it, when our foes are the foes of right.

SOURCE: Daniel Dulany Addison, Lucy Larcom: Life, Letters, and Diary, pp. 100-2

Diary of Private Seth J. Wells, Sunday, February 1, 1863

We went forty miles last night. This is a rainy day. Fortune seems to be against us when we float the Mississippi. Our rations in the bread line since we left Bolivar have been mostly hard-tack with cornmeal. We occasionally draw flour. The hard crackers we draw are better now than they have been before. The boats have moved very slowly against the current today. We arrived at Providence the middle of the afternoon, landed above the town, and went ashore. Our company and company F surrounded the town but caught no one. Capt. Wheeler and three or four of us entered the Post Office and searched it. We found a few letters and papers. We broke open the ballot box which was full of tickets voted for Jeff Davis. Abe and I each got us a set of chess men. I got a six-inch drafting rule, also some pamphlets giving the object and description of the K. G. C., or Knights of the Golden Circle. Providence, before the war, must have been a beautiful town, but now it is almost deserted. A few women and children were standing in the doors, nearly scared to death. They scarcely knew what to expect from the long dreaded Yankees. The Post Office is a large brick building, in the back part of which was the equipment of the Sons of Malta. We caught no guerillas. We threw out our pickets and slept upon the boat, Abe and I upon the hurricane deck, as our wood pile was burned up. It was quite cool for this country, one might say cold. We lay in the boat until the middle of the afternoon. A detail from the brigade went out mule-back this morning on a scout. When we heard that guerillas were out a few miles in the country, our company and company G were ordered out. Col. Dietzler said there was no use in going farther as there were none there, but the boys wanted a little exercise, so they took us about two miles to a nice plantation, where we killed a lot of chickens. Gus Schultz and I caught eight, I caught five and found some eggs. John Cumberworth, also of our mess, got a frying pan which we needed very much. One of our boys was thrown from a mule. It commenced raining just as we started back, and before we arrived at camp we were completely soaked through. We were called aboard and dropped off below town where we remained until morning. The night was very cold and the ground was frozen quite solid. This morning there was a detail of nearly half the brigade for fatigue. We were put to work digging away the levees to let the water into Lake Providence, which is one mile back from the river. There was once a channel between the river and lake in high water, but it is dammed up. The lake makes connections with Red River through bayous. Providence is equally divided into three parts, they are separated by the old channel, which forms a common for the town. The town is a little higher than the channel, but lower than the levee. The inhabitants are badly scared and are moving out. It will all be inundated when we get the levee cut through. The engineers say there are four feet and six inches of fall between the surface of the river and the surface of the ground below the levee. We worked until noon, and then another relief came on. The regiment moved down to the boats and camped on the other side of the levee. We got a large barroom stove for our tent. This evening there was a detail sent across the river to a large plantation for Nigs. One hundred and forty were caught and sent to Vicksburg. We saw peach trees in bloom today. We met Gen. McArthur and bodyguard when we were coming out.

SOURCE: Seth James Wells, The Siege of Vicksburg: From the Diary of Seth J. Wells, Including Weeks of Preparation and of Occupation After the Surrender, pp. 36-8

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, March 26, 1863

Went on picket out on the field where Jeff. Davis made a speech to his men, 2½ miles from Murfreesboro' camp, making a march of 5 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 28

Senator Jefferson Davis to Governor Albert G. Brown,* October 3, 1847

Reports of the Battles of Monterey and Buena Vista.

(From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.)

Brierfield 3d Oct. 1847

Govr. A. G. Brown

Sir,

Herewith I have the honor to transmit to you the reports of the Regimental officers of the Battles of Monterey and Buena Vista, as far as the same were in my possession. I had hoped before this to have received full information in relation to the number of Rifles for which our state will be justly responsible and to have sent you a consolidated return; but regret to say that no company return has been made to me, since that of which I advised you.

It was my purpose to have made a report to you, which should have been a history of our Campaign in Mexico, but ill health at last compels me to abandon the design. A wish on the part of the Company officers to have their reports published, has been communicated to me by one of their number, and I have replied that they would be furnished to the Executive.

Very Respectfully

yr. mo. obt. svt.

Jeffn. Davis.

_______________

* At the election of officers of the First Mississippi Regiment of Volunteers War with Mexico July 18, 1846, Capt. A. B. Bradford, who had been a soldier under Jackson in 1812-15 and Colonel of a regiment of Tennessee volunteers of Armstrong's mounted brigade under General Call in Florida, 1836, and was known as "the hero of Withlacoochee," was supported by the northern counties for Colonel and received 350 votes to 300 for Jefferson Davis, who was a graduate of West Point, had been a Lieutenant in the regular army in the Black Hawk war, and Adjutant of the Dragoons in a Comanchee war, and was at the time a Representative of Mississippi in Congress. R. N. Downing also received 135 votes, W. L. Brandon 91, and A. G. Bennett 37. Bradford declined to consider the election his, although it was sufficient in militia elections, unless he had a majority of the regiment. On the second ballot Davis received a majority of 147. A. K. McClung, R. E. Downing and Major-General Duffield were candidates for Lieutenant-Colonel and McClung was elected on the second ballot. On a subsequent day Bradford was elected Major. McClung commanded the regiment until after it reached New Orleans.

The staff officers were: Richard Griffith, Adjutant; Seymour Halsey, Surgeon; John Thompson, Assistant Surgeon; Charles T. Harlan, Sergeant-Major; S. Warren W White, Quartermaster-Sergeant; Kemp S. Holland, Commissary; Stephen Dodds, Principal Musician.

Colonel Davis, then at Washington, D. C., arranged that the regiment should be armed with rifles instead of the ordinary infantry musket. On this subject he said later in life: "General Scott endeavored to persuade me not to take more rifles than enough for four companies, and objected particularly to percussion arms as not having been sufficiently tested for the use of troops in the field. Knowing that the Mississippians would have no confidence in the old flint lock muskets, I insisted on heir being armed with the kind of rifle then recently made at New Haven, Conn., the Whitney rifle. From having been first used by the Mississippians, those rifles have always been known as the Mississippi rifles." The arms were sent to the regiment by ship, to New Orleans. They were without bayonets, there having been no time to make them. Colonel Davis, traveling by way of Wheeling, joined his command at the camp near New Orleans July 21, 1846.

______________

See:

• Col. Jefferson Davis to Brig. Gen. John A. Quitman, September 26, 1846
• Col. Jefferson Davis to Brig. Gen. John A. Quitman, Undated

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 102-3

Colonel Jefferson Davis to Brigadier General John A. Quitman,* September 26, 1846

(From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.)

Monterey. 26th Sept. 1846.

Gen Quitman,

        Comdg 2d Brig. 1st Div. Vols,

Sir, In conformity with your instructions I have the honor to report such facts in relation to the conduct of the Regiment of Missi. Riflemen on the 21st and 23d Insts. as came under my immediate observation, and will add such explanations as may seem necessary. When on the morning of the 21st the 1st Division was drawn up in order of battle before the city of Monterey, you will remember that the position of the Regt. under my command was thought to be too much exposed, and that it was detached to the left. Separated from the division, I did not hear the orders by which it was put in motion, but seeing the other Regt. of your Brigade, (Col Campbell's) moving towards the enemy, I ordered the Missi. Riflemen to advance by the left of the Battalion and follow it.

Thus when the Regts. of your Brigade were united their natural order was inverted. In this order under a cross fire of artillery, we advanced in front of the fort upon our left, to a point within the range of the enemys musketry but beyond the effective fire of our rifles. Under your orders to fill an interval which had been created upon my left, I ordered the Mississippi Riflemen to advance obliquely, by the left of companies to a line which I estimated as effectively near to the enemy, and then ordered the Battalion into line. The companies being directed when formed, to commence firing as in open order. In a few minutes the fire of the enemy had so far diminished as to indicate the propriety of a charge, and being without instructions, it was accordingly ordered. Lieut. Col. McClung sprung before his old company, and called on them to follow him. The call was promptly answered. In an instant the whole regiment rushed forward, the flanks converging to an open embrasure which lay nearly before our centre, and it became a contest of speed who first should reach the fort. The enemy fled from the rear sally porte as we entered the front, leaving behind him his artillery, a considerable number of muskets, his dead, and wounded. Passing immediately through the fort we found the enemy flying in disorder, some to a fortified stone building immediately in rear, others across the stream to the fort which stands beyond it. Our pursuit was so close that we reached the gate of the stone building before it was secured, and upon forcing it open the men inside fled behind the pilasters of the portico, and held up their hands in token of submission. An officer offered me his sword, and announced the surrender. I received it, and retired to select an officer to take charge of the prisoners, and receive their arms. Lieut Townsend of company "K" was directed to discharge this duty, and the pursuit of the enemy was immediately resumed. Leading those who had come up across the ford, we advanced within rifle range of the fort beyond the stream, and opened a fire upon such of the enemy as showed themselves above the wall, the intention being to storm the fort as soon as a sufficient number of our regiment came up. In this position we received no fire from the enemy's artillery, and his musketry had not proved destructive up to the time when I was ordered to retire. Until after we withdrew I knew nothing of the position, or cooperation of the forces on our right. In accordance with my instructions, and expecting to find the main body of my Regt. I passed up the street to our right, with the force just withdrawn across the stream. We soon became mingled with other troops which we found along the wall, and after rallying my command for a forward movement, I found it much reduced. Capt. Cooper had kept, say twenty of his company together;

with these, and about ten others of our Regt. I advanced until we met with Capt. Field of the U. S. Army, who led me to a point where he had discovered a considerable body, probably one hundred of the enemy; on our approach they fled beyond a street which was enfiladed by the fire of a strong party sheltered behind the Tête du Pont of the principal bridge.

Capt. Cooper with the party accompanying us was posted in an interior building to act as sharp shooters against the men of the Tête du Pont, until we should be sufficiently reinforced for more offensive operations. After a brief period we were joined by Major Mansfield, of the U. S. Engineers, with a small party of the 1st infantry under his command. Whilst the men were resting we reconnoitred the position and decided on a plan of attack. At this instant we were joined by Gen. Hamer with a portion of his brigade; and from him we received orders to retire, as I was afterwards informed to give protection to a battery of artillery, threatened by Lancers, in the rear.

In the meantime a few individuals, but no organised portion of my regiment had joined me, and we followed in rear of Gen. Hamer's column. After having proceeded the half of a mile or more, the enemy's cavalry appeared on our left and the troops in front began to close and form on a chaparral fence in advance of us. The men under my command had undergone such severe fatigue that their movements were necessarily slow, and some of them fell behind. A party of Lancers dashed forward to attack the rear. I ordered the Riflemen to face about, and returned to the relief of our comrades. The movement was readily executed, and though the files were in loose order their effective fire soon drove the enemy back leaving several dead behind him.

Soon after this, I was joined by Maj. Bradford with the portion of our Regt. which had served under his orders a great part of the day, and for whose conduct during that period, I refer to Maj. Bradford's report accompanying this statement. We were now on the ground where for the third time during the day we had been under the cross fire of the enemy's batteries; when I learned from you the position of another portion of my Regt. and received your orders to join, and consolidate it. Were I to mention all the instances of gallantry, and soldierly firmness which came under my observation, this statement would extend beyond a convenient limit.

I saw no exhibition of fear, no want of confidence, but on every side the men who stood around me were prompt, and willing to execute my orders. I cannot omit to mention the

gallant bearing of Lieut. Col. McClung.¹ At the storming of the fort, he first mounted the parapet, and turning to the Regt. waved his sword over his head in token of the triumph of our arms; leaving him in that position to cheer the men on to further danger, it was my misfortune soon after to lose his services. At the fortified stone building he was dangerously wounded.

I must also mention Lieut. Patterson who sprung into the open embrasure as Col. McClung mounted parapet, and fired the first American piece within the work of the enemy. Capt. Downing in whom is happily combined the qualities of a leader, and commander, was severely wounded whilst (among the foremost) cheering his company to the charge, and I felt severely the loss of his services. Corpl. Grisham of Capt. Taylor's company "I" fell near me, after we had crossed the stream and were advancing upon the fort beyond it. He had fired his rifle several times, and was advancing-firing with exemplary intrepidity, when he fell pierced by two wounds, and died as he had fought, calmly, silently, and with his eye upon the foe. Lieut. Calhoun attracted my attention by the gallantry with which he exposed himself, and the efforts he made to shelter others.

Pleased with the enthusiasm and dashing spirit of all, I was yet more struck with instances of coolness, which verged upon indifference to danger, but which the limits of this communication will not allow me specially to notice.

Subjoined is a list of the killed, and wounded in the action of the 21st Sept. 1846

Very Respectfully

Jeffn. Davis

Col. Missi. Rifins.

note

A condensed statement of the casualties of the 21st 22d & 23d will be appended, instead of the separate lists.

J. D.

Endorsed:

        No. 1

                Col. Davis' report of the transactions of the 21st Sept. 1846

_______________

* In command of brigade of which Col. Davis' regiment was a part.

¹ McClung, Alexander Keith, a soldier and lawyer, and a nephew of Chief Justice Marshall, was born in Fauquier County, Va. He was educated in Kentucky, entered the navy and settled in Mississippi in 1832 where he opened a law office. He was a Whig in politics, but was never in an important office. About 1844 he established a Whig newspaper, the True Issue, at Jackson. During the Mexican War he served as Lieutenant Colonel of Jefferson Davis's regiment. He died by his own hand about 1857.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 103-6

Colonel Jefferson Davis to Brigadier General John A. Quitman, Undated

(From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.)

Additional Report.

Gen Quitman,
        Comdg. 2 Brig. 1st Div. Vols.

Sir, omitting to notice those occurrences which transpired whilst with you holding the fort on the 22nd I resume my statements at the point when ordered out to reconnoitre the movements, and position of the enemy on the morning of the 23d. My command consisted of Co "H" commanded by 1st Lieut Moore, Co. G, commanded by 1st Lieut. Greaves, and two Companies of Col. Campbell's Regt. under the command of Lieut. Col. Anderson. Having been deprived of the very valuable services of Adjt. Griffith of the Riflemen by an injury received in his shoulder which compelled him to remain in camp, Lieut. Cook, at a time when the duty we had to perform was considered both difficult, and perilous offered me his services, and rendered great assistance. As we advanced into the town armed bodies of men fled through the streets at our approach. Having turned the flank of the Fort we found it evacuated & the artillery removed, as I suppose under cover of the night. We took possession of it, but as it was commanded by the forts in the rear of it, and the têrre pleine exposed to their fire it was necessary to take shelter upon the outer side. At this time I was accompanied by and received valuable assistance, and advice from Lieut. Scarrett of the Engineers. After a reconnoissance still further to the left, I received your orders to advance to what my examination induced me to believe a better position, and my command was changed in relieving Co "G" by Capt. Cooper's Co "B" of our Regt. and substituting one of the companies of Col. Campbells Regt. by Co "D" of the Missi Riflemen commanded by 1st Lieut. Russel. Finding no enemy within our range at the next position we advanced to a breastwork thrown across the termination of a street to our left. Whilst examining it I was twice fired at by sharp shooters; the files of my command nearest to me stepped forward to punish the assailants, and in a few moments we were in action. Our fire was effective upon the right, but the enemy posted upon the top of a large building on our left, continued to fire from his place of security and killed one of our men whose gallant conduct had I remembered attracted your attention. Private Tyree of Co "K", whose company being in rear, had voluntarily come up, and joined us. We had (I think) done all which we could effect from that position when you directed us to a place of greater safety to which you had ordered the remaining companies of my Regt. to advance. Capt Taylor, and his company were not relieved from the duty with which I had charged him, that of holding a post in the rear which was very important in the event of our being compelled to retire. I had found him so efficient on the previous occasion, and his company so prompt and gallant that I regretted his absence. After we were joined by the Texas Volunteers under Gen Henderson I derived great support from them; as well from their gallantry, as their better knowledge of the construction of Mexican houses.

We continued to advance, and drive the enemy by passing through courts, gardens, and houses, taking every favorable position to fire from the house tops, which from their style of architecture furnishes a good defence against musketry. Until near "the Plaza" where we found all the streets barricaded, and swept by so severe a fire that to advance from our last position it became necessary to construct a defence across the street, for this purpose we used the baggage, and pack saddles found in the houses, and though under a fire of artillery, as well as musketry had more than half finished the work when we received orders to retire. This was done in good order though I regret to say that the enemy, emboldened by the first retrograde movement followed our retreat by a cross street, and wounded several of our party among others Lieut. Howard of the Missi Riflemen who was bringing up the rear. As on the former occasion to name those whose conduct equalled my highest expectations, and hopes would be to furnish a list of the officers, and men engaged in the action.

I wish to mention for your notice two gentlemen who joined my Regt. and served in the ranks as volunteers on the 23d viz. Maj. E. R. Price of Natches, and Capt. I. R. Smith late of the Louisiana volunteers, they were both conspicuous for their good conduct on every trying occasion, always with the advanced detachment, and as prompt in the observance of orders as in the encounter of danger.

Whilst I cannot mention all who deserve commendation, and feel that you will bear me out in claiming the highest credit for each, I cannot forbear from naming Capt. Cooper, Lieuts. Moore, Russell, and Cook,* and Sergeant Major Harlan, who being especially under my observation, and generally out of your view, might otherwise pass without that notice, which their soldierly conduct so well merits. The conduct of Regimental Surgeon Seymour Halsey is worthy of the highest credit, and claims especial notice. On the 21st he was on the field of battle, and exposed several times to much personal danger, whilst giving early relief to the wounded, and has effected much by his attention since. To his vigilance and skill it is fair to assign the fact, that not a case of amputation has yet occurred in our Regiment. Herewith is a List of the killed and wounded on the 22d and in the action of the 23d Instant.

Very respectfully

Jeffn. Davis    

Col. Missi. Rifln.

note.
The Casualties will be found in the condensed statement annexed—

Endorsed:
        No. 2
                Col. Davis’
                Report of transactions of the 23rd Sept. 1846

_______________

* The names of Posey, Greaves, & Hampton should have been here inserted.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 107-9

Diary of Elvira J. Powers, Tuesday, April 12, 1864

Have visited Hospital, No. 8, as well as No. 1, several times since I have been here, and am priviledged to carry some delicacies, and write letters for its inmates.

I yesterday visited Hospital, No. 1, for the last time probably, while those remain in whom I have become specially interested. But have made such arrangements that William and the Alabamian, who were given to my care, shall have whatever is needed. They seem to regret my departure, but William is decidedly better. Carried a large bottle of lemonade, some oranges, and blackberry sirup.

Found a poor old Norwegian suffering terribly from the application of bromine to the gangrenous wound in his arm. He was very thankful for an orange and some lemonade—had eaten nothing for two days. His face and bald, venerable head were covered with a red silk handkerchief, to hide the great tears which were pressed out by the pain; but his nurse said he never gave a word of complaint.

The German with amputated limb is easier—the blind man hopeful of sight, and the little fellow improving, who "enlisted to fight, and not to be sick."

While in ward 3, yesterday, I was beckoned to, from a sick bed, whose occupant wished me to come and "rejoice with him." Upon going there he assured me with a mysterious air, that he "isn't going to tell everybody, but as I was a particular friend of his, and he had always thought right smart of me, he would tell me something greatly surprising."

Upon expressing my willingness to be surprised, he confidently and joyfully assured me that though very few people knew it, yet he was "The veritable man who killed Jeff. Davis, President of the Confederate States!"

He waited a moment to note the effect upon me of this pleasing intelligence, when I quietly told him I didn't know before that Jeff. Davis was dead, but that if he was, and he was the one who killed him, they ought to give him a discharge and let him go home, as he has done his share of the work. Then he joyfully assured me, that "they have promised to do so, and that his papers are to be made out to-morrow." But more serious thoughts came to me then, for I saw written upon his countenance, in unmistakable characters, the signature of the Death angel, marking his chosen, and though I knew not how soon his papers would be made out, was certain that before long they would be, and that he would receive a full and free discharge from all earthly toil and battle from the Great Medical Director of us all!

While passing through the aisles of wounded men, and hearing their stories, many of them intensely graphic, I seemed to hear something like the following, which, may the author whose name I do not know, pardon me for copying:*

"Let me lie down,

Just here in the shade of this cannon-torn tree,—

Here, low on the trampled grass, where I may see

The surge of the combat; and where I may hear

The glad cry of victory, cheer upon cheer:

Let me lie down.

 

Oh, it was grand!

Like the tempest we charged, in the triumph to share;

The tempest—its fury and thunder were there;

On, on, o'er intrenchments, o'er living and dead,

With the foe under foot, and our flag overhead,—

Oh, it was grand!

 

Weary and faint,

Prone on the soldier's couch, ah! how can I rest

With this shot shattered head and sabre-pierced breast ?

Comrades, at roll-call, when I shall be sought,

Say I fought till I fell, and fell where I fought,

Wounded and faint.

 

Oh, that last charge!

Right through the dread hell-fire of shrapnel and shell,—

Through without faltering, clear through with a yell,

Right in their midst, in the turmoil and gloom,

Like heroes we dashed at the mandate of doom!

Oh, that last charge!

 

It was duty!

Some things are worthless, and some others so good,

That nations who buy them pay only in blood;

For Freedom and Union each man owes his part;

And here I pay my share, all warm from my heart,

It is duty!

 

Dying at last!

My mother, dear mother, with meek, tearful eye,

Farewell! and God bless you for ever and aye!

Oh, that I now lay on your pillowing breast,

To breathe my last sigh on the bosom first prest!

Dying at last!

 

I am no saint!

But, boys, say a prayer. There's one that begins,

'Our Father;' and then says, 'Forgive us our sins:'

Don't forget that part; say that strongly; and then

I'll try to repeat it, and you'll say amen!

Ah! I'm no saint!

 

Hark! there's a shout!

Raise me up, comrades! We have conquered, I know;

Up, on my feet, with my face to the foe!

Ah! there flies the flag, with its star spangles bright,

The promise of Glory, the symbol of Right!

Well may they shout!

 

I'm mustered out!

O God of our fathers! our freedom prolong,

And tread down rebellion, oppression, and wrong!

O land of earth's hopes! on thy blood-reddened sod,

I die for the Nation, the Union, and God!

I'm mustered out!"

_______________

NASHVILLE is a city which is set upon hills. It is also founded upon a rock, and the fact that it has not much earth upon that rock, is made the pretext for leaving numberless deceased horses and mules upon the surface, without even a heathen burial, until they are numbered with the things that were.

But it has been comfortingly asserted by the agent of the Christian Commission here, Rev. E. P. Smith, that it is astonishing how much dead mule one may breathe, and yet survive.

Nashville is also a city of narrow, filthy streets, and in some localities, of water, which, like the "offence" of the king of Denmark, "smells to Heaven."

It is moreover a city of mules. Two, four, and six mule teams, with a driver astride of one of them, and sometimes with the high, comical-looking Tennessean wagons attached not to the driver particularly, but to the mules. These, with mulish mules, who draw crowds instead of wagons, animate the streets day and night. It is a city of either dust or mud—but one street boasts a street-sprinkler.

The citizens of Nashville who remain, have mostly taken the oath of allegiance to protect their property, but it is estimated that not above one in fifty is, at heart, loyal. The ladies (?) sometimes show their contempt of Northern laborers by making up faces when meeting them upon the streets, but there are so many "blue coats" about, they do not think it advisable to allow their

"Angry passions rise,"

To tear out our eyes;"

as they would evidently consider it a great pleasure to accomplish.

Nashville and its vicinity boasts a few distinguished personages beside myself. Mrs. Polk, widow of the Ex-President, resides a few blocks from this. Gen. Sherman's headquarters are at a lovely retreat, we think, on High Street, and Gen. Rouseau's but a few blocks distant, while the Hermitage of Gen. Andrew Jackson is but twelve miles east of the city. This has many visitors, but who seldom venture now without a guard. Since our stay here, a party of four ladies from Hospital, No. 19, with as many gentlemen, and a guard of thirteen, visited the Hermitage, who learned next day that a party of guerillas, 100 in number, came there an hour after they had left, and followed them. At first, as they informed us, they made it a subject for pleasant jesting, but after farther consideration, for that of serious thought, as they came rather too near being candidates for "Libby," or a worse fate.

A nephew, who is also an adopted son of the old General, has charge of the place; he has two sons in the rebel service. The property is confiscated to the Government, but the family, out of respect to the memory of the stern old patriot, are permitted to remain. The visitors may see here the quaint and cumbrous family carriage in which the General used to journey, together with a buggy, made from the timbers of the old ship Ironsides.

The family, especially the female portion of it, being of secession principles, keep themselves secluded from the gaze of northern mudsills. But the mudsills, presuming upon the cordial reception which they believe would be extended by the General himself, usually make themselves sufficiently at home to wander at their own sweet will through the grounds, and partake of a lunch on the shaded piazza.

It is a fine old mansion, approached by a circular avenue, which is shaded by grand old trees. And notwithstanding that the General has adopted grandsons in the rebel service, and his family are secessionists, yet it requires but little faith to believe that the stern old hero is not unmindful of the present gigantic struggle, neither a great flight. of the imagination when the wind is moaning and stirring the lofty branches of the grand old trees, to fancy that his voice, in suppressed and now reverent accents, yet emphatically exclaims:—

"By the Eternal, the Union must, and shall be preserved!"

The city contains many elegant private residences, and splendid public buildings.

Among the latter is the State Asylum for the Insane, which has four hundred and fifty acres attached, and had an expenditure of $48,000 per annum. Another is the Institution for the Blind, the expenses of which for the year 1850, were nearly $8,000. The Tennessean Penitentiary is also a superior structure. In September 30, 1850, the number of inmates was three hundred and seventy-eight, and of this number three hundred and sixty-six, were white men, with only eight black men, three white women with only one black woman.

The Medical College is a fine building and contains a valuable museum. The University is an imposing edifice of gray marble, while the Masonic Hall, the Seminary and graded school buildings are spacious and beautiful structures. The first in importance, among the public buildings of Nashville, and which is second to none in the United States in point of solidity and durability, is the Capitol. This is a magnificent edifice, situated on an eminence one hundred and seventy-five feet above the river, and constructed inside and out, of a beautiful variety of fossilliferous limestone or Tennessee marble. At each end, it has an Ionic portico of eight columns, and each of the sides, a portico of six. A tower rises from the centre of the roof to the hight of two hundred and six feet from the ground. This has a quadrangular base surmounted by a circular cell, with eight fluted Corinthian columns, designed from the celebrated choragic monument of Lysicrates, at Athens.

Among the private residences we have seen, is a beautiful mansion, still unfinished, which, at the time of his death, was being built for the rebel Gen. Zollicoffer. A more unpretending one perhaps, is that of the widow of ex-President Polk, the grounds surrounding which contain his tomb—a plain, simple, temple-like fabric, of light brown marble.

That beautiful baronial domain known as the Achlen estate is situate about two miles out of town. For attractions it has extensive grounds, with great variety and profusion of shrubbery, among which flash out here and there, life-like statues of men and animals, and miniature monuments and temples. A fountain jets its diamond drops, while an artificial pond is the home of the tiny silver and gold fish. Beside the noble family mansion is another building nearly as spacious, which is used as a place of amusement. A well-filled conservatory is another beautiful feature, while an observatory, which crowns an imposing brick tower, gives a view of the scenery for miles around.

This estate with large plantations, in Louisiania [sic], were accumulated by the owner, while in the business of slave-driving and negro trading. His name was Franklin. After his death his youthful widow married a gay leader in the fashionable [sic] world, known in the southern society of Memphis and New Orleans, as Joe Achlen. Under his direction the estate was improved and beautified at a cost of $1,000,000, At the commencement of this war, it was had in contemplation by the Confederate officials, to purchase the estate and present it to his Excellency, Jeff. Davis; but they will probably defer making that munificent gift, until the Federal army is at a safer distance.

An intelligent chattel, who has been on the place twenty years, informs us that Achlen was a kind master. That when he visited his plantations in Louisiana, the negroes would welcome him at the wharf, and if it was the least muddy, would take him upon their shoulders and carry him to the house. But despite this fact, the negroes have somehow got the impression that freedom is preferable to slavery. So strongly are they impressed with the desire of owning themselves, that out of 900 who were on the estate and plantations at the commencement of the war, but five remain at the former place, and these with wages of $15.00 per month, while about the same number are at each of the plantations, these kept also by wages.

The death of Achlen occurred last fall; his widow is much of the time in New Orleans, but the property is neatly kept by what was formerly a part of itself.

One of those little incidents, by the by, which proves that truth is stranger than fiction, occurred to this negro who testified to the kindness of his master. When he was purchased for the estate he was separated from his wife, who was sold south. Neither knew the locality of the other, and nineteen long years passed by, when this war, which has made such an upheaval in the strata of American society, loosened the chains of the bondwoman, and true to the instincts of her nature, she started toward the north pole, to find freedom and her husband.

He says it was a joyful time when they met and recognized each other in the streets of Nashville; but we each have the privilege of entertaining our own ideas as to whether the race is capable of constancy and affection.

Even the Capitol has its mounted cannon, to protect it against the citizens of Nashville. During our stay in the city, we have had the pleasure of listening to a lecture by two Rev. Drs. of New York, and Brooklyn, in the Hall of Representatives, and by moonlight. They were to speak on the subject of emancipation and reconstruction, by invitation of Gov. Andrew Johnson, and Comptroller Fowler.

That afternoon, they had returned from the front, toilworn and weary, where they had witnessed the battle and ministered to the wounded of Resaca and Dalton. Upon proceeding to the Capitol, the moon was bathing all things without in her silver radiance, while within hid dark shadows, in strange contrast to an occasional silver shaft, through openings in the heavy damask curtains.

Queries revealed the fact that the Governor, Comptroller, and the man having charge of the gas fixtures, had gone to attend a railroad celebration, not having received word that the gentlemen had accepted the invitation to speak at that time and place.

Quite a number of gentlemen gathered in front of the speaker's desk, with some six ladies the latter provided with seats; and after some consultation we found ourselves listening to interesting recitals of how "war's grim visage" had appeared to Rev. Drs. Thompson and Buddington of New York and Brooklyn.

And we could but think as we sat there in the moonlight, with most of the audience standing, what different audiences they had swayed at home, and how much depends upon time, place and circumstance in the life of a public speaker, and were glad to see that they could meet adverse circumstances with becoming serenity and humility. The novelty connected with the scene, time and place, made it an evening long to be remembered.

The Seminary building was used as hospital, then as barracks and since as soldiers' home.

The faculty of this institution, in their last advertisement of its merits, previous to the arrival of the Union army, assured their patrons that they would

"So educate their daughters, as to fit them to become wives of the Southern Chivalry and to hate the detestable Yankees!"

The Medical College on Broad Street, is now a home and hospital for the refugees; and the filth, destitution, misery and ignorance which exist among that class of poor whites who have fled from starvation in Georgia, North and South Carolina, Alabama or East Tennessee, must be witnessed to be realized. We no longer wondered that the neat, industrious and comparatively well-informed negro servants and free colored people of Nashville look upon them with the contempt so well expressed by the words, "poor white trash!"

Brought up to think labor a disgrace, they will sooner sit down in ignorance, poverty, and the filth which nourishes vermin and loathsome diseases, than disgrace themselves by work. Unaccustomed to habits of neatness and industry they are singularly careless of each other's comfort, and neglectful of their own sick.

The same week of our reaching this city, a family of refugees, nine in number, the parents and seven children, all died, and of no particular disease. The scenes which they had passed through, with the loss of home and each other, with the native lack of energy which led them to succumb to circumstances, rather than battle to overcome them, seemed the only causes.

We will sketch a few of the scenes we saw in this home of the refugees, prefacing, however, that some of the worst features we do not propose giving, either to offend ears polite or our own sense of propriety.

In company with the matron we enter the spacious building between two majestic statues, which stand like sentinels to guard the entrance, less efficient, however, than that "blue coat" who perambulates the walk with rifle and bayonet.

In the first room a gaunt and haggard face meets ours, with piercing eyes, from beneath an old slouched hood, and from a miserable bunk, whose possessor, within the next twenty-four hours, ceases to battle with consumption, and finds that "rest for the weary." She is now so restless she must be turned every few minutes, and stranger hands attend to her wishes. "We were starved out," she says. "The Rebs tuk everything what they didn't destroy; and burnt the house."

"We,' who came with you?"

"Me two step-daughters. But they haven't been here these three days. I reckon they're tired o' takin keer o' me. It's mighty hard though to raise up girls to neglect ye when ye're on a death-bed."

What can we say to comfort her. Our heart grows faint when we think how incapable we are to minister to this one. Bereft of home, penniless, forsaken even by relatives, and in such agonizing unrest. Yes, but a happy thought comes now, if homeless, can she not better appreciate the worth of that "house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens"—if penniless, realize the enduring riches of the better land—husbandless and friendless, know better the worth of that "Friend above all others"—restless, the value of that "rest for the weary?" We tell her of all these, and she professes to gain new strength from our words to wait on the chariot wheels which so long delay their coming.

On another bunk is a wretched woman, who is drowning sorrow as usual in the stupor induced by opium. We have now no message for her.

See that little chubby child, of perhaps three years, whose little flaxen head, has made a pillow of the hard hearthstone, and is soundly sleeping. That is a little waif—nobody owns it. It has neither father, mother, brother, sister or other relative in the wide world that any one knows about. Pity, but some one bereaved by this war would suffer this little one to creep into the heart and home and grow to fill the place made desolate!

Here is a tall, well-formed girl, of perhaps twenty, with a perfect wealth of soft, glossy, auburn hair, of which any city belle would be proud, but it is in wild disorder and just falling from her comb. Ask her, if you choose, what is that eruption with which her hands are covered, and which appears upon her face, and she will as unblushingly and drawlingly tell you, as though your query were a passing remark upon the weather.

Here are three other girls sitting upon a rough board bench—the eldest, a bright girl of about twelve, is making an apron for her sister. Do you wish to hear her story?—if so, listen.

"Me an' me mother an' me two sisters come from East Tennessee. The Union army come to our place first, an' they burned an' destroyed a great deal what they didn't take away, and after they left the Rebs come an' did the same, an' so between 'em both they left us all starvin' through the country. Then the Unioners come agin, and we followed 'em, an' they sent us here. While we were on the boat it was powerful open an' cold-like, an' me mother tuk cold. An' she looked like she was struck with death from the very first, an' the doctor told me I might just as well make up my mind to it, first as last, an' make her as comfortable as I could. So I tukkeer o' her, day an' night for two weeks, an' brought her every thing she wanted, oranges an' sich like, till she died. I thought when my father an' other relatives died that I tuk it powerful hard, but 'twas nothin' like losin' me mother. While she was sick me two little sisters had been livin' with a cousin o' mine; but I hearn tell he was treaten 'em mighty bad, so I wrote a note to the captin an' told him I wanted to come here and see to the keer on 'em myself. An' he said I might, so I comed yesterday."

We leave this room for another. There a sick boy of fourteen is lying on a bed of rags, who is recovering from measles. Hear his history.

"We lived in East Tennessee, an' my father nigh onto the first o'the war, wanted to get to Kaintucky and jine the Yankees, but the Rebels tuk him off to Vicksburg and made him jine them. Then when the place surrendered to the Yanks, about half on 'em jined them, an' my father 'mong the rest, jest what he'd been wantin' to, for a long time.

But they burned and starved us all out to home, an' we left thar an' come har whar we could git suthin' to eat. Me an me mother an' me little brother what's only six year old come. But me mother was tuk sick an' died here three week ago. I hearn right after, that my father's regiment was ordered some whar else, an' I don't know whar he is. She knew what company an' regiment me father was in, but I was sick when he sent word about it, an' he don't know whar we air. Mother nor he could'nt write, so we've no letters nor nothin' to tell. May be he's dead, an' we'll never hear of it, or if he lives he'll never find us."

It is a sad case, but we comfort him with the hope of what perseverance and a little knowledge of writing may do for him, and pass to another.

Here is a young man, dressed and lying upon the outside of his bed, whose foot and ancle are encased in a wooden box. His temperament partakes largely of the nervous sanguine. He has an open, frank, intelligent countenance, speaks rapidly, and with a short, joyous, electrical laugh.

"I was raised in North Carolina," he says. "I was'nta Union man at the first-nor a Confederate either, well about half an' half, I reckon. But we'se all obliged either to run away from our families an' leave 'em to starve, or hide with 'em in the mountains or jine the army. So I concluded to jine; an' I've been in Braggs army mor'n two years."

"Why did you leave it," we asked.

"Well the fact was I begun to think sure we was in the wrong, else we'd fared better'n we did. For I've allays allowed the Lord would prosper the right ride. So when I found that I had to march or fight hard all day, an' have nothin' more to eat for the hull twenty-four hours, than a piece o'bread the bigness o'my hand, an' a piece o'meat only as large as my two fingers-an' have been so hungry for weeks that I could nearly eat my own fingers off, I concluded to desert and try the other side.

My brother-in-law left Lee's army about the same time I left Bragg's. I was to meet him and my wife, at his house in Athens; but when I was coming on the train from Charleston, I saw another train coming that ran into ours, and I jumped off and broke my limb. So I could'nt go there, and they brought me on to this place.

I've enough to eat, and have good care, and should feel right well contented till I get well, if I only could know where my wife Martha is. I've sent two letters, but I can't hear a word. I've got a letter written to my brother-inlaw about her now-its lying there."

And he points to a rough board. one end of which rests upon his bunk, and the other upon an empty one near, and which serves him in place of a stand.

"Its been waitin' a long time" he adds, for I hav'nt a postage stamp on it. We were just married when the war begun, an' we had a fine start for young folks, but I let my gold and silver go in gittin' settled, and the Confederate money's worth nothin' here, so I hav'nt a penny to use."

The letter was put in the office, and he was supplied with stationary and stamps during our stay. He wished more added to his letter and we wrote what he dictated.

"It's the first time I ever had anybody write for me," he said proudly. "I generally do my own writin',—an' readin' too," and he glanced toward some books he had.

"An' you may be sure," he added as we left him, "if I get well, an' my wife Martha is lost, but I'll spend the rest o' my life huntin' but I'll find her!"

SOURCES: Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings: Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, as Matron and Visitor, pp. 26-41; For the poem “Mustered Out,” written by Rev. William E. Miller, see Frank Moore, Editor, The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry, Etc., Vol. 7 p. 92.

Jefferson Davis to John Jenkins, September 21, 1847

(From Vicksburg Sentinel, September 29, 1847.)

Brierfield, Sept. 21st, 1847.

John Jenkins Esq:

Dear Sir:—In your paper of the 1st inst., I observed a notice of a long article in the "Mississippi Advertiser," being an attack upon my "friends" in general, and myself in connection with the fact, that the 2d Mississippi Regiment, had offered to elect me their Colonel, and that I declined to accept. Much stress is laid upon a paragraph in a number of your paper issued whilst I was in Mexico, referring to a rumor that I would probably become the commander of the 2d Mississippi Regiment. I saw the paragraph, and at the same time a notice of it in a New Orleans paper, which treated the rumor as ridiculous. Either or both views seemed to me very unimportant, as no vacancy existed, and there was no prospect that one would happen. Col. R. Davis left his Regiment on leave of absence, not to resign, but to make such arrangements as would enable him to return to his command, and remain during the war. This information communicated to me, by himself, I frequently gave to others, to correct an impression that he would not return.

He rejoined his Regiment very soon after I left Monterey. Ill health has subsequently compelled him to resign, and a vacancy thus unexpectedly occurred. In the mean time your paragraph, which the Advertiser considers as so effective, had become old, if you can bear the supposition, perhaps Sir, it was forgotten in the 2d Regiment; the more supposible, as the report you noticed came from them, and could acquire no additional importance by travelling back. The "Advertiser" says: "The announcement of the rumor of some circumstances, had time to reach the camp of the 2d Regiment in Mexico, and also the refusal of the tender of the Brigadier Generalship." Now, Sir, I have just said I thought the announcement had too much time, and I have some reason to believe the refusal had not enough. A Physician formerly a member of the 1st Mississippi Regiment, now on duty in the medical staff of the division which includes the 2d Mississippi Regiment, wrote to me from camp Buena Vista, on the 10th July; five days before the letter of the committee, from whose letter I make the following extract: "The 2d Mississippi, leave for Augua Nueva, in a few days, and more troops are expected up. We were all delighted to hear that you have been promoted to Brigadier, and would take command of this Division."

The idea of electing me Colonel of the 2d Mississippi Regiment, I have been informed by some of the officers, was as old as its organization; and repeatedly when we were at Monterey, members of the 2d Mississippi Regiment, expressed a wish, in the event of their Colonelcy becoming vacant to have my services in that capacity. These will remember, whilst I acknowledged the compliment, the extent to which I always discouraged the proposition, and will recognize in the third reason of my letter to their committee a principle they have heard me more fully present. By them my reply might have been anticipated, yet if they supposed I could not resist an invitation so generously and unexpectedly given, they were not far wrong. Had

I been physically able, and free to accept, they would probably have been right.

Now, Sir, to return to the article of the "Advertiser," having gratuitously made the supposition, that the invitation of the 2d Regiment, was procured to subserve some purpose, and be refused, the editor with all the solemnity of an indictment proceeds: "If Col. Jefferson Davis has, at any time, or in any form," &c &c, to instruct me what it is requisite for me to do in the case. To the low suspicion, I have nothing to reply. It must find its rebuke in every ingenuous mind, and its refutation must come from my friends of the 2d Mississippi Regiment, who best know the degree of its falsehood. How an unprejudicated mind could originate such things, it is difficult to conceive. Nor is it more easy for me to imagine whose vanity has been wounded, whose envy excited, whose jealousy has prompted him to this misrepresentation of a free offering, an honorable distinction, which my fellow citizens of the 2d Regiment, have been pleased to confer upon me.

At the close of the Advertiser's article, is a call for information as to the ground on which I declined the proffered command. Those who volunteer advice, ought to have a great deal of information, and I am happy to have it in my power to contribute any. I therefore send you for publication the correspondence in relation to this transaction. It is comprised entire, in two letters herewith enclosed. No. 1 the letter of the committee, No. 2, a copy of my reply.

Very truly your friend,

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 96-8

A. McWillie and others to Jefferson Davis, July 16, 1847

(From Vicksburg Sentinel, September 29, 1847.)

Buena Vista, Mexico,        

July 16th, 1847.

Genl. Jefferson Davis—Sir: — As you will doubtless have learned before this reaches you, the office of Colonel of the 2nd Mississippi Rifles will be vacated on the 1st of September next, by the resignation of Col. Reuben Davis.

Feeling a deep interest in the selection of his successor, the officers held a meeting on last evening to ascertain, if possible, who was the choice of the regiment.

Knowing and appreciating the high reputation you have acquired as commander of the 1st Mississippi Regiment, there was on the part of the meeting a unanimous expression of opinion in your favor, and the undersigned were appointed a committee to ascertain the preference of the whole regiment, to communicate with you upon the subject, and to know if you would accept the command if tendered to you. We have made such enquiry among the men, and we are happy to be able to state, that you are the unanimous choice of the whole regiment. We therefore request that you will communicate to us at the earliest practicable period, what your views are upon the subject, so that we may communicate the same to the regiment. Permit us to indulge the hope personally that it may not be incompatible with your wishes and interests to assume the command, and that we may soon have the pleasure of greeting you as our leader.

We have the honor to be,
                                           Very respectfully,

        Your ob't serv'ts,

A. McWILLIE,        

Capt. 2nd Miss. Rifles,

E. DOWSING,        

1st Lieut. 2nd Miss. Rifles,

F. AMYX,        

1st Lieut. 2nd Miss. Rifles,

A. J. TRUSSEL        ,

2nd Lieut. 2nd Miss. Rifles.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 98-9

Jefferson Davis to A. McWillie and others, August 19, 1847

(From Vicksburg Sentinel, September 29, 1847.)

Brierfield, Warren co., Miss.,        

August 19th, 1847.

Gentlemen:—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your most gratifying letter of the 16th ult., conveying to me the information that my esteemed friends of the 2nd Mississippi Riflemen unanimously offer to elect me their regimental leader.

The honorable post you offer has every thing to commend it to me; it is the free gift of Mississippians; it invites me to field service in a region where the energy and health of the troops will not be impaired by the climate, and it assures me of being in the column of the general in whom I have unmeasured confidence.

Your proposition under all the circumstances which attend it, is an honor of which the highest reputation might well be proud, and for which I feel more grateful than I have power to express. In declining a station so honorable, so acceptable to my tastes, feelings and associations, and offered in a manner so highly complimentarily, I have three reasons to submit to you in justification of my decision:

1st. I have not so far recovered from my wound as to be able to travel immediately; the probable date of your advance admits of no delay in one who would join you in your present position, and the anticipated character of your movement, in the event of an advance, renders it doubtful whether an individual could join you on the march.

II. Before the receipt of your letter I had accepted a commission to fill a vacancy in our Representation in the U. S. Senate.

III. I have held that vacancies occurring in the field afford opportunities to reward merit among yourselves, and that policy dictates, and esprit du corps demands, that promotions should thus be made. I feel that your kindness has made me an exception to a rule, and that I best show myself worthy of your generosity by declining to take advantage of it.

Though I shall not be with you to share the glory, it is permitted me to hope that at no distant day the fortune of war will give you an opportunity to fulfill the expectations of you, so early and confidently announced by myself, in common with your many friends and admirers.

To you alone now is Mississippi's standard confided. Rent and blood-stained it may be; but in your hands, can never be dishonored. It may droop with the cypress, but will be crowned with the laurel.

For yourselves, gentlemen, please receive my sincere thanks, for the grateful terms in which you have conveyed the flattering wishes of my friends and fellow citizens of the 2nd Mississippi Rifles, to whom I pray you make my acknowledgements acceptable.

With assurances of the deep interest I will always feel in your prosperity and fame, and with the hope that under the blessing of peace we may be early reunited at home. I am very cordially,

Your friend and ob't serv't.

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

Messrs. Capt. A. McWillie, Lieut. E. Dowsing, Lieut. F. Amyx, Lieut. A. J. Trussell, committee 2nd       Mississippi Rifles.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, pp. 99-100