Showing posts with label Hardee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Hardee. Show all posts

Saturday, November 9, 2024

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Sunday, April 6, 1862

On the above day and date commenced one of the great battles of the "War Between the States," generally known as the "Battle of Shiloh."

Finding a very full description of said battle in the History of Forrest's Campaigns, from the pen of General Thomas Jordan (than whom, perhaps, no other was better qualified to describe said battle, as he was at the time A. S. Johnston's Adjutant-General), I will copy at length, though I shall somewhat abridge without using marks of ellipsis or quotation points:

The Confederate forces that had abandoned Kentucky and Middle Tennessee were assembled by railroad from Huntsville and Decatur at Corinth, in North Mississippi.

Major-General Polk's forces, from Columbus, Kentucky, and West Tennessee, had likewise been concentrated at the same place, as well as a splendid corps under General Bragg, drawn from Pensacola and New Orleans, with the addition of some newly-enrolled Mississippi regiments. This force was reorganized during the last week of March into three army corps: The First, commanded by Major-General Polk; the Second, by Major-General Bragg, and the Third, by Major-General Hardee. The cavalry had a separate organization of about four thousand five hundred. The whole was under the chief command of Albert Sidney Johnston, with Beauregard as second in command.

While the Confederates were thus occupied their adversary had not been dilatory. General Grant, under orders from his superior, had proceeded, with his force engaged in the operations ending in the fall of Fort Donelson, and established himself at a point upon the west bank of the Tennessee River known as Pittsburg Landing. Here, too, he had been followed soon by three other divisions, commanded by W. T. Sherman, Hurlburt and Prentiss.

Moreover, after diverting one of his divisions (Mitchell's) toward Huntsville, Alabama, General Buell, with his other four divisions, was known to be rapidly converging to the same theater of operations.

Thus matters stood on the evening of the 2d of April: Two considerable hostile armies had been brought within eighteen miles of each other, with no physical barrier, such as a large river or mountain, between them.

Being satisfied the time had come to spring upon, if possible, surprise and crush General Grant's army before Buell had come up, General Johnston, about eleven o'clock on the night of the 2d, decided to put his army in movement the following day, and trust its fortunes to the "iron dice" of battle. Accordingly the orders to that end, issued at once by his Adjutant-General, were received by his several corps commanders by forty minutes past one on the morning of the 3d of April, while a reserve was organized at the same time of three brigades, under Breckinridge, to move directly from Burnsville and join the main body at a petty cross-road village called Monterey. By noon (the 3d) the whole Confederate army was under arms and ready to begin the march. But from untoward causes the First (Polk's) Corps did not get in motion so soon as had been expected, and did not bivouac as far in advance as was desirable.

Moreover, the badness of the roads, caused by a heavy rainfall the night of the 3d, so retarded the movement that Bragg's Corps was not able the second day to advance further than Monterey, whereas it had been confidently anticipated that by the night of the 4th the whole army would have assembled in the vicinity of their antagonist. Instead of being able to attack Saturday morning, as anticipated, General Polk's Corps did not reach the vicinity of the designated point of concentration until quite as late as two o'clock Saturday afternoon, 5th of April.

Though General Johnston, through his staff, had made every effort to get his troops in position for an attack that day.

Supremely chagrined that he had been balked in his just expectations, it was now evidently too late for a decisive engagement that afternoon, so General Johnston called his corps and reserve commanders together, and a council of war was held within less than two miles of Shiloh Chapel, the headquarters of the Federal General Sherman.1 General Beauregard earnestly advised the idea of attacking the enemy should be abandoned, and that the whole force should return to Corinth, inasmuch as it was now scarcely possible they would be able to take the Federals unawares after such delay and noisy demonstrations which had been made meanwhile.

It did seem that the Federals had had ample warning of the impending tempest, for a force of Confederate cavalry that had been sent forward mainly to procure topographical information which hitherto the Confederate generals had been unable to acquire of that region, had been pushed up, and somewhat injudiciously though boldly landed in the immediate front of the Federal position. During that day (Saturday) one regiment of cavalry (Colonel N. B. Forrest's) had had some lively skirmishing on the left of the Federal position.

Therefore, Beauregard urged the enemy would be now found formidably intrenched and ready for the attack; that success had depended on the power to assail them unexpectedly, for they were superior in numbers, and in large part had been under fire. On the other hand, few comparatively of the Confederates had that advantage, while a large part were too raw and recently enrolled to make it proper to venture them in an assault upon breastworks which would now be thrown up. And this unquestionably was the view of almost all present.

General Johnston, having listened with grave attention to the views and opinions advanced, then remarked in substance that he recognized the weight of the objections to an attack under the circumstances involved by the unfortunate loss of time on the road. But, nevertheless, he still hoped the enemy was not looking for offensive operations, and that he would yet be able to surprise them. And that, having put his army in motion for a battle, he would venture the hazard.

This decision being announced, the officers rapidly dispersed to their respective posts in high and hopeful spirits, notwithstanding the probabilities that all previous expectations of a surprise would fail of accomplishment.

Here a topographical sketch of the theater of war may serve to make more intelligible the occurrences and vicissitudes of the battle.

Two streams, Lick and Owl Creeks, taking their rise very near each other, just westward of Monterey, flowing (a little east of north) nearly parallel with each other, the former empties into the Tennessee about three miles above Pittsburg Landing, the latter, after mingling its waters with Snake Creek, empties into the Tennessee about one mile below said landing. In other words, Owl Creek empties into Snake Creek about three or four miles (in a direct line, nearly west), from the mouth of the latter. Intersected by various ravines, drainage is into Owl Creek, as the land rises highest and ridgelike near Lick Creek.

Recent heavy rains had rendered the soil boggy, especially along those small streams, and hence difficult for artillery and cavalry. A primeval forest, cumbered with a great deal of undergrowth, covered the region, except a few small farms of fifty or seventy acres scattered occasionally here and there. Two roads leading from Corinth, crossing Lick Creek about a mile apart, converge together about two miles from Pittsburg Landing. Other roads also approach from all directions: one from Purdy crosses Owl Creek by a bridge before its junction with Snake Creek; one from Crump's Landing, six miles below Pittsburg, crosses Snake Creek by a bridge, and one from Hamburg Landing, about four miles above, crosses Lick Creek by a bridge, about one and a half miles from its mouth.

A Federal force of five2 strong divisions, thirty-seven thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry and artillery, and eighty-four guns, forty thousand of all arms, occupied the space we have described, between Owl and Lick Creeks, in front of Pittsburg, and were thus disposed:

The first Federal line, extending from the crossing of Owl Creek, on the Purdy road, to the crossing of Lick Creek on the Hamburg road, was composed of Sherman's and Prentiss' Divisions. The headquarters of the former were at a rustic log "meeting-house," called Shiloh, while the latter was to the left. A third division, that of McClernand, was in supporting distance. of Sherman at the confluence of the two Corinth roads.

A second line to the rearward was composed of Hurlbut's and W. H. L. (not Lew) Wallace's Divisions, the first of which was stretched across the Corinth road, and the other extended to the leftward along the Hamburg road.

By three o'clock Sunday morning the Confederate army was all astir, and, after a hasty, scanty breakfast, the lines were formed as follows:

Hardee's corps, augmented by Gladden's Brigade from Bragg's corps, constituted the first line, deployed in battle order on the grounds upon which they had bivouacked.

The second line, five hundred yards rearward, was formed of Ruggles' Division and two brigades (the other was in the first line) of Withers' Division, under Major-General Bragg. The artillery of both corps followed their respective lines by the Pittsburg road.

The First Corps (Clark's and Cheatham's Divisions) under Major-General Polk, drawn up in a column of brigades, deployed in line about eight hundred yards to the rear of Bragg, constituted a third line.

Three brigades under Brigadier-General Breckinridge constituted a special reserve3 for the support of the attacking lines as might be needed on either flank.

The cavalry, about 4,300 strong, was distributed, for the most part, to guard the flanks. The cavalry, with the exception of Forrest's and Wharton's regiments, being lately regimented, insufficiently armed, and wholly without drill, together with the nature of the scene of operations, was rendered almost valueless, and only the two regiments mentioned took any material part in the actions of either day.

About sunrise some thirty-four thousand infantry, with about fifty guns, were in movement, with a bearing never surpassed, to fall upon their enemy-an enemy as yet undeveloped, but known to be ensconced near at hand in the fog and forest, superior in numbers and equipments, for their many drums the evening before had plainly told their formidable strength.

That the Federals did not take even the ordinary precautions which habitually hedge an army in the field is passing strange. Instead of that, in sooth, there was no line of infantry pickets in advance of the ordinary chain of sentinels, apparently no cavalry exterior either to Sherman or Prentiss, and that invading army lay drowsily in its cosy encampments, as if supremely confident no harm were threatening and no disaster could befall it. Many as yet were in their blankets, fast asleep, many others washing and dressing, others cooking their morning meal, while the arms and accoutrements of all were spread around in the orderless fashion of holiday soldiers.

Meanwhile, swiftly forward through the woods strode the Confederates. With an elastic tread they surged onward and forward until, the mist gradually lifting, the white tents might be seen through the trees.

On poured the living current of the Confederates. By an anomalous arrangement Hildebrand's Brigade of Sherman's Division was on the left of Prentiss' Division. Sherman, with his other three brigades, was on the right.

By a mischance the Confederates' left had not been thrown sufficiently near to Owl Creek, so when the collision came it was only with the left (Hildebrand's) brigade; but it soon fell with overwhelming force upon Prentiss from flank to flank. Their sentinels, taken by surprise, were run in with barely time to discharge their pieces. Just at their heels came the Confederates, cheering heartily; and so complete a surprise of an army has not the like in history. Officers and men were killed or wounded in their beds, and large numbers had not time to clutch up either arms or accoutrements. Nevertheless, few prisoners were taken, nor were many either killed or wounded in the first stage of the battle. Hildebrand's Brigade of Ohioans, swept by the violence of the onslaught from their encampment, scattered and was heard of no more as a belligerent organization on that field! Prentiss' Division, rallying, was formed in good time on a neighboring ridge, but, little able to stand the torrent that streamed after it, was swept further back. Meanwhile Sherman's rightward brigades, which had escaped collision with Hardee, he had time to form, and with them right manfully did he strive to make head against Ruggles' Division of Bragg's Corps, that by this time had come upon the scene and bore down vehemently upon them.

The position held by Sherman was one of natural strength; with a small watercourse in front, it afforded a converging fire upon the Confederates. Such, however, was the vigor of the assault that Sherman, with the loss of five or six guns, was forced back just as McClernand came to his support. They were both then swept rearward near the line of the cross-road from Hamburg to Purdy. There Sherman, with McClernand, gained a foothold, and, with several batteries favorably posted, made another stand on a thickly-wooded ridge with a ravine in front. But, speedily assailed by Ruggles' and some of Polk's Brigades with a fury not to be withstood, the Federal line again yielded, losing several pieces of artillery and receding to the position of McClernand's encampment.

About forty minutes past seven A. M., hearing the uproar in front, Hurlbut also sent Veach's Brigade of his division to support Sherman, and with his other two brigades moved swiftly to the succor of Prentiss', who had called for aid. After Prentiss' Division had filtered through his lines he formed in the edge of an old field, sheltered by timber and thick undergrowth, near the Hamburg road, south (to the left) of the position taken by Sherman and McClernand. There Hurlbut also was speedily assailed by the Confederates, now reenforced in that quarter by Chalmers' and Jackson's brigades of Bragg's Corps, and was soon swept back, with the loss of some artillery. Thus the whole front line of Federal encampments was left in the hands of the adversary, filled with equipage and baggage, the most abundant and luxurious that encumbered any except an oriental army.

Meanwhile Sherman was making able, desperate efforts to redeem the losses of the morning. However, the Confederates, now re-enforced in that quarter by Cheatham's and Clark's Divisions, Polk's Corps, still drove their enemy nearer the river.

W. H. L. Wallace had also been attacked, and the Federal line of battle was pushed back to within a mile of the Landing. There were massed what remained of their artillery and the fragments of their five divisions.

General Johnston, the Confederate Commander-in-Chief, was now in the very front of the battle. Assured of a great victory after the marvelous success of his planned surprise, he now stimulated the onslaught by his personal presence on the right, where the press was fiercest, the resistance the most effective. More than once brigades that faltered under the inspiration of his leading bore back the enemy and wrested the position fought for. As far as can be ascertained, General Grant was not upon the immediate field earlier than midday. On Saturday afternoon he had gone to Savannah and slept there. The sound of many cannon at Shiloh was his first tidings of a hostile juncture at Pittsburg Landing. As he was leaving Savannah he ordered Nelson's Division of Buell's Corps, that lay at that place, to march to Pittsburg by the nearest road. When he reached Pittsburg it was to find his whole front line surprised, overwhelmed, routed, and the ravines and river bank adjacent packed with thousands of crouching fugitives. These could not be rallied nor incited to return. to the field to aid in recovering the fortunes of the day.

There was abundant intrepidity in leading everywhere, but, unfortunately for the Confederate cause, too little knowledge of the right way to handle regiments, brigades, divisions, even corps, to secure that massing of troops, those mighty blows which achieve decisive victories. Though, indeed, there were far to many stragglers who ignobly shrank from the victorious edge of battle, many going back to Corinth that night, yet everywhere there was the largest measure of sturdy fighting by regiments, brigades, and parts of divisions. For the most part, confident of the issue and bent on pressing toward the enemy, there was yet a lack of harmonious movement. Superior officers led with notable courage regiments or parts of brigades, and doubtless stimulated their men not a little by their example, but at the same time lost sight of the mass of their commands, which were thus not unfrequently left at a halt without orders and uncertain what to do. And this was the case with batteries also, which, moreover, were too often employed singly. There was no concerted concentration of these triumphant corps respectively, much less of the whole mass, for a well-timed, overwhelming blow at the now sorely crippled, dispirited enemy. And as a consequence, with Sherman among them doing all possible in the exigency, the Federals were enabled to protract their defense against the desultory onset with which they were assailed for the next hour or two.

Meanwhile, to the rightward the Confederate General-in-Chief, taking part at a critical juncture in the charge of a brigade, and by his intrepid presence giving a resistless momentum to the onset, received a rifle wound in the leg—a mortal wound, as it proved presently, for the want of timely surgical aid. The Governor of Tennessee (I. G. Harris), by his side when struck, caught the soldier in his arms as he fell from his saddle, exhausted by an apparently painless loss of blood. A moment after his aid-de-camp and brother-in-law, Colonel William Preston, of Kentucky, came up, and A. S. Johnston, with scarce a murmur, died in his arms. The scene of his untoward death was a wooded, secluded hollow, and the loss of their chief was not known to the Confederate army until that night, nor even generally then.

About the time of this calamity the reserves under Breckinridge were thrown vigorously into action. He was ordered to the support of Bragg, who had called for aid. In front was to be seen a camp without an inmate. This camp was in an open woods and just ahead was an open field bordered by a dense thicket.

Through the camp passed Breckinridge's Brigade and into the open field, and still there was silence; but not long, for a few steps beyond a hissing stream and flame of musketry burst at their breasts, mowing their ranks. fearfully and heaping the ground with dead and wounded. They gave back to the woods, but only for a little while did they recede. Closing their thinned ranks, and animated by their officers, they retook the advance, and their adversaries were forced back, yet with not a little. stubbornness and desperate fighting on fighting on favorable ground. By this time Withers' Division, of Bragg's Corps, as well as Breckinridge's reserves, mingled with portions of Hardee's men, were all massed on the Confederate right in the quarter of Lick Creek. General Bragg, assuming command of the whole, launched them with a resistless weight at the enemy, who now gave way, and on all sides were forced from the line of Wallace's and Hurlbut's encampments, leaving behind more of their artillery and three thousand prisoners, chiefly. of Prentiss' Division, in the hands of their assailants.

At the same time, on the center and left, Polk's Divisions, with Ruggles' Division of Bragg's Corps, and some of Hardee's also, made no less strenuous efforts to close the battle. Those of the routed Federals who were not killed or captured dropped back in great confusion toward the Landing. Some were rallied upon the ridge immediately overhanging the Landing, but large masses were added to the already dense mob of fugitives huddled below the bank.

But meanwhile Colonel Webster, chief of the Federal staff, an officer of the regulars who knew his profession, observing the mortal peril of his people, had gathered upon that ridge all the guns available, including some thirty-two pounders and a battery of twenty-pounder Parrotts, or in all, twenty-two pieces, which he manned with gunners from the least demoralized of the run-aways. Soon, too, the remains of the field batteries were added, and some fifty guns were massed upon this eminence about five P. M., with a field of fire sweeping all the approaches to the river. The position was strong; timber and undergrowth gave shelter for the artillery and their support, while a deep ravine separated it from the table-land over which it dominated; tangled brushwood obstructed its steep slopes, and on or behind this position, as we have said, took final refuge the entire Federal force except the remains of one of Sherman's brigades, which appear to have drifted off with their General to the vicinity of the bridge across Snake Creek, on the road to Crump's Landing, and not being followed, he established them there undisturbed, with the rear open for retreat in an emergency, northward.

The air now resounded with hearty shouts of natural exultation on part of the victorious Confederates.

General Beauregard, through his staff, urged the forward propulsion of the whole force upon the shattered fragments of the enemy. Unfortunately, however, from various causes, none of the divisions confronted in an embodied form the last position that remained between them and the deep, broad waters of the Tennessee. The superior officers present, howbeit, collected the men immediately around them, of whatever corps. Tired, hungry, and exhausted as were the Confederates, nevertheless a number of determined separate efforts were made by them during the remaining hour of daylight to wrench the last foothold from their elsewhere beaten adversary. But meanwhile, at five P. M., Ammen's Brigade of Nelson's Division had been thrown across the river and established by Buell as a support of Webster's powerful battery, and the Federals, like a rat brought to bay in a corner from which there is no escape, fought with all the desperation of that animal under similar circumstances, knowing, moreover, that night, with its shield of darkness, and ample succor were close at hand.

But in attempting to mount the last ridge, the Confederates were met by a fire from a whole line of batteries, protected by infantry, and assisted by shells from the gun-boats. They, however, stoutly persisted in storming the steep hillside despite the impediments with which it bristled, and made charge after charge without success until night closed hostilities.

General Beauregard, in the meantime, observing the exhausted, widely-scattered condition of his army, directed it to be brought out of battle, collected and restored to order as far as practicable, and to occupy for the night the captured encampments of the enemy.

All the encampments that had been occupied by the five Federal divisions were now in possession of their adversary. They were full of the rich, opportune spoils of war, including many thousand stands of arms, all the blankets and baggage of the whole force, their subsistence, their hospital stores, means of transportation to a great extent, and large stores of ammunition. But so great was the lassitude and fatigue of the Confederates that all which could be done was to glean food sufficient for their supper, for which, indeed, all were dependent upon what they could thus find.

The prisoners, however, were collected together during the night not far from Shiloh Church, where Generals Beauregard and Bragg established their headquarters. There, after a time, the former had an interview with his corps commanders and received brief oral reports of the operations of the day.

Among the prisoners was General Prentiss himself, who had much to say touching the ultimate issue of the affair, which he asserted was by no means terminated with the disaster of that untoward day; for Buell, he stated, would effect a junction that night, the fight would break out the next morning with renewed vigor, and all losses would be recovered. At the moment, however, this was regarded as idle talk, for an official telegraphic dispatch, addressed to General Johnston from near Florence, was forwarded to the field from Corinth, announcing that Buell was moving with his whole force upon Florence. Emanating from a reliable. officer placed there in observation, whose scouts had doubtless mistaken the movement of Mitchell's Division for the whole of Buell's army, it was credited, and Buell's timely junction with General Grant was accordingly deemed impossible. Therefore the capture of the latter was regarded at Confederate headquarters as inevitable the next day, as soon as all the scattered Confederate resources could be brought to bear for a concentrated effort. Such of the Confederate soldiery as could find shelter from a heavy rain slept undisturbed and hopeful of the fullest fruition of a great victory on the morrow.

After first finding food and forage for his men and horses, Colonel Forrest threw out a squadron as pickets, confronting, as close as possible, those of the enemy, on a stretch of a mile across to Owl Creek. He also dispatched Lieutenant Sheridan with other scouts clad in Federal cavalry overcoats, to reconnoiter within the precincts of the enemy's lines. Completely successful, in an hour Sheridan returned and reported that, reaching the Landing, he had seen heavy reinforcements coming rapidly by water. Also, in his opinion, such was the disorder prevailing that if an attack were made in full force at once, they might be readily pushed into the river. Forrest, ever a man of prompt action, mounted his horse instantly to convey this startling intelligence to the nearest corps commander, and soon coming upon Generals Hardee and Breckinridge, made known what his scouts announced. He also bluntly added his opinion that either the Confederates should immediately resume the battle or quit the field to avoid a damaging conflict with overwhelming odds. Hardee directed him. to communicate his information to General Beauregard, and with that object he rode forth again; but after a diligent search through the woods and darkness, unable to find that General, he became so deeply solicitous that he hurried back to his pickets. Finding all quiet he again dispatched his scouts within the Federal lines. It was two o'clock A. M. before they returned and reported the continued arrival of fresh troops. Again Forrest repaired and reported to General Hardee the state of affairs, but was instructed to return to his regiment, keep up a vigilant, strong picket line, and report all hostile movements. All the while, every few minutes through the night, two gun-boats had been sedulously throwing their dread "bolted thunder" directly over Forrest's bivouac, murdering sleep, weary and drowsy as all his men were.

By seven P. M. Nelson's other two brigades (Bruce's and Hazen's) had crossed the Tennessee, and, with the one (Ammen's) that so materially helped, with Webster's opportunely posted battery, to save the Federal army from utter overthrow, were at once thrown forward by General Buell as a shield between General Grant's army and the Confederates. Crittenden's Division likewise came up from Savannah by water not long after, and was promptly established in the same manner on Nelson's right. Moreover, Lew Wallace, one of Grant's divisions that was not in the first day's battle, came up by land from near Crump's Landing, crossed Snake Creek, and took a position there commanding the bridge, and by chance, too, in the neighborhood of Sherman. One of McCook's Brigades (Rousseau's) also reached the scene about sunrise and took a position on Crittenden's right. His other two brigades. (Johnson's and Kirk's) took position about ten a. M.

Thus were marshaled there or near at hand, ready to take the offensive against the victors of the day before, twenty-five thousand fresh Federal troops. On the Confederate side, to meet such an onset, there was not a man who had not fought steadfastly for the greater part of Sunday, and not more than twenty thousand Confederate infantry could have been found to answer to their names that morning, the 7th.

In haste to efface the tarnish of the arrant disaster inflicted on his army on Sunday, General Grant did not await the advent of Buell's other divisions, but directed the offensive to be assumed at dawn. His shattered forces on Sunday night had been reorganized into three divisions under Sherman, McClernand and Hurlbut.

To recapitulate: Six Federal divisions- Nelson's, Crittenden's, McClernand's, McCook's,4 Sherman's and Lew Wallace's-were in position in the order named, and ready to take the offensive Monday morning, with Hurlbut's Division held back near the river as a reserve. Hurlbut, bringing up his reserves about ten o'clock and fusing them with McClernand's command, repaired rearward again, at McClernand's request, to seek further support.

Chalmers' Brigade, with a part of J. K. Jackson's, under Wheeler, in advance, in front of Nelson, were the first to become engaged. Nelson came out with vigor, and the Confederates retired slowly to concentrate their strength. By eight o'clock, Hardee, however, had massed in that quarter a number of his own corps, as well as Withers' Division of Bragg's, and the combat began in earnest. Nelson now found a lion in his path, but Hazen's Brigade pushed forward with decided pluck, and the Confederates were driven from their position with the loss of a battery. A well-timed concentration, however, enabled the Confederates to hurl Hazen back from his prey, and in turn pressed Nelson so sorely that by nine A. M. he was calling lustily for aid. Nelson was reinforced by Terrell's Battery (regulars), and a portion of Crittenden's Division, and an obstinate struggle for the mastery of this part of the field raged until about one P. M. But neither party gained any material advantage, except Terrell's Battery was so cut up that he had to assist as a gunner at one of his pieces, and the battery narrowly escaped capture.

Crittenden by this time was likewise hotly engaged in the immediate center. The Confederates on his front, at first retiring to concentrate at his advance, finally rebounded, and he and Nelson were borne back by the same refluent wave. Polk's corps coming up from the rear, on the Confederate side, entered the battle in splendid order and spirit.

By the time Nelson was well at work on the Federal left, the Confederates opened a light fire upon Wallace and Sherman, who, encouraged by its feebleness, adventured the offensive. But their speedy greeting was a sheet of flame, lead and canister from the woods in their front, where portions of Ruggles' and Breckinridge's Divisions stood in wait. The Federals reeled and rushed rearward, followed nearly a mile by the Confederates; but here, reinforced by McCook, Sherman attempted to resume the advance. Now, the fight waxed obstinate, and the firing, says Sherman, was the "severest musketry" he had ever heard. Rousseau's Federal Brigade was pitted against Trabue's Kentuckians. Both fought with uncommon determination to win, but the Federals were repulsed, and Wallace was so pressed that his situation became extremely critical.

As the Confederates in that part of the field were confronted by more than double their number, the impetus of their attack was, therefore, slackened in the face of such odds. Yet several brilliant charges were made, in one of which, to the left of Shiloh, General Beauregard himself led in person, carrying the battle flag of a Louisiana regiment; and Trabue's Brigade, having carried earlier an eminence near Owl Creek, repulsing every effort to dislodge him, held his position until the retreat was ordered. Here, as on the right, the Confederate troops were animated by the greatest intrepidity on the part of their superior officers.

It was now after one o'clock. The battle had raged furiously from right to left for more than five hours, and, notwithstanding the odds of fresh troops brought up against them, despite their long-continued engagement, the Confederates had not receded from the ground upon which they had been concentrated as soon as it was apparent that the battle was on their hands. Beginning the combat with not more than twenty thousand men, exclusive of cavalry, less than fifteen thousand were now in the Confederate ranks. General Beauregard, seeing the unprofitable nature of the struggle, determined not to prolong it. Directing his Adjutant-General to select a position, and post such troops as were available to cover the retreat, he dispatched other staff officers to the corps commanders, with the order to retire simultaneously from their several positions, ready, however, to turn and fight should it become necessary. And, accordingly, about two o'clock the retrograde movement was inaugurated, and carried out with a steadiness never exceeded by veterans of a hundred fields. The retreat had now commenced in earnest, but so stunned and crippled was the enemy that no effort or pretense to pursue was made. The line established to cover the movement commanded the ground of Shiloh Church and some open fields in the neighborhood. Thence, keeping up a vigorous play of artillery on the woods beyond, there was no reply, nor did any enemy become visible. The next line, three-fourths of a mile to the rear, was abandoned, with no enemy in sight. Breckinridge, assigned to the duty of covering the retreat with his division, was ordered to bivouac for the night at a point not more than four and a half miles from Pittsburg Landing. The other corps were now en route for Corinth by a road which, that night, was made almost impracticable for wheels by a heavy rainfall.

On Tuesday morning, General Breckinridge fell back to a position only three miles beyond, and there remained undisturbed for some days, with the cavalry thrown forward in close proximity to the Federal lines. After Breckinridge had thus withdrawn, Colonel Forrest found himself with about three hundred and fifty troops on Tuesday morning (the 8th), on the road toward Monterey, in the presence of a heavy Federal infantry force, advancing in three lines of battle. The position, a ridge, was advantageous, and Forrest determined to attempt to hold it until re-enforcements could be brought up. Formed in line of battle, the Confederates boldly stood their ground as about two battalions of cavalry and a regiment of infantry were thrown forward to assail them. The infantry advanced handsomely at a charge, with their bayonets presented. There was some confusion, however, in the Federal ranks in crossing a small stream, and Forrest, with his characteristic quickness of sight and plans, his wonted hardihood, resolved to charge the Federals with his force, as small as it was. His bugler sounded the charge, and forward dashed the Confederates from their covert behind the crest of the ridge in superb order and spirit, and were almost upon the enemy before the nature of the movement was perceived or they had had time to prepare for it. At twenty paces the Confederates gave a volley with their shot-guns—a formidable weapon at that short distance-and rushed in with pistols and sabers. So sudden was the onset that, despite their numbers, the Federal cavalry broke in disorder and fled back through the woods, running over their own infantry in their panic, creating a scene of singular confusion and tumult for some moments. Many of the infantry were thus knocked down; many horses also were transfixed by the bayonets of their own infantry.

Scores of other horses fell and threw their riders, sprawling and bruised, upon the ground, and all around was a medley of cavalry and infantry, scattering and running to and fro, hither and thither, officers shouting and cursing and the hurt groaning. The flying infantry were closely pursued for several hundred yards by their eager, excited enemy. The loss inflicted was heavy, while seventy were captured.

In the ardency and exultation of the pursuit Forrest pressed on until he found himself alone within fifty yards of the main body of the Federal expeditionary force, and beyond, indeed, a large part of those whom he had just surprised and routed. Halting, he saw at a glance that his men, perceiving sooner the situation, had very properly halted, and were then falling back with their prisoners-which they were doing, however, unaware of the perilous position of their leader. Immediately observed by the enemy, now all around him, Forrest was fired at from all sides. One ball from an Austrian rifle, striking him on the right side, just above the point of the hip-bone, penetrated to the spine, and, ranging around, lodged in the left side- a severe if not, indeed, mortal wound, as his surgeon apprehended. His right leg, benumbed by the blow, was also left hanging useless in the stirrup. Turning his horse, however, he resolved to escape, surrounded as he was by hundreds bent on his death, and shouting, “Kill him!" "Shoot him!" "Stick him!" "Knock him off his horse!" all of which they literally sought to do. His horse, too, was wounded (mortally, as it proved); but still bore up under his daring rider as he dashed out of the throng of assailants, using his revolver with deadly aim to clear his path. In a moment more his path to the rear, at least, was clear of foes, but their marksmen, still within easy range, sent hundreds of balls after him as he galloped down the road and over the hill. Happily, he escaped without further hurt, and rejoined his command, halted behind the ridge. Giving orders to the officer next in rank to assume command, but to avoid further action with so large a force, Forrest went to Corinth that night, when the horse, which had borne him so stoutly and faithfully, dropped and died a few hours later. On the next day Colonel Forrest, furloughed for sixty days, repaired to Memphis.

The losses of the Confederates in the two days' combats are accurately and officially stated by General Beauregard at 1,728 killed, 8,012 wounded, 959 missing, or an aggregate of 10,699. The Federal commander, in his brief report of the battle, estimates his own losses at only 1,500 killed and 3,500 wounded, an

evidently large understatement, for in the official reports of three of his division generals we find their losses foot up in killed and wounded as high as 4.614, with 1.832 reported missing, a number of whom must have been killed, as only 3,000 were captured, and most of them were Prentiss' Division. Furthermore, Swinton, who always writes in a fair spirit, estimates the Federal loss at 15,000. Of trophies the Confederates carried from the field some twenty-six stands of flags and colors, and about thirty of the guns captured on the 6th. The guns which figure in Federal subordinate reports as captured from the Confederates, with few exceptions, were those lost on Sunday by the Federals, which, for want of horses to draw them from the field, had been left by the Confederates where they had been taken.

COMMENTARIES.

The true reason why the battle of Sunday fell short of the most complete victory of modern war by the capture of the whole Federal army is simply this: First, General Johnston, not knowing the actual position occupied by the Federal front line, failed to extend his line of battle sufficiently near Owl Creek to force the Federal right (Sherman) back north-easterly into the cul de sac made above Pittsburg Landing by the junction of Lick Creek with the Tennessee River. As the attack was made, the shock of the onset only affected Sherman's left brigade (Hildebrand's). Had it fallen with full force upon his entire division, it is manifest that that which happened to Hildebrand's Brigade would have befallen it. The entire division must have been swept away as that brigade was, and been driven rearward so rapidly upon McClernand's, Hurlbut's, and Wallace's (W. H. L.) as to give them little or no time to form their divisions, and make the stand which Sherman's obstinate resistance with two brigades near Shiloh enabled them to do.

Second, after the combat was at its height, those superior officers who should have been occupied with the concentration and continuous projection of their troops in heavy masses upon the shattered Federal divisions, were at the very front and "perilous edge" of the battle, leading forward regiments, perchance brigades, into action with great individual intrepidity, and doing a great deal, no doubt, by their personal example to impel small bodies forward. But meanwhile, to their rear were left the masses of their respective commands without direction, and thus precious time was lost. The Confederates were not kept continuously massed and employed, either corps or divisions; mere piecemeal onsets were the general method of fighting after twelve o'clock, with this consequence: Sherman was enabled to make several obstinate, powerful stands, by which he protracted the battle some hours. Had the corps been held well in hand, massed and pressed continuously upon the tottering, demoralized foe, the battle assuredly would have closed at least by midday.

As our battalion was on outpost duty, on the extreme right of Johnston's army (as my diary has shown), it was not in the Shiloh battle. While we were sitting quietly in camp on Sunday, listening to a sermon from our chaplain, we could hear the booming of artillery at Shiloh.

_______________

1 Grant, the Federal Commander-in-Chief, it appears, had gone that afternoon down the river to Savannah, some twelve miles distant.

2 Grant had six divisions, but one of them (Lew Wallace's) was about six miles below, near Crump's Landing, and consequently not in the first day's fight.

3 Statham's Brigade, to which McNairy's Battery formerly belonged, was in this reserve.—R. R. H.

4 Two of McCook's brigades, as before stated, did not take position until about ten A. M.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 140-64

Friday, October 25, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 18, 1865

Bright and windy. The following telegram was received this morning from Gen. R. E. Lee: "Gen. Johnston reports that on the 16th Gen. Hardee was repeatedly attacked by four divisions of the enemy a few miles south of Averysborough, but always (cipher). The enemy was reported at night to have crossed Black River, to the east of Varina Point, with the rest of the army. Gen. Hardee is moving to a point twelve miles from Smithfield. Scofield's troops reported at Kinston, repairing railroad. Cheatham's corps not yet up. North Carolina Railroad, with its enormous amount of rolling stock, only conveys about 500 men a day."

There has always been corruption—if not treason—among those having charge of transportation.

Yesterday the President vetoed another bill—to pay certain arrears to the army and navy; but the House resented this by passing it over his head by more than a two-thirds vote. The Senate will probably do the same. We have a spectacle of war among the politicians as well as in the field!

Gen. Whiting, captured at Wilmington, died of his wounds. The government would never listen to his plans for saving Wilmington, and rebuked him for his pertinacity.

It is now said Sheridan has crossed the Pamunky, and is returning toward the Rappahannock, instead of forming a junction with Grant. Senator Hunter's place in Essex will probably be visited, and all that region of country ravaged.

It is rumored that RALEIGH has fallen!

By consulting the map, I perceive that after the battle of Thursday (day before yesterday), Hardee fell back and Sherman advanced, and was within less than thirty miles of Raleigh.

The President, it is understood, favors a great and decisive battle.

Judge Campbell said to-day that Mr. Wigfall had sent him Mr. Dejarnette's speech (advocating the Monroe doctrine and alliance with the United States), with a message that he (Mr. W.) intended to read it between his sentence and execution, thinking it would tend to reconcile him to death. The judge said, for his own part, he would postpone reading it until after execution.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 452

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 20, 1865

Sunny and pleasant, but hazy in the south.

Cannon heard, quite briskly, south of the city. The papers report that Gen. Hardee repulsed Sherman on the 16th. But the official dispatch of Gen. Johnston says Hardee retired, and Sherman advanced after the fighting was over.

Congress adjourned sine die on Saturday, without passing the measures recommended by the President. On the contrary, a committee of the Senate has reported and published an acrimonious reply to certain allegations in the message, and severely resenting the "admonitions" of the Executive.

When the joint committee waited on the President to inform him that if he had no further communication to make them they would adjourn, he took occasion to fire another broadside, saying that the measures he had just recommended he sincerely deemed essential for the success of the armies, etc., and, since Congress differed with him in opinion, and did not adopt them, he could only hope that the result would prove he was mistaken and that Congress was right. But if the contrary should appear, he could not be held responsible, etc. This is the mere squibbing of politicians, while the enemy's artillery is thundering at the gates!

The Secretary of War visited Gen. Lee's headquarters on Saturday afternoon, and has not yet returned. Breath is suspended in expectation of some event; and the bickering between the President and the Congress has had a bad effect—demoralizing the community.

Governor Vance writes (17th instant) to the Secretary of War, that he learns an important secret communication had been sent to Congress, concerning probably his State, and asks a copy of it, etc. The Secretary sends this to the President, intimating that the communication referred to was one inclosing a view of our military "situation" by Gen. Lee, in which he concurred. The President returns Gov. V.'s letter, stating that he does not know his purpose, or exactly what he refers to; but [red tape!] until Congress removes the injunction of secrecy, no one can have copies, etc. Yet he suggests that Gov. V. be written to.

Flour is held at $1500 per barrel.

Senator Hunter publishes a card to-day, denying that he is in favor of reconstruction, which has been rumored, he says, to his injury, and might injure the country if not denied.

A correspondence between Generals Lee and Grant is published, showing that Gen. Longstreet has misunderstood Gen. Ord (Federal) in a late conversation, to the effect that Gen. Grant would be willing to meet Gen. Lee to consult on the means of putting an end to the war. The President gave Lee full powers; but Gen. Grant writes Gen. Lee that Gen. Ord must have been misunderstood, and that he (Grant) had no right to settle such matters, etc. Sad delusion!

Assistant Secretary Campbell has given one of his clerks (Cohen, a Jew) a passport to return home-New Orleans-via the United States.

The government is still sending away the archives.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 453-5

Saturday, August 31, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 14, 1865

Bright and pleasant, but indications of change. The papers contain no news from the armies, near or remote. But there was some alarm in the upper portion of the city about 9 P.M. last night, from a signal seen (appended to a balloon) just over the western horizon. It was stationary for ten minutes, a blood-red light, seen through a hazy atmosphere. I thought it was Mars, but my eldest daughter, a better astronomer than I, said it was neither the time nor place for it to be visible. The air was still, and the dismal barking of the ban-dogs conjured up the most direful portents. All my neighbors supposed it to be a signal from Sheridan to Grant, and that the city would certainly be attacked before morning. It was only a camp signal of one of our own detachments awaiting the approach of Sheridan.

Sheridan's passage of the James River has not been confirmed, and so the belief revives that he will assault the city fortifications on the northwest side, while Grant attacks elsewhere.

Yesterday the President vetoed several bills, and sent back others unsigned, suggesting alterations. Among them is the Conscript and Exemption bills, which he has detained ten days, as Senators say, on a point of constructive etiquette, insisting that the President and Secretary ought to make certain details and exemptions instead of Congress, etc. It is precious time lost, but perhaps in view of the great calamities immediately threatening the country, Congress may yield. But ten days might be enough time lost to lose the cause.

The communication referred to by the President, in detaining Congress, has not yet been sent in, unless it be one of his qualified vetoes, and conjecture is still busy, some persons going so far as to hint that it relates to a capitulation, yielding up Richmond on certain terms. I have not heard of any demands of Grant of that nature.

A dispatch from Gen. R. E. Lee, received this morning, says Fitz Lee's cavalry was at Powhatan C. H. last night (so it was not Fitz's signal), and had been ordered to cross to the north side of the James, which may not be practicable above Richmond. We shall probably see them pass through the city to-day. He says the roads are bad, etc. Sheridan, then, has not crossed the river.

Gen. Lee sends to the department this morning a copy of a fierce letter from Lord John Russell, British Secretary of State, to our commissioners abroad, demanding a discontinuance of expeditions fitted out in Canada, and the building and equipping of cruisers in British ports. It says such practices must cease, for they are not only in violation of British law, but calculated to foment war between Great Britain and the United States, which Lord John is very much averse to. The communication is sent to Washington, D. C., and thence forwarded by Mr. Seward to Lieut.-Gen. Grant, who sends it by flag of truce to Gen. Lee. Great Britain gives us a kick while the Federal generals are pounding us.

The enemy have Fayetteville, N. C. Hardee and Hampton crossed the Cape Fear on the 11th inst. Sherman's army was then within 7 miles of Fayetteville. Bragg, after his fight near Kinston, had to fall back, his rear and right wing being threatened by heavy forces of the enemy coming up from Wilmington.

Some of Sheridan's force did cross the James, but retired to the north side. So telegraphs Gen. Lee.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 448-9

Thursday, August 22, 2024

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, September 23, 1861

As a description of the appearance of the country in which we were settled, I here introduce a letter written at this date to a friend:

CAMP ADVANCE, Sept. 23, 1861.


A short time since I undertook, from a single feature in the marred and distorted face of this country, to give you some idea of the effects of the war on Virginia, and of how dearly she is paying for her privilege of being shamefully servile to South Carolina. It may not be uninteresting for you, now, to know, to know something of its general appearance as it is, and as it was; and yet when I tell you that my attempt to describe one scene fell far short of the reality, you may imagine something of the difficulty of undertaking, in a single letter, to convey any adequate idea of the whole. When Gov. Pickens said last spring to the Carolinians: "You may plant your seeds in peace, for Virginia will have to bear the brunt of the war," he cast a shadow of the events which were coming on the head of this superannuated "mother of States and of statesmen."


Chain Bridge is about seven miles from the Capitol in Washington, and crosses the Potomac at the head of all navigation; even skiffs and canoes cannot pass for any distance above it, though a small steam tug runs up to the bridge, towing scows loaded, principally, with stone for the city. The river runs through a gorge in a mountainous region, and from here to Georgetown, a suburb of Washington, is unapproachable on the Virginia side. There are very few places where even a single footman can, with safety, get down the precipitous banks to the water. The river then is a perfect barrier to any advance by the enemy from this side, except at Georgetown, Chain Bridge, and Long Bridge, at the lower end of Washington City. On the Columbia side is a narrow plateau of land, along which runs the Ohio and Chesapeake Canal, and a public road. These occupy the entire plateau till you come near Georgetown, where the country opens out, making room for fine rolling farms of exceeding fertility, with here and there a stately mansion overlooking road, city, canal and river, making some of the most beautiful residences I ever beheld. On Meridian Hill, a little north of the road from Washington to Georgetown, stands the old Porter Mansion, from which one of the most aristocratic families in America were wont to overlook the social, political, and physical movements of our National Capital; from which, too, they habitually dispensed those hospitalities which made it the resort, not only of the citizens of Columbia and Maryland, but also of the F. F. V.'s, for whom it had especial attractions. All around it speaks in unmistakable language of the social and pecuniary condition of those who occupied the grounds. Even the evidences of death there speak of the wealth of the family. The tombstone which marks the place of repose of one of its members, and on which is summed up the short historical record of her who sleeps within, tells of former affluence and comfort.


A little further on we pass the Kalorama House—the name of the owner or the former occupant I have not learned, but it is one of the most magnificent places that imagination can picture. You enter the large gate, guarded by a beautiful white cottage for the janitor, and by a circuitous route through a dense grove of deciduous and evergreen forest, you rise, rise, rise, by easy and gradual ascent, the great swell of ground on which stands the beautiful mansion, shut out from the view of the visitor till he is almost on the threshold, but overlooking even its whole growth of forest, and the whole country for miles around.

You next pass Georgetown. The plateau begins to narrow, and the dimensions of the houses grow correspondingly less, but they are distributed at shorter intervals till you reach the bridge.


This is what it was. What is it? In passing the Porter mansion, the stately building, with its large piazza shaded by the badly damaged evergreens, and covered more closely by the intermingling branches of every variety of climbing rose, of the clamatis and the honeysuckle, invite you to enter, but the seedy hat and thread-bare coat appearance of the old mansion, give notice that the day of its prosperity is passing away. You would cool yourself in the shade of its clumps of evergreens, but at every tree stands tied a war horse, ready caparisoned for the "long roll" to call him into action at any moment, and, lest you be trampled, you withdraw, and seek shelter in the arbor or summer house. Here, too, "grim-visaged war presents his wrinkled front," and under those beautiful vines where fashion once held her levees, the commissary and the soldiers now parley over the distribution of pork and beef and beans. In the sadness, inspired by scenes like these, you naturally withdraw, to a small enclosure of white palings, over the top of which is seen rising a square marble column. As you approach, large letters tell you that ELIZABETH PORTER lies there, and the same engraving also tells you that she is deaf to the surrounding turmoil, and has ceased to know of the passions which caused it. That marble rises from a broad pedestal, on one side of which are two soldiers with a pack of cards, and the little pile of money which they received a few days ago, is rapidly changing hands. On the opposite side are two others busily engaged in writing, perhaps of the glories and laurels they are to win in this war; but I venture the opinion, never once to express an idea of the misery and despair of the widows and orphans at whose expense their glories are to be won! On the third side of the pedestal stand a tin canteen, two tin cups, and a black bottle! The fourth awaits a tenant. Again, for quiet, you approach the mansion. As you step on the threshold, half lost, no doubt, in musing over what you have witnessed, instead of the hospitable hand extended with a cordial "Walk in, sir," you are startled by the presented bayonet, and the stern command to "halt; who are you and your busines?" A good account of yourself will admit you to spacious rooms with black and broken walls, soiled floors, window sills, sash and moulding, all disfigured or destroyed by the busy knife of the universal Yankee. This room is occupied by the staff of some regiment or brigade. The next is a store room for corn, oats, hay, and various kinds of forage. The house has been left unoccupied by its owners, and is now taken possession of by any regiment or detachment which happens to be stationed near.

Tired of this desolation in the midst of a crowd, you pass through long rows of white tents, across the little valley which separates you from the hill of Kalorama. Your stop here will be short, for after having climbed the long ascent and reached the house, you find the windows all raised, and anxious lookers-out at every opening. From the first is presented to your view a face of singular appearance, thickly studded with large, roundish, ash-colored postules, slightly sunken in the center. The next presents one of different aspect—a bloody redness, covered here and there with scaly excrescences, ready to be rubbed off, and show the same blood redness underneath. In the next, you find another change—the redness paling, the scales dropping, and revealing deep, dotted pits, and you at once discover that the beautiful house of Kalorama is converted into a pest house for soldiers. Shrinking away from this, you pass through a corner of Georgetown, and then enter the narrow valley between the high bluffs and the Potomac. Onward you travel towards the bridge, never out of the sight of houses, the fences unbroken, the crops but little molested, the country in the peace and quietness of death almost; for the houses, farms, crops, are all deserted, in consequence of the war which is raging on the opposite side of that unapproachable river; and you travel from our National Capital through seven miles of fine country, inviting, by its location and surroundings, civilization and refinement in the highest tone, without passing a house—save in Georgetown—in which the traveler would find it safe to pass a night—indeed I can recall but one which is inhabited by whites. On all these farms scarcely a living thing is to be seen, except the few miserably-ragged and woebegone—looking negroes, or some more miserable—looking white dispensers of bad whisky, who seem to have taken possession of them because they had been abandoned by their proper occupants. The lowing of herds is no longer heard here; the bleating of flocks has ceased, and even Chanticleer has yielded his right of morning call to the bugle's reveille. "If such things are done in the green tree, what may we expect in the dry?" Cross the bridge into Virginia, and you will see.


Gloomy as is the prospect just passed, it saddens immeasurably from the moment you cross the Virginia line. In addition to the abandonment and desolation of the other side, destruction here stares you in the face. Save in the soldier and his appendants, no sign of life in animal larger than the cricket or katy-did, greets you as you pass. Herds, flocks, swine, and even fowls, both wild and domestic, have abandoned this country, in which scenes of civil life are no longer known. Houses are torn down, fences no longer impede the progress of the cavalier, and where, two months ago, were flourishing growths of grain and grass, the surface is now bare and trodden as the highway. Even the fine growths of timber do not escape, but are literally mowed down before the march of the armies, lest they impede the messengers of death from man to man. And this is in the nineteenth century of Christianity—and these the results of the unchristian passions of fathers, sons and brothers, striving against the lives and happiness of each other. Alas! Poor Virginia! Your revenues are cut off, your industry paralysed, your soil desecrated, your families in exile, your prestige gone forever.


But as so many others are writing of exciting scenes, I fear you will grow impatient for my description of the last battles for my account of anthropophagi—of men who have their heads beneath their shoulders—but I have no tact for describing unfought battles, or for proclaiming imperishable glories won to-day, never to be heard of after to-morrow. When we have a fight worth describing, I shall tell you of it. In the meantime I am "taking notes," and "faith I'll print 'em." If the rebels will not give us a fight to make a letter of, I will, at my first leisure, for fear my men forget their Hardee and Scott, have a graphic dress parade, in which our different regiments shall contribute at least a battalion, to pass review before you. Then let him who loses laugh, for he who wins is sure to. Till then good night.


SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 31-7

Sunday, May 26, 2024

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Daniel L. Ambrose: March 11, 1865

We arrive at Fayetteville, and while approaching, the advance was for awhile engaged in skirmishing with Wade Hampton's cavalry, that covered the rear of Hardee's retreating army.

SOURCE: abstracted from Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 298

Sunday, March 24, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 2, 1865

Bright and beautiful, and pleasantly frosty. Gen. Sherman is advancing as usual in such dubiety as to distract Gen. Hardee, who knows not whether Branchville or Augusta is his objective point. I suppose Sherman will be successful in cutting our communications with the South—and in depreciating Confederate States Treasury notes still more, in spite of Mr. Trenholm's spasmodic efforts to depreciate gold.

Yesterday the Senate passed a bill dropping all commissaries and quartermasters not in the field, and not in the bureaus in Richmond, and appointing agents instead, over 45 years of age. This will make a great fluttering, but the Richmond rascals will probably escape.

Military men here consider Augusta in danger; of course it is! How could it be otherwise?

Information from the United States shows that an effort to obtain "peace" will certainly be made. President Lincoln has appointed ex-Presidents Fillmore and Pierce and Hon. S. P. Chase, commissioners, to treat with ours. The two first are avowed "peace men;" and may God grant that their endeavors may prove successful! Such is the newspaper information.

A kind Providence watches over my family. The disbursing clerk is paying us "half salaries" to-day, as suggested in a note I wrote the Secretary yesterday. And Mr. Price informs me that the flour (Capt. Warner's) so long held at Greensborough has arrived! I shall get my barrel. It cost originally $150; but subsequent expenses may make it cost me, perhaps, $300. The market price is from $800 to $1000. I bought also of Mr. Price one-half bushel of red or "cow-peas" for $30; the market price being $80 per bushel. And Major Maynard says I shall have a load of government wood in a few days!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 406-7

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 6, 1865

Bright and frosty. As I supposed, the peace commissioners have returned from their fruitless errand. President Lincoln and Mr. Seward, it appears, had nothing to propose, and would listen to nothing but unconditional submission. The Congress of the United States has just passed, by a two-thirds vote, an amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery.

Now the South will soon be fired up again, perhaps with a new impulse and WAR will rage with greater fury than ever. Mr. Stephens will go into Georgia, and reanimate his people. Gen. Wise spoke at length for independence at the Capitol on Saturday night amidst applauding listeners, and Governor Smith speaks to-night.

Gen. Breckinridge is here and will take his seat to-morrow. Every effort will be made to popularize the cause again.

Hon. Mr. Foote is at Washington, in prison.

Gen. Wise's brigade has sent up resolutions consenting to gradual emancipation—but never to reunion with the North.

There is a more cheerful aspect on the countenances of the people in the streets. All hope of peace with independence is extinct and valor alone is relied upon now for our salvation. Every one thinks the Confederacy will at once gather up its military strength and strike such blows as will astonish the world. There will be desperate conflicts!

Vice-President Stephens is in his seat to-day, and seems determined.

Mr. Hunter is rolling about industriously.

Gen. Lee writes that desertions are caused by the bad management of the Commissary Department, and that there are supplies enough in the country, if the proper means were used to procure them.

Gen. Taylor sends a telegram from Meridian, Miss., stating that he had ordered Stewart's corps to Augusta, Ga., as Sherman's movement rendered a victory necessary at once. The dispatch was to the President, and seems to be in response to one from him. So we may expect a battle immediately near Augusta, Ga. Beauregard should have some 20,000 men, besides Hardee's 15,000—which ought to be enough for victory; and then good-by to Sherman!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 410-1

Saturday, March 23, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 11, 1865

Cloudy and cold; froze hard last night.

Yesterday a bill was introduced into both houses of Congress authorizing the enlistment of 200,000 slaves, with consent of their owners, which will probably be amended. Mr. Miles, as a test vote, moved the rejection of the bill; and the vote not to reject it was more than two to one, an indication that it will pass.

The failure of the peace conference seems to have been made the occasion of inspiring renewed zeal and enthusiasm for the war in the United States, as well as here. So the carnival of blood will be a "success."

The enemy claim an advantage in the late battle on the south side of the James River.

Sherman's movements are still shrouded in mystery, and our generals seem to be waiting for a development of his intentions. Meantime he is getting nearer to Charleston, and cutting railroad communications between that city and the interior. The city is doomed, unless Hardee or Beauregard, or both, successfully take the initiative.

Here the price of slaves, men, is about $5000 Confederate States notes, or $100 in specie. A great depreciation. Before the war, they commanded ten times that price.

It is rumored that hundreds of the enemy's transports have come into the James River. If it be Thomas's army reinforcing Grant, Richmond is in immediate peril! Information of our numbers, condition, etc. has been, doubtless, communicated to the enemy and our slumbering government could not be awakened!

Wigfall, of Texas, Graham, of North Carolina, Orr and Miles, of South Carolina, oppose the employment of negro troops, and Gen. Wickham, of this department, openly proclaims such a measure as the end of the Confederacy! We are upon stirring times! Senator Wigfall demands a new cabinet, etc.

Two P.M. The sun has come out; warmer. But it does not disperse the prevailing gloom. It is feared Richmond must be abandoned, and our forces concentrated farther South, where supplies may be more easily had, and where it will be a greater labor and expense for the enemy to subsist his armies.

Assistant Secretary of War, Judge Campbell, is still furloughing, detailing, and discharging men from the army; and yet he thinks the country is pretty nearly exhausted of its fighting population! His successor is not yet appointed; the sooner the better, perhaps.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 416-7

Sunday, March 17, 2024

Diary of Malvina S. Waring, February 15, 1865

(Waiting at the depot). Going as usual to the department this morning, I found orders had been issued for our immediate removal to Richmond. Barely had I time to run home, dash a few more articles into my trunk, say good-bye, and join the others here. We girls are all together—Elise, Ernestine, Sadie, Bet, and myself. We have been seated in the train for hours and hours. Oh! this long waiting; it is weary work! A reign of terror prevails in the city, and the scene about me will ever live in memory. Government employees are hastening to and fro, military stores are being packed, troops in motion, aids-de-camp flying hither and thither, and anxious fugitives crowding about the train, begging for transportation. All kinds of rumors are afloat, every newcomer bringing a new version. The latest is that Hardee has refused to evacuate Charleston, and will not combine forces with Hampton in order to save the capital. I am strangely laden; I feel weighted down. Six gold watches are secreted about my person, and more miscellaneous articles of jewelry than would fill a small jewelry shop—pins, rings, bracelets, etc. One of my trunks is packed with valuables and another with provisions. Shelling has begun from the Lexington heights, and under such conditions this waiting at the depot has a degree of nervousness mixed with impatience. We catch, now and again, peculiar whizzing sounds—shells, they say. Sherman has come; he is knocking at the gate. Oh, God! turn him back! Fight on our side, and turn Sherman back!

Charlotte, N. C.—We stopped in Winnsboro awhile, but at last came on here. That was a sad, sad parting! Shall I ever look into their dear faces again—my father and mother, and poor little Johnnie, wrested by the exigencies of war from his mother's knee? People who have never been through a war don't know anything about war. May I never pass through another. Why will men fight? Especially brothers? Why cannot they adjust their differences and redress their wrongs without the shedding of woman's tears and the spilling of each other's blood?

But I dare not write, nor even think much on this strain. My old friend J. B. L. is along. He is very kind. Think of his lifting our heavy trunks into the baggage car with his own hands! Otherwise they would be sitting on the railroad platform in Columbia yet. Say what you please, it is, after all, the men whom we women have to depend on in this world. J. B. L's. friend, whom he asked permission to present to us, is a graduate of the Medical College of New York, a young Hippocrates of profoundly scientific attainments. Nor is that all—he is possessed of all that ease of manner and well-bred poise for which the F. F. V.'s are noted.

SOURCE: South Carolina State Committee United Daughters of the Confederacy, South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, Vol. 1, “A Confederate Girl's Diary,” p. 275-6

Monday, March 4, 2024

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Tuesday, February 25, 1862

I left home* to rejoin the battalion near Murfreesboro. After a ride of nineteen miles I, with several others of Allison's Company, stopped for the night with Colonel E. S. Smith's Battalion, within two miles of Murfreesboro.

I will here pause to make a few remarks in reference. to the movements of the Confederates at other points.

Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River, fell into the hands of the Federals on February 6th. General Grant, making Fort Henry his base of operations, moved against Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River.

General Buckner, with about nine thousand five hundred rank and file, surrendered the latter place to Grant on the 16th.

About this time the Confederates at Bowling Green, Kentucky, fell back to Nashville before General Buell. By the 23d the last of the Confederate troops evacuated the latter place, falling back to Murfreesboro.

Nashville was formally surrendered by the Mayor to General Buell on the 25th of February.

So I found quite a number of infantry, cavalry and artillery at Murfreesboro under the command of General Albert Sidney Johnston.

That portion of Johnston's army which was now with him at Murfreesboro, and known as the Central Army, was composed of three divisions, commanded respectively by Major-Generals Hardee, Crittenden and Pillow, and one "reserve" brigade under Brigadier-General Breckinridge. Each division was composed of two brigades, making a total of seven brigades.

Bennett's Battalion, which was afterward consolidated with McNairy's, belonged to Hindman's Brigade and Hardee's Division.

_______________

*The last time I saw home until June 3d, 1865.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 133-4

Tuesday, February 27, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 25, 1865

Clear, and very cold. We lost gun-boat Drewry yesterday in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the enemy's pontoon bridge down the river. Fort Harrison was not taken as reported, nor is it likely to be.

The rumor of an armistice remains, nevertheless, and Mr. Blair dined with the President on Sunday, and has had frequent interviews with him. This is published in the papers, and will cause the President to be severely censured.

Congress failed to expel Mr. Foote yesterday (he is off again), not having a two-thirds vote, but censured him by a decided majority. What will it end in?

No successors yet announced to Seddon and Campbell—Secretary and Assistant Secretary of War. Perhaps they can be persuaded to remain.

After all, it appears that our fleet did not return, but remains down the river; and as the enemy's gun-boats have been mostly sent to North Carolina, Gen. Lee may give Grant some trouble. If he destroys the bridges, the Federal troops on this side the river will be cut off from their main army.

It is said the President has signed the bill creating a commander-in-chief.

Rev. W. Spottswood Fontaine writes from Greensborough, N. C., that — reports that Senator Hunter is in favor of Virginia negotiating a separate peace with the United States, as the other States will probably abandon her to her fate, etc.

I saw Mr. Lyons to-day, who told me Mr. Hunter dined with him yesterday, and that Gen. Lee took tea with him last evening, and seemed in good spirits, hope, etc. Mr. Lyons thinks Gen. Lee was always a thorough emancipationist. He owns no slaves. He (Mr. Lyons) thinks that using the negroes in the war will be equivalent to universal emancipation, that not a slave will remain after the President's idea (which he don't seem to condemn) is expanded and reduced to practice. He favors sending out a commissioner to Europe for aid, on the basis of emancipation, etc., as a dernier ressort. He thinks our cause has received most injury from Congress, of which he is no longer a member.

If it be really so, and if it were generally known, that Gen. Lee is, and always has been opposed to slavery, how soon would his great popularity vanish like the mist of the morning! Can it be possible that he has influenced the President's mind on this subject? Did he influence the mind of his father-in-law, G. W. Park Custis, to emancipate his hundreds of slaves? Gen. Lee would have been heir to all, as his wife was an only child. There's some mistake about it.

The Secretary of State (still there!) informs the Secretary of War (still here!) that the gold he wrote about to the President on the 18th inst. for Gen. Hardee and for Mr. Conrad, is ready and subject to his order.

Four steamers have run into Charleston with a large amount of commissary stores. This is providential.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 397-8

Monday, February 26, 2024

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 27, 1865

Clear, and coldest morning of the winter. None but the rich speculators and quartermaster and commissary speculators have a supply of food and fuel. Much suffering exists in the city; and prices are indeed fabulous, notwithstanding the efforts of the Secretary of the Treasury and the press to bring down the premium on gold. Many fear the high members of the government have turned brokers and speculators, and are robbing the country-making friends of the mammon of unrighteousness, against the day of wrath which they see approaching. The idea that Confederate States notes are improving in value, when every commodity, even wood and coal, daily increases in price, is very absurd!

The iron-clad fleet returned, without accomplishing anything— losing one gun-boat and having some fifteen killed and wounded. The lower house of Congress failed yesterday to pass the Midshipman bill over the President's veto—though a majority was against the President.

It is said, and published in the papers, that Mrs. Davis threw her arms around Mr. Blair and embraced him. This, too, is injurious to the President.

My wood-house was broken into last night, and two (of the nine) sticks of wood taken. Wood is selling at $5 a stick this cold morning; mercury at zero.

A broker told me that he had an order (from government) to sell gold at $35 for $1. But that is not the market price.

It is believed (by some credulous people) that Gen. J. E. Johnston will command the army in Virginia, and that Lee will reside here and be commander-in-chief. I doubt. The clamor for Gen. J. seems to be the result of a political combination.

Mr. Hunter came to the department to-day almost in a run. He is excited.

Lieut.-Gen. Hardee, of Charleston, 26th (yesterday), dispatches to the Secretary that he has received an order from Gen. Cooper (Adjutant-General) for the return of the 15th Regiment and 10th Battalion North Carolina troops to North Carolina. He says these are nearly the only regular troops he has to defend the line of the Combahee—the rest being reserves, disaffected at being

detained out of their States. The withdrawal may cause the loss of the State line, and great disaster, etc. etc.

Official statement of Gen. Hood's losses shows 66 guns, 13,000 small arms, etc. The report says the army was saved by sacrificing transportation; and but for this the losses would have been nothing.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 400-1

Friday, October 6, 2023

Lieutenant-General William J. Hardee to Jefferson Davis, December 15, 1864

SAVANNAH, December 15, 1864.        
(Via Hardeeville 16th.)
His Excellency President DAVIS:

Sherman has secured a water base, and Foster, who is already nearly on my communications, can be safely and expeditiously re-enforced. Unless assured that force sufficient to keep open my communications can be sent me, I shall be compelled to evacuate Savannah.

W. J. HARDEE,        
Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 960

Wednesday, October 4, 2023

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 17, 1864

Warm and cloudy.

Quiet below.

The President was reported better, yesterday, to my wife, who called.

It is said Gen. Cooper, R. Ould, etc. etc. have never taken their compensation in Confederate States Treasury notes, hoping at a future day (which may not come) to draw specie or its equivalent!

It was reported on the streets, to-day, that the President was dead. He is much better; and will probably be at his office today.

The following telegram was sent over by the President this morning:

"SAVANNAH, GA., December 16th, 1864.—Sherman has secured a water base, and Foster, who is already nearly on my communications, can be safely and expeditiously reinforced. Unless assured that force sufficient to keep open my communications can be sent me, I shall be compelled to evacuate Savannah.—W. J. HARDEE, Lieut.-Gen."

Alas for President Davis's government! It is now in a painful strait. If reinforcements be sent from here, both Savannah and Richmond may fall. Gen. Bragg will be crucified by the enemies of the President, for staying at Augusta while Sherman made his triumphant march through Georgia; and the President's party will make Beauregard the scape-goat, for staying at Charleston for sending Hood North—which I am inclined to think he did not do, but the government itself.

Capt. Weiniger (government clothing warehouse) employs about 4000 females on soldiers' clothes.

Some people still believe the President is dead, and that it is attempted to conceal his death by saying he is better, etc. I saw his indorsements on papers, to-day, dated the 15th, day before yesterday, and it was a bold hand. I am inclined almost to believe he has not been sick at all! His death would excite sympathy and now his enemies are assailing him bitterly, attributing all our misfortunes to his incompetence, etc. etc.

SOURC E: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 356-7