Showing posts with label Prentiss. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Prentiss. Show all posts

Saturday, November 9, 2024

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Sunday, April 6, 1862

On the above day and date commenced one of the great battles of the "War Between the States," generally known as the "Battle of Shiloh."

Finding a very full description of said battle in the History of Forrest's Campaigns, from the pen of General Thomas Jordan (than whom, perhaps, no other was better qualified to describe said battle, as he was at the time A. S. Johnston's Adjutant-General), I will copy at length, though I shall somewhat abridge without using marks of ellipsis or quotation points:

The Confederate forces that had abandoned Kentucky and Middle Tennessee were assembled by railroad from Huntsville and Decatur at Corinth, in North Mississippi.

Major-General Polk's forces, from Columbus, Kentucky, and West Tennessee, had likewise been concentrated at the same place, as well as a splendid corps under General Bragg, drawn from Pensacola and New Orleans, with the addition of some newly-enrolled Mississippi regiments. This force was reorganized during the last week of March into three army corps: The First, commanded by Major-General Polk; the Second, by Major-General Bragg, and the Third, by Major-General Hardee. The cavalry had a separate organization of about four thousand five hundred. The whole was under the chief command of Albert Sidney Johnston, with Beauregard as second in command.

While the Confederates were thus occupied their adversary had not been dilatory. General Grant, under orders from his superior, had proceeded, with his force engaged in the operations ending in the fall of Fort Donelson, and established himself at a point upon the west bank of the Tennessee River known as Pittsburg Landing. Here, too, he had been followed soon by three other divisions, commanded by W. T. Sherman, Hurlburt and Prentiss.

Moreover, after diverting one of his divisions (Mitchell's) toward Huntsville, Alabama, General Buell, with his other four divisions, was known to be rapidly converging to the same theater of operations.

Thus matters stood on the evening of the 2d of April: Two considerable hostile armies had been brought within eighteen miles of each other, with no physical barrier, such as a large river or mountain, between them.

Being satisfied the time had come to spring upon, if possible, surprise and crush General Grant's army before Buell had come up, General Johnston, about eleven o'clock on the night of the 2d, decided to put his army in movement the following day, and trust its fortunes to the "iron dice" of battle. Accordingly the orders to that end, issued at once by his Adjutant-General, were received by his several corps commanders by forty minutes past one on the morning of the 3d of April, while a reserve was organized at the same time of three brigades, under Breckinridge, to move directly from Burnsville and join the main body at a petty cross-road village called Monterey. By noon (the 3d) the whole Confederate army was under arms and ready to begin the march. But from untoward causes the First (Polk's) Corps did not get in motion so soon as had been expected, and did not bivouac as far in advance as was desirable.

Moreover, the badness of the roads, caused by a heavy rainfall the night of the 3d, so retarded the movement that Bragg's Corps was not able the second day to advance further than Monterey, whereas it had been confidently anticipated that by the night of the 4th the whole army would have assembled in the vicinity of their antagonist. Instead of being able to attack Saturday morning, as anticipated, General Polk's Corps did not reach the vicinity of the designated point of concentration until quite as late as two o'clock Saturday afternoon, 5th of April.

Though General Johnston, through his staff, had made every effort to get his troops in position for an attack that day.

Supremely chagrined that he had been balked in his just expectations, it was now evidently too late for a decisive engagement that afternoon, so General Johnston called his corps and reserve commanders together, and a council of war was held within less than two miles of Shiloh Chapel, the headquarters of the Federal General Sherman.1 General Beauregard earnestly advised the idea of attacking the enemy should be abandoned, and that the whole force should return to Corinth, inasmuch as it was now scarcely possible they would be able to take the Federals unawares after such delay and noisy demonstrations which had been made meanwhile.

It did seem that the Federals had had ample warning of the impending tempest, for a force of Confederate cavalry that had been sent forward mainly to procure topographical information which hitherto the Confederate generals had been unable to acquire of that region, had been pushed up, and somewhat injudiciously though boldly landed in the immediate front of the Federal position. During that day (Saturday) one regiment of cavalry (Colonel N. B. Forrest's) had had some lively skirmishing on the left of the Federal position.

Therefore, Beauregard urged the enemy would be now found formidably intrenched and ready for the attack; that success had depended on the power to assail them unexpectedly, for they were superior in numbers, and in large part had been under fire. On the other hand, few comparatively of the Confederates had that advantage, while a large part were too raw and recently enrolled to make it proper to venture them in an assault upon breastworks which would now be thrown up. And this unquestionably was the view of almost all present.

General Johnston, having listened with grave attention to the views and opinions advanced, then remarked in substance that he recognized the weight of the objections to an attack under the circumstances involved by the unfortunate loss of time on the road. But, nevertheless, he still hoped the enemy was not looking for offensive operations, and that he would yet be able to surprise them. And that, having put his army in motion for a battle, he would venture the hazard.

This decision being announced, the officers rapidly dispersed to their respective posts in high and hopeful spirits, notwithstanding the probabilities that all previous expectations of a surprise would fail of accomplishment.

Here a topographical sketch of the theater of war may serve to make more intelligible the occurrences and vicissitudes of the battle.

Two streams, Lick and Owl Creeks, taking their rise very near each other, just westward of Monterey, flowing (a little east of north) nearly parallel with each other, the former empties into the Tennessee about three miles above Pittsburg Landing, the latter, after mingling its waters with Snake Creek, empties into the Tennessee about one mile below said landing. In other words, Owl Creek empties into Snake Creek about three or four miles (in a direct line, nearly west), from the mouth of the latter. Intersected by various ravines, drainage is into Owl Creek, as the land rises highest and ridgelike near Lick Creek.

Recent heavy rains had rendered the soil boggy, especially along those small streams, and hence difficult for artillery and cavalry. A primeval forest, cumbered with a great deal of undergrowth, covered the region, except a few small farms of fifty or seventy acres scattered occasionally here and there. Two roads leading from Corinth, crossing Lick Creek about a mile apart, converge together about two miles from Pittsburg Landing. Other roads also approach from all directions: one from Purdy crosses Owl Creek by a bridge before its junction with Snake Creek; one from Crump's Landing, six miles below Pittsburg, crosses Snake Creek by a bridge, and one from Hamburg Landing, about four miles above, crosses Lick Creek by a bridge, about one and a half miles from its mouth.

A Federal force of five2 strong divisions, thirty-seven thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry and artillery, and eighty-four guns, forty thousand of all arms, occupied the space we have described, between Owl and Lick Creeks, in front of Pittsburg, and were thus disposed:

The first Federal line, extending from the crossing of Owl Creek, on the Purdy road, to the crossing of Lick Creek on the Hamburg road, was composed of Sherman's and Prentiss' Divisions. The headquarters of the former were at a rustic log "meeting-house," called Shiloh, while the latter was to the left. A third division, that of McClernand, was in supporting distance. of Sherman at the confluence of the two Corinth roads.

A second line to the rearward was composed of Hurlbut's and W. H. L. (not Lew) Wallace's Divisions, the first of which was stretched across the Corinth road, and the other extended to the leftward along the Hamburg road.

By three o'clock Sunday morning the Confederate army was all astir, and, after a hasty, scanty breakfast, the lines were formed as follows:

Hardee's corps, augmented by Gladden's Brigade from Bragg's corps, constituted the first line, deployed in battle order on the grounds upon which they had bivouacked.

The second line, five hundred yards rearward, was formed of Ruggles' Division and two brigades (the other was in the first line) of Withers' Division, under Major-General Bragg. The artillery of both corps followed their respective lines by the Pittsburg road.

The First Corps (Clark's and Cheatham's Divisions) under Major-General Polk, drawn up in a column of brigades, deployed in line about eight hundred yards to the rear of Bragg, constituted a third line.

Three brigades under Brigadier-General Breckinridge constituted a special reserve3 for the support of the attacking lines as might be needed on either flank.

The cavalry, about 4,300 strong, was distributed, for the most part, to guard the flanks. The cavalry, with the exception of Forrest's and Wharton's regiments, being lately regimented, insufficiently armed, and wholly without drill, together with the nature of the scene of operations, was rendered almost valueless, and only the two regiments mentioned took any material part in the actions of either day.

About sunrise some thirty-four thousand infantry, with about fifty guns, were in movement, with a bearing never surpassed, to fall upon their enemy-an enemy as yet undeveloped, but known to be ensconced near at hand in the fog and forest, superior in numbers and equipments, for their many drums the evening before had plainly told their formidable strength.

That the Federals did not take even the ordinary precautions which habitually hedge an army in the field is passing strange. Instead of that, in sooth, there was no line of infantry pickets in advance of the ordinary chain of sentinels, apparently no cavalry exterior either to Sherman or Prentiss, and that invading army lay drowsily in its cosy encampments, as if supremely confident no harm were threatening and no disaster could befall it. Many as yet were in their blankets, fast asleep, many others washing and dressing, others cooking their morning meal, while the arms and accoutrements of all were spread around in the orderless fashion of holiday soldiers.

Meanwhile, swiftly forward through the woods strode the Confederates. With an elastic tread they surged onward and forward until, the mist gradually lifting, the white tents might be seen through the trees.

On poured the living current of the Confederates. By an anomalous arrangement Hildebrand's Brigade of Sherman's Division was on the left of Prentiss' Division. Sherman, with his other three brigades, was on the right.

By a mischance the Confederates' left had not been thrown sufficiently near to Owl Creek, so when the collision came it was only with the left (Hildebrand's) brigade; but it soon fell with overwhelming force upon Prentiss from flank to flank. Their sentinels, taken by surprise, were run in with barely time to discharge their pieces. Just at their heels came the Confederates, cheering heartily; and so complete a surprise of an army has not the like in history. Officers and men were killed or wounded in their beds, and large numbers had not time to clutch up either arms or accoutrements. Nevertheless, few prisoners were taken, nor were many either killed or wounded in the first stage of the battle. Hildebrand's Brigade of Ohioans, swept by the violence of the onslaught from their encampment, scattered and was heard of no more as a belligerent organization on that field! Prentiss' Division, rallying, was formed in good time on a neighboring ridge, but, little able to stand the torrent that streamed after it, was swept further back. Meanwhile Sherman's rightward brigades, which had escaped collision with Hardee, he had time to form, and with them right manfully did he strive to make head against Ruggles' Division of Bragg's Corps, that by this time had come upon the scene and bore down vehemently upon them.

The position held by Sherman was one of natural strength; with a small watercourse in front, it afforded a converging fire upon the Confederates. Such, however, was the vigor of the assault that Sherman, with the loss of five or six guns, was forced back just as McClernand came to his support. They were both then swept rearward near the line of the cross-road from Hamburg to Purdy. There Sherman, with McClernand, gained a foothold, and, with several batteries favorably posted, made another stand on a thickly-wooded ridge with a ravine in front. But, speedily assailed by Ruggles' and some of Polk's Brigades with a fury not to be withstood, the Federal line again yielded, losing several pieces of artillery and receding to the position of McClernand's encampment.

About forty minutes past seven A. M., hearing the uproar in front, Hurlbut also sent Veach's Brigade of his division to support Sherman, and with his other two brigades moved swiftly to the succor of Prentiss', who had called for aid. After Prentiss' Division had filtered through his lines he formed in the edge of an old field, sheltered by timber and thick undergrowth, near the Hamburg road, south (to the left) of the position taken by Sherman and McClernand. There Hurlbut also was speedily assailed by the Confederates, now reenforced in that quarter by Chalmers' and Jackson's brigades of Bragg's Corps, and was soon swept back, with the loss of some artillery. Thus the whole front line of Federal encampments was left in the hands of the adversary, filled with equipage and baggage, the most abundant and luxurious that encumbered any except an oriental army.

Meanwhile Sherman was making able, desperate efforts to redeem the losses of the morning. However, the Confederates, now re-enforced in that quarter by Cheatham's and Clark's Divisions, Polk's Corps, still drove their enemy nearer the river.

W. H. L. Wallace had also been attacked, and the Federal line of battle was pushed back to within a mile of the Landing. There were massed what remained of their artillery and the fragments of their five divisions.

General Johnston, the Confederate Commander-in-Chief, was now in the very front of the battle. Assured of a great victory after the marvelous success of his planned surprise, he now stimulated the onslaught by his personal presence on the right, where the press was fiercest, the resistance the most effective. More than once brigades that faltered under the inspiration of his leading bore back the enemy and wrested the position fought for. As far as can be ascertained, General Grant was not upon the immediate field earlier than midday. On Saturday afternoon he had gone to Savannah and slept there. The sound of many cannon at Shiloh was his first tidings of a hostile juncture at Pittsburg Landing. As he was leaving Savannah he ordered Nelson's Division of Buell's Corps, that lay at that place, to march to Pittsburg by the nearest road. When he reached Pittsburg it was to find his whole front line surprised, overwhelmed, routed, and the ravines and river bank adjacent packed with thousands of crouching fugitives. These could not be rallied nor incited to return. to the field to aid in recovering the fortunes of the day.

There was abundant intrepidity in leading everywhere, but, unfortunately for the Confederate cause, too little knowledge of the right way to handle regiments, brigades, divisions, even corps, to secure that massing of troops, those mighty blows which achieve decisive victories. Though, indeed, there were far to many stragglers who ignobly shrank from the victorious edge of battle, many going back to Corinth that night, yet everywhere there was the largest measure of sturdy fighting by regiments, brigades, and parts of divisions. For the most part, confident of the issue and bent on pressing toward the enemy, there was yet a lack of harmonious movement. Superior officers led with notable courage regiments or parts of brigades, and doubtless stimulated their men not a little by their example, but at the same time lost sight of the mass of their commands, which were thus not unfrequently left at a halt without orders and uncertain what to do. And this was the case with batteries also, which, moreover, were too often employed singly. There was no concerted concentration of these triumphant corps respectively, much less of the whole mass, for a well-timed, overwhelming blow at the now sorely crippled, dispirited enemy. And as a consequence, with Sherman among them doing all possible in the exigency, the Federals were enabled to protract their defense against the desultory onset with which they were assailed for the next hour or two.

Meanwhile, to the rightward the Confederate General-in-Chief, taking part at a critical juncture in the charge of a brigade, and by his intrepid presence giving a resistless momentum to the onset, received a rifle wound in the leg—a mortal wound, as it proved presently, for the want of timely surgical aid. The Governor of Tennessee (I. G. Harris), by his side when struck, caught the soldier in his arms as he fell from his saddle, exhausted by an apparently painless loss of blood. A moment after his aid-de-camp and brother-in-law, Colonel William Preston, of Kentucky, came up, and A. S. Johnston, with scarce a murmur, died in his arms. The scene of his untoward death was a wooded, secluded hollow, and the loss of their chief was not known to the Confederate army until that night, nor even generally then.

About the time of this calamity the reserves under Breckinridge were thrown vigorously into action. He was ordered to the support of Bragg, who had called for aid. In front was to be seen a camp without an inmate. This camp was in an open woods and just ahead was an open field bordered by a dense thicket.

Through the camp passed Breckinridge's Brigade and into the open field, and still there was silence; but not long, for a few steps beyond a hissing stream and flame of musketry burst at their breasts, mowing their ranks. fearfully and heaping the ground with dead and wounded. They gave back to the woods, but only for a little while did they recede. Closing their thinned ranks, and animated by their officers, they retook the advance, and their adversaries were forced back, yet with not a little. stubbornness and desperate fighting on fighting on favorable ground. By this time Withers' Division, of Bragg's Corps, as well as Breckinridge's reserves, mingled with portions of Hardee's men, were all massed on the Confederate right in the quarter of Lick Creek. General Bragg, assuming command of the whole, launched them with a resistless weight at the enemy, who now gave way, and on all sides were forced from the line of Wallace's and Hurlbut's encampments, leaving behind more of their artillery and three thousand prisoners, chiefly. of Prentiss' Division, in the hands of their assailants.

At the same time, on the center and left, Polk's Divisions, with Ruggles' Division of Bragg's Corps, and some of Hardee's also, made no less strenuous efforts to close the battle. Those of the routed Federals who were not killed or captured dropped back in great confusion toward the Landing. Some were rallied upon the ridge immediately overhanging the Landing, but large masses were added to the already dense mob of fugitives huddled below the bank.

But meanwhile Colonel Webster, chief of the Federal staff, an officer of the regulars who knew his profession, observing the mortal peril of his people, had gathered upon that ridge all the guns available, including some thirty-two pounders and a battery of twenty-pounder Parrotts, or in all, twenty-two pieces, which he manned with gunners from the least demoralized of the run-aways. Soon, too, the remains of the field batteries were added, and some fifty guns were massed upon this eminence about five P. M., with a field of fire sweeping all the approaches to the river. The position was strong; timber and undergrowth gave shelter for the artillery and their support, while a deep ravine separated it from the table-land over which it dominated; tangled brushwood obstructed its steep slopes, and on or behind this position, as we have said, took final refuge the entire Federal force except the remains of one of Sherman's brigades, which appear to have drifted off with their General to the vicinity of the bridge across Snake Creek, on the road to Crump's Landing, and not being followed, he established them there undisturbed, with the rear open for retreat in an emergency, northward.

The air now resounded with hearty shouts of natural exultation on part of the victorious Confederates.

General Beauregard, through his staff, urged the forward propulsion of the whole force upon the shattered fragments of the enemy. Unfortunately, however, from various causes, none of the divisions confronted in an embodied form the last position that remained between them and the deep, broad waters of the Tennessee. The superior officers present, howbeit, collected the men immediately around them, of whatever corps. Tired, hungry, and exhausted as were the Confederates, nevertheless a number of determined separate efforts were made by them during the remaining hour of daylight to wrench the last foothold from their elsewhere beaten adversary. But meanwhile, at five P. M., Ammen's Brigade of Nelson's Division had been thrown across the river and established by Buell as a support of Webster's powerful battery, and the Federals, like a rat brought to bay in a corner from which there is no escape, fought with all the desperation of that animal under similar circumstances, knowing, moreover, that night, with its shield of darkness, and ample succor were close at hand.

But in attempting to mount the last ridge, the Confederates were met by a fire from a whole line of batteries, protected by infantry, and assisted by shells from the gun-boats. They, however, stoutly persisted in storming the steep hillside despite the impediments with which it bristled, and made charge after charge without success until night closed hostilities.

General Beauregard, in the meantime, observing the exhausted, widely-scattered condition of his army, directed it to be brought out of battle, collected and restored to order as far as practicable, and to occupy for the night the captured encampments of the enemy.

All the encampments that had been occupied by the five Federal divisions were now in possession of their adversary. They were full of the rich, opportune spoils of war, including many thousand stands of arms, all the blankets and baggage of the whole force, their subsistence, their hospital stores, means of transportation to a great extent, and large stores of ammunition. But so great was the lassitude and fatigue of the Confederates that all which could be done was to glean food sufficient for their supper, for which, indeed, all were dependent upon what they could thus find.

The prisoners, however, were collected together during the night not far from Shiloh Church, where Generals Beauregard and Bragg established their headquarters. There, after a time, the former had an interview with his corps commanders and received brief oral reports of the operations of the day.

Among the prisoners was General Prentiss himself, who had much to say touching the ultimate issue of the affair, which he asserted was by no means terminated with the disaster of that untoward day; for Buell, he stated, would effect a junction that night, the fight would break out the next morning with renewed vigor, and all losses would be recovered. At the moment, however, this was regarded as idle talk, for an official telegraphic dispatch, addressed to General Johnston from near Florence, was forwarded to the field from Corinth, announcing that Buell was moving with his whole force upon Florence. Emanating from a reliable. officer placed there in observation, whose scouts had doubtless mistaken the movement of Mitchell's Division for the whole of Buell's army, it was credited, and Buell's timely junction with General Grant was accordingly deemed impossible. Therefore the capture of the latter was regarded at Confederate headquarters as inevitable the next day, as soon as all the scattered Confederate resources could be brought to bear for a concentrated effort. Such of the Confederate soldiery as could find shelter from a heavy rain slept undisturbed and hopeful of the fullest fruition of a great victory on the morrow.

After first finding food and forage for his men and horses, Colonel Forrest threw out a squadron as pickets, confronting, as close as possible, those of the enemy, on a stretch of a mile across to Owl Creek. He also dispatched Lieutenant Sheridan with other scouts clad in Federal cavalry overcoats, to reconnoiter within the precincts of the enemy's lines. Completely successful, in an hour Sheridan returned and reported that, reaching the Landing, he had seen heavy reinforcements coming rapidly by water. Also, in his opinion, such was the disorder prevailing that if an attack were made in full force at once, they might be readily pushed into the river. Forrest, ever a man of prompt action, mounted his horse instantly to convey this startling intelligence to the nearest corps commander, and soon coming upon Generals Hardee and Breckinridge, made known what his scouts announced. He also bluntly added his opinion that either the Confederates should immediately resume the battle or quit the field to avoid a damaging conflict with overwhelming odds. Hardee directed him. to communicate his information to General Beauregard, and with that object he rode forth again; but after a diligent search through the woods and darkness, unable to find that General, he became so deeply solicitous that he hurried back to his pickets. Finding all quiet he again dispatched his scouts within the Federal lines. It was two o'clock A. M. before they returned and reported the continued arrival of fresh troops. Again Forrest repaired and reported to General Hardee the state of affairs, but was instructed to return to his regiment, keep up a vigilant, strong picket line, and report all hostile movements. All the while, every few minutes through the night, two gun-boats had been sedulously throwing their dread "bolted thunder" directly over Forrest's bivouac, murdering sleep, weary and drowsy as all his men were.

By seven P. M. Nelson's other two brigades (Bruce's and Hazen's) had crossed the Tennessee, and, with the one (Ammen's) that so materially helped, with Webster's opportunely posted battery, to save the Federal army from utter overthrow, were at once thrown forward by General Buell as a shield between General Grant's army and the Confederates. Crittenden's Division likewise came up from Savannah by water not long after, and was promptly established in the same manner on Nelson's right. Moreover, Lew Wallace, one of Grant's divisions that was not in the first day's battle, came up by land from near Crump's Landing, crossed Snake Creek, and took a position there commanding the bridge, and by chance, too, in the neighborhood of Sherman. One of McCook's Brigades (Rousseau's) also reached the scene about sunrise and took a position on Crittenden's right. His other two brigades. (Johnson's and Kirk's) took position about ten a. M.

Thus were marshaled there or near at hand, ready to take the offensive against the victors of the day before, twenty-five thousand fresh Federal troops. On the Confederate side, to meet such an onset, there was not a man who had not fought steadfastly for the greater part of Sunday, and not more than twenty thousand Confederate infantry could have been found to answer to their names that morning, the 7th.

In haste to efface the tarnish of the arrant disaster inflicted on his army on Sunday, General Grant did not await the advent of Buell's other divisions, but directed the offensive to be assumed at dawn. His shattered forces on Sunday night had been reorganized into three divisions under Sherman, McClernand and Hurlbut.

To recapitulate: Six Federal divisions- Nelson's, Crittenden's, McClernand's, McCook's,4 Sherman's and Lew Wallace's-were in position in the order named, and ready to take the offensive Monday morning, with Hurlbut's Division held back near the river as a reserve. Hurlbut, bringing up his reserves about ten o'clock and fusing them with McClernand's command, repaired rearward again, at McClernand's request, to seek further support.

Chalmers' Brigade, with a part of J. K. Jackson's, under Wheeler, in advance, in front of Nelson, were the first to become engaged. Nelson came out with vigor, and the Confederates retired slowly to concentrate their strength. By eight o'clock, Hardee, however, had massed in that quarter a number of his own corps, as well as Withers' Division of Bragg's, and the combat began in earnest. Nelson now found a lion in his path, but Hazen's Brigade pushed forward with decided pluck, and the Confederates were driven from their position with the loss of a battery. A well-timed concentration, however, enabled the Confederates to hurl Hazen back from his prey, and in turn pressed Nelson so sorely that by nine A. M. he was calling lustily for aid. Nelson was reinforced by Terrell's Battery (regulars), and a portion of Crittenden's Division, and an obstinate struggle for the mastery of this part of the field raged until about one P. M. But neither party gained any material advantage, except Terrell's Battery was so cut up that he had to assist as a gunner at one of his pieces, and the battery narrowly escaped capture.

Crittenden by this time was likewise hotly engaged in the immediate center. The Confederates on his front, at first retiring to concentrate at his advance, finally rebounded, and he and Nelson were borne back by the same refluent wave. Polk's corps coming up from the rear, on the Confederate side, entered the battle in splendid order and spirit.

By the time Nelson was well at work on the Federal left, the Confederates opened a light fire upon Wallace and Sherman, who, encouraged by its feebleness, adventured the offensive. But their speedy greeting was a sheet of flame, lead and canister from the woods in their front, where portions of Ruggles' and Breckinridge's Divisions stood in wait. The Federals reeled and rushed rearward, followed nearly a mile by the Confederates; but here, reinforced by McCook, Sherman attempted to resume the advance. Now, the fight waxed obstinate, and the firing, says Sherman, was the "severest musketry" he had ever heard. Rousseau's Federal Brigade was pitted against Trabue's Kentuckians. Both fought with uncommon determination to win, but the Federals were repulsed, and Wallace was so pressed that his situation became extremely critical.

As the Confederates in that part of the field were confronted by more than double their number, the impetus of their attack was, therefore, slackened in the face of such odds. Yet several brilliant charges were made, in one of which, to the left of Shiloh, General Beauregard himself led in person, carrying the battle flag of a Louisiana regiment; and Trabue's Brigade, having carried earlier an eminence near Owl Creek, repulsing every effort to dislodge him, held his position until the retreat was ordered. Here, as on the right, the Confederate troops were animated by the greatest intrepidity on the part of their superior officers.

It was now after one o'clock. The battle had raged furiously from right to left for more than five hours, and, notwithstanding the odds of fresh troops brought up against them, despite their long-continued engagement, the Confederates had not receded from the ground upon which they had been concentrated as soon as it was apparent that the battle was on their hands. Beginning the combat with not more than twenty thousand men, exclusive of cavalry, less than fifteen thousand were now in the Confederate ranks. General Beauregard, seeing the unprofitable nature of the struggle, determined not to prolong it. Directing his Adjutant-General to select a position, and post such troops as were available to cover the retreat, he dispatched other staff officers to the corps commanders, with the order to retire simultaneously from their several positions, ready, however, to turn and fight should it become necessary. And, accordingly, about two o'clock the retrograde movement was inaugurated, and carried out with a steadiness never exceeded by veterans of a hundred fields. The retreat had now commenced in earnest, but so stunned and crippled was the enemy that no effort or pretense to pursue was made. The line established to cover the movement commanded the ground of Shiloh Church and some open fields in the neighborhood. Thence, keeping up a vigorous play of artillery on the woods beyond, there was no reply, nor did any enemy become visible. The next line, three-fourths of a mile to the rear, was abandoned, with no enemy in sight. Breckinridge, assigned to the duty of covering the retreat with his division, was ordered to bivouac for the night at a point not more than four and a half miles from Pittsburg Landing. The other corps were now en route for Corinth by a road which, that night, was made almost impracticable for wheels by a heavy rainfall.

On Tuesday morning, General Breckinridge fell back to a position only three miles beyond, and there remained undisturbed for some days, with the cavalry thrown forward in close proximity to the Federal lines. After Breckinridge had thus withdrawn, Colonel Forrest found himself with about three hundred and fifty troops on Tuesday morning (the 8th), on the road toward Monterey, in the presence of a heavy Federal infantry force, advancing in three lines of battle. The position, a ridge, was advantageous, and Forrest determined to attempt to hold it until re-enforcements could be brought up. Formed in line of battle, the Confederates boldly stood their ground as about two battalions of cavalry and a regiment of infantry were thrown forward to assail them. The infantry advanced handsomely at a charge, with their bayonets presented. There was some confusion, however, in the Federal ranks in crossing a small stream, and Forrest, with his characteristic quickness of sight and plans, his wonted hardihood, resolved to charge the Federals with his force, as small as it was. His bugler sounded the charge, and forward dashed the Confederates from their covert behind the crest of the ridge in superb order and spirit, and were almost upon the enemy before the nature of the movement was perceived or they had had time to prepare for it. At twenty paces the Confederates gave a volley with their shot-guns—a formidable weapon at that short distance-and rushed in with pistols and sabers. So sudden was the onset that, despite their numbers, the Federal cavalry broke in disorder and fled back through the woods, running over their own infantry in their panic, creating a scene of singular confusion and tumult for some moments. Many of the infantry were thus knocked down; many horses also were transfixed by the bayonets of their own infantry.

Scores of other horses fell and threw their riders, sprawling and bruised, upon the ground, and all around was a medley of cavalry and infantry, scattering and running to and fro, hither and thither, officers shouting and cursing and the hurt groaning. The flying infantry were closely pursued for several hundred yards by their eager, excited enemy. The loss inflicted was heavy, while seventy were captured.

In the ardency and exultation of the pursuit Forrest pressed on until he found himself alone within fifty yards of the main body of the Federal expeditionary force, and beyond, indeed, a large part of those whom he had just surprised and routed. Halting, he saw at a glance that his men, perceiving sooner the situation, had very properly halted, and were then falling back with their prisoners-which they were doing, however, unaware of the perilous position of their leader. Immediately observed by the enemy, now all around him, Forrest was fired at from all sides. One ball from an Austrian rifle, striking him on the right side, just above the point of the hip-bone, penetrated to the spine, and, ranging around, lodged in the left side- a severe if not, indeed, mortal wound, as his surgeon apprehended. His right leg, benumbed by the blow, was also left hanging useless in the stirrup. Turning his horse, however, he resolved to escape, surrounded as he was by hundreds bent on his death, and shouting, “Kill him!" "Shoot him!" "Stick him!" "Knock him off his horse!" all of which they literally sought to do. His horse, too, was wounded (mortally, as it proved); but still bore up under his daring rider as he dashed out of the throng of assailants, using his revolver with deadly aim to clear his path. In a moment more his path to the rear, at least, was clear of foes, but their marksmen, still within easy range, sent hundreds of balls after him as he galloped down the road and over the hill. Happily, he escaped without further hurt, and rejoined his command, halted behind the ridge. Giving orders to the officer next in rank to assume command, but to avoid further action with so large a force, Forrest went to Corinth that night, when the horse, which had borne him so stoutly and faithfully, dropped and died a few hours later. On the next day Colonel Forrest, furloughed for sixty days, repaired to Memphis.

The losses of the Confederates in the two days' combats are accurately and officially stated by General Beauregard at 1,728 killed, 8,012 wounded, 959 missing, or an aggregate of 10,699. The Federal commander, in his brief report of the battle, estimates his own losses at only 1,500 killed and 3,500 wounded, an

evidently large understatement, for in the official reports of three of his division generals we find their losses foot up in killed and wounded as high as 4.614, with 1.832 reported missing, a number of whom must have been killed, as only 3,000 were captured, and most of them were Prentiss' Division. Furthermore, Swinton, who always writes in a fair spirit, estimates the Federal loss at 15,000. Of trophies the Confederates carried from the field some twenty-six stands of flags and colors, and about thirty of the guns captured on the 6th. The guns which figure in Federal subordinate reports as captured from the Confederates, with few exceptions, were those lost on Sunday by the Federals, which, for want of horses to draw them from the field, had been left by the Confederates where they had been taken.

COMMENTARIES.

The true reason why the battle of Sunday fell short of the most complete victory of modern war by the capture of the whole Federal army is simply this: First, General Johnston, not knowing the actual position occupied by the Federal front line, failed to extend his line of battle sufficiently near Owl Creek to force the Federal right (Sherman) back north-easterly into the cul de sac made above Pittsburg Landing by the junction of Lick Creek with the Tennessee River. As the attack was made, the shock of the onset only affected Sherman's left brigade (Hildebrand's). Had it fallen with full force upon his entire division, it is manifest that that which happened to Hildebrand's Brigade would have befallen it. The entire division must have been swept away as that brigade was, and been driven rearward so rapidly upon McClernand's, Hurlbut's, and Wallace's (W. H. L.) as to give them little or no time to form their divisions, and make the stand which Sherman's obstinate resistance with two brigades near Shiloh enabled them to do.

Second, after the combat was at its height, those superior officers who should have been occupied with the concentration and continuous projection of their troops in heavy masses upon the shattered Federal divisions, were at the very front and "perilous edge" of the battle, leading forward regiments, perchance brigades, into action with great individual intrepidity, and doing a great deal, no doubt, by their personal example to impel small bodies forward. But meanwhile, to their rear were left the masses of their respective commands without direction, and thus precious time was lost. The Confederates were not kept continuously massed and employed, either corps or divisions; mere piecemeal onsets were the general method of fighting after twelve o'clock, with this consequence: Sherman was enabled to make several obstinate, powerful stands, by which he protracted the battle some hours. Had the corps been held well in hand, massed and pressed continuously upon the tottering, demoralized foe, the battle assuredly would have closed at least by midday.

As our battalion was on outpost duty, on the extreme right of Johnston's army (as my diary has shown), it was not in the Shiloh battle. While we were sitting quietly in camp on Sunday, listening to a sermon from our chaplain, we could hear the booming of artillery at Shiloh.

_______________

1 Grant, the Federal Commander-in-Chief, it appears, had gone that afternoon down the river to Savannah, some twelve miles distant.

2 Grant had six divisions, but one of them (Lew Wallace's) was about six miles below, near Crump's Landing, and consequently not in the first day's fight.

3 Statham's Brigade, to which McNairy's Battery formerly belonged, was in this reserve.—R. R. H.

4 Two of McCook's brigades, as before stated, did not take position until about ten A. M.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 140-64

Sunday, May 12, 2024

Diary of Private Edward W. Crippin, Saturday, September 7, 1861

No variation in the daily routine of duties to day One of our men Thomas Onwhistle severely reprimanded for disrespect towards the Col. At Dress Parade this evening 48 of our men were ordered on patrol dutty for the night in the City of Cairo. 2 Regts. left for Paducah Ky. which place is now occupied by Gen. Grant Commandant of this Post. Successor to Gen. Prentiss.

SOURCE: Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1909, p. 225

Friday, February 25, 2022

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Friday, July 17, 1863

After eating our scanty breakfast of hard-tack and coffee, the bugle is sounded and we saddle up and are on our way, taking the road towards Adamsville via Shiloh and Crump's Landing; about nine o'clock we pass a portion of the great battle-field of Shiloh, the place where the gallant General Prentiss stood so long fighting as it were against hope. A melancholy stillness pervades the whole command while passing this great battle field, for we remember that comrades sleep here. Oh! how vividly the day, the hour, the evening, comes to our minds when we saw them fall in the fierce struggle for the mastery. As we emerge from the dreary wilderness, where so many Union warriors lie sleeping, we are wont to say in the language of Tom Moore:

"Oh how blessed a warrior sleeps,
For whom a wondering world shall weep."

At noon we arrive at Adamsville, but no rebels are found; i. e. hostile ones. Everything seems quiet. We halt, feed, and eat our dinners. War has also made its mark here. From appearances this has been in former times a thriving little village; but alas! how different now. Three o'clock, we pass through Purdy and move on towards Corinth; we halt on Gravel Hill and go into camp for the night. The boys soon sally forth, and after being gone awhile return with plenty of oats and roasting-ears, upon which the mules and men make their supper.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 179-80

Saturday, April 25, 2020

Major-General Henry W. Halleck to Major-General George B. McClellan, December 2, 1861

CONFIDENTIAL.]
SAINT LOUIS, MO., [December 2,] 1861.
Maj. Gen. GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN,
Commander-in- Chief, Washington, D.C.:

GENERAL: As stated in a former communication, Brig. Gen. W. T. Sherman, on reporting here for duty, was ordered to inspect troops (three divisions) at Sedalia and vicinity, and if, in the absence of General Pope, he deemed there was danger of an immediate attack, he was authorized to assume the command. He did so, and commenced the movements of the troops in a manner which I did not approve, and countermanded. I also received information from officers there that General S[herman] was completely "stampeded" and was "stampeding" the army. I therefore immediately ordered him to this place, and yesterday gave him a leave of absence for twenty days to visit his family in Ohio. I am satisfied that General S[herman's] physical and mental system is so completely broken by labor and care as to render him for the present entirely unfit for duty. Perhaps a few weeks' rest may restore him. I am satisfied that in his present condition it would be dangerous to give him a command here. Can't you send me a brigadier-general of high rank capable of commanding a corps d'armée of three or four divisions? Say Heintzelman, F. J. Porter, Franklin, or McCall. Those of lower grades would be ranked by others here. Grant cannot be taken from Cairo, nor Curtis from this place at present. Sigel is sick, and Prentiss operating against insurgents in Northern Missouri. I dare not intrust the "mustangs" with high commands in the face of the enemy.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
 H. W. HALLECK,               
Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 52, Part 1 (Serial No. 109), p. 198

Tuesday, January 28, 2020

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Between July 4 & August 31, 1861

After remaining in Camp at Mound City, Illinois, a few days, we proceeded down the Ohio as far as Cairo, where again the regiment goes into Camp Defiance. And whilst here, from morning until night, the officers’ voices are heard in command on the drill ground, bringing the regiment up to a high standard, preparing them that they may play well their part in the coming drama.

Remaining in Camp Defiance two weeks, we take passage on board the steamer “New Uncle Sam,” and are soon passing up the Mississippi river, accompanied by other steamers, loaded with troops from Bird's Point and Cairo. It is rumored that we will land at some point and enter Missouri. The Seventh are now standing on the deck of the steamer as she moves proudly up the river, and as we look over into Missouri, where wicked men have assailed the flag and freedom, our hearts beat high, and we long to be there, that we may unfurl our flag and give it freedom to wave on that side the river as well as on this.

After a pleasant trip the regiment lands at Sulphur Springs, Missouri, and in a measure the wishes of the men are gratified, for they are now on rebel soil. From this point we proceed by rail to Ironton, and upon our arrival there, we are met by General Prentiss, who makes the regiment a speech, telling them that they have been ordered there to help him drive Jeff. Thompson from Missouri. We go into camp in the vicinity of Ironton. The scenery around here is grand. Pilot Knob looms up peerlessly, close to where we are camped. The Seventh boys are often seen on its summits (standing as it were amid the clouds) looking down in the valley. While here the regiment is uniformed—and the Seventh's boys will remember those striped uniforms which made them look like convicts late from Jefferson City.

SOURCES: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 12-4

Friday, December 20, 2019

Private Daniel L. Ambrose: June 25, 1861

Brig. General Prentiss, and Colonels Oglesby and Paine, visit the camp of the Seventh, addressing the men upon the subject of re-enlisting.

SOURCES: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 8

Saturday, September 21, 2019

Major-General William T. Sherman to Lieutenant Governor Benjamin Stanton, June 10, 1862


CAMP IN THE FIELD, NEAR CHEWALLA, TENN.,     
June 10, 1862.

Lieutenant-Governor B. Stanton, Columbus Ohio;

SIR:  I am not surprised when anonymous scribblers write and publish falsehoods or make criticisms on matters of which they know nothing of or which they are incapable of comprehending.  It is their trade.  They live by it.  Slander gives point and piquancy to a paragraph, and the writing, being irresponsible or beneath notice, escapes a merited punishment.  It is different with men in high official station, who, like, you, descend to this dirty work.  You had an opportunity to learn the truth, for I saw you myself at Shiloh soon after the battle, and know that hundreds would have aided you in your work, had you been in search of facts.  You never inquired of me concerning the truth of events which you must have know transpired in my sight and hearing, but seemed to have preferred the “camp stories” to authentic data then within your reach.

A friend, by mere accident, has shown me a slip of newspaper, dated April 10th, 1862, styled “Extra,” published at Bellefontaine, Ohio, and signed B. Stanton.  I am further told you are the man.  If so, and you be the lieutenant governor of Ohio, I hold that you are my pear, and that of Generals Grant, Hurlbut and Prentiss, all of whom you directly charge with  conduct on the field of Shiloh which deserves a court martial, whose sentence, if you have not borne false witness, would be degradation or death.  The accusatory part of your statement is all false, false in general, false in every particular, and I repeat you could not have failed to know it false when you published that statement.  To prove what I say, I know quote the concluding part of your paper:

“Some complaints have been made about the conduct of a few of the new regiments in this battle, including the 54th and 57th.  It must be remembered that these are new regiments — that not only have they never seen any service, but they never received their guns until they arrived on the Tennessee river, two or three weeks before the battle.  So with Myers’ battery.  It has not been more than six weeks since they have had their horses.  And yet these regiments and this battery were put on the extreme outside of our camp, and were consequently first exposed to the enemy’s fire.  And to this that our lines were so carelessly and negligently guarded that the enemy were absolutely on us in our very tents before the officers in command were aware of their approach.  The wonder therefore is, not that these regiments were finally broken and routed, but that they made any stand at all!  But the loss sustained by these regiments, especially by Capt. Starr’s company, in the 54th, shows that they made a gallant and noble stand. And that their ultimate retreat was not the fault of the men, but of the blundering stupidity and negligence of the general in command.   There is an intense feeling of indignation against Generals Grant and Prentiss, and the general feeling among the most intelligent men with whom I conversed is that they ought to be court martialed and shot.

Yours, etc.
B. STANTON.”

With Myers’ battery I have nothing to do, as it was in Gen. Hurlbut’s division, who has made his official report, which proves yours untrue: for instead of being kept on the “extreme outside of our camp” it was at the beginning of the battle more than a mile to the rear of mine and McClernand’s and Prentiss’s divisions.  The 54th Col. T. Kirby Smith, and 57th, Col. William Mungen did for a part of my command.  No one that I ever heard has questioned the courage and gallantry of the 54th, unless it be inferred from your own apology for them, and I know that I speak the mind of the officers of that regiment when I say that they scorn to have their merits bolstered up by your lame and impotent conclusions.  As to their being on the outer line, it was where they wished to be, and so far from being surprised, they were, by my orders, under arms at daylight, and it was near 10 A. M., before the enemy assailed their position.  This position was so favorable that Col. Stuart with his small brigade of which the 54th formed a part, held at bay for hours Hardee’s hole division, composed of infantry, artillery, and cavalry.

The 57th was posted on the left of Shiloh, which, I say, and in which Beauregard concurs with me, was the key to the whole position.  It was in the very front, the place of honor, to which Col. Mungen or his men could not object.  Their front was guarded by themselves, and if negligence is justly charged, it belongs to the regiment itself.  So favorable was the ground that, although the regiment lost but two officers and seven men, Col. Mungen has more than once assured me that he counted fifty dead secessionists on the ground over which he was attacked.  As to the enemy being in their very camp before the officers in command were aware of their approach, it is the most wicked falsehood that was ever attempted to be thrust upon a people sad and heartsore at the terrible but necessary casualties of war.  That the cowards who deserted their comrades in that hour of danger should, in their desperate strait to cover up their infamy, invent such a story, was to be expected; but that you should have lent yourself as a willing instrument in perpetuating that falsehood, is a shame from which you can never hope to recover.  The truth is now well understood.  For days we knew the enemy was in our front, but the nature of the ground and his superior strength in cavalry, prevented us from breaking through the veil of their approach to ascertain their true strength and purpose.  But as soldiers we were prepared at all times to receive an attack, and even to make one if circumstances warranted it.  On that morning our pickets had been driven in.  Our main guards were forced back to the small valley in our front.  All our regiments of infantry, batteries of artillery and squadrons of cavalry were prepared.  I myself, their commander, was fully prepared, and rode along the line of this very regiment and saw it in position in front of their camp, and looking to a narrow causeway across the small creek by which the enemy was expected and did approach.

After passing this regiment, I road on to Appler’s position and beyond some five hundred yards, where I was fired on and my orderly, Thos. D. Holliday was killed.  Even after I gave some directions about Waterhouse’s battery, and again returned to Shiloh in time to witness the attack there.  It is simply ridiculous to talk about surprise.  To be sure, very many where astonished and surprised, not so much at the enemy’s coming, but at the manner of his coming, and these sought safety at the river, and could not be prevailed to recover from their surprise till the enemy had been driven away by their comrades after two days hard fighting.  I have never made a question of individual bravery of this or any other regiment, but merely state facts.  The regiment still belongs to my command, and has elicited my praise for its improvement and steadiness in the many skirmished and affairs during our advance on Corinth.  I doubt not the people of Ohio will yet have a reason to feel the same pride in this regiment as they now do in many other of the same State of deservedly high repute.  As to the intense feeling against Generals Grant and Prentiss — could anything be more base than that?  Grant just fresh from the victory of Donelson, more rich in fruits than was Saratoga, Yorktown, or any other one fought on this continent, is yet held up to the people of Ohio, his native State as one who in the opinion of the intelligent coward, is worthy to be shot; and Prentiss, now absent and prisoner, unable to meet your wicked and malicious shafts, also condemned to infamy and death.  Shame on you, and I know I tell you an unpleasant truth when I assure you neither he nor his men were surprised, butchered in their tents, etc., but on the contrary, were prepared in time to receive this shock of battle more terrible than any in the annals of American history have hitherto recorded.  He met it manfully and well, for hours bore up against the superior host, fell back slowly and in order till he met the reserves under Wallace and Hurlbut and fought till near 4 P. M., when he was completely enveloped and made prisoner.  Well do I remember the line after line of steady troops displaying the bloody banner of the South, and to me the more familiar pelican flag of Louisiana, bearing down on Prentiss, who was to my left and rear, and how, though busy enough with my own appropriate part, I felt for his danger and dispatched to him my aid, Maj. Sanger, to give him notice.  My aid found him in advance of his camps fighting well, but the shock was too great, and he was borne back step by step till made prisoner, six hours after your surprised informants had sought refuge under the steep banks of the Tennessee.

So much for the history of event you did not behold and yet pretend to comment on.  You came to Shiloh on a mission of mercy after danger and before a new one arose.  You tarried a few days, but I cannot learn from my Ohio Colonels how you dispensed your charitable trust.  That is none of by business, but I do know you abused your opportunity and caught up vague, foolish camp rumors from the region of the steamboat landing, instead of seeking for truth where alone you did know it could be found, among the thousands of brave Ohio men who were in my camp, and who can still boast of never having seen the Tennessee river since the day they disembarked.  You then return to your State, and in obscure printed slips, circulate libels and falsehoods against men whose vocation and distance made it highly improbable that you could ever be held to an account.  You know that we were in the presence of a fierce bold and determined enemy, with hundreds of miles of ambush before us, from which a few stray shots would relieve you of your victims.  You know that our men were raw and undisciplined, and that all our time was taken up in organization, drill and discipline. Leaving us no time to meet your malicious slanders and resent your insults.  The hour of reckoning seemed, therefore, distant and uncertain.  You have had your day, but the retreat of the enemy and a day of comparative rest, has given me leisure to write this for your benefit.  Grant and Hurlbut and Prentiss still live, and will in due season bay their respects also.

If you have no respect for the honor and reputation of the generals who lead the armies of your country, you should have some regard to the honor and welfare of the country itself.  If your paper could have had its intended effect of destroying the confidence of the Executive, the army and the people in their generals, it would have produced absolute and utter disorganization.  It not only placed courage and cowardice, stubborn and enduring valor and ignominious flight upon the same base, but it holds up to public favor those who deserted their colors, and teaches them to add insubordination to cowardice.  Such an army as your military morale would produce could not be commanded by any general who hoped to win reputation or who had reputation to loose.  Our whole force, if imbued with your notions, would be driven across the Ohio in less than a month, and even you would be disturbed in your quiet study where you now, in perfect safety, write libels against the generals who organize our armies and with them fight and win battle for our country.

I am, etc.,
W. T. SHERMAN,    
Major-General of Volunteers.

SOURCES: “Letter from Gen. Sherman to Lieut. Gov. Stanton,” Gallipolis Journal, Gallipolis, Ohio, Thursday, July 3, 1862, p. 4; “A Federal Quarrel,” Memphis Daily Appeal, Memphis, Tennessee, Friday, June 27, 1862, p. 1.

Friday, September 15, 2017

Diary of William Howard Russell: June 22, 1861

An active man would soon go mad if he were confined in Cairo. A mudbank stretching along the course of a muddy river is not attractive to a pedestrian; and, as is the case in most of the Southern cities, there is no place round Cairo where a man can stretch his legs, or take an honest walk in the country. A walk in the country! The Americans have not an idea of what the thing means. I speak now only of the inhabitants of the towns of the States through which I have passed, as far as I have seen of them. The roads are either impassable in mud or knee-deep in dust. There are no green shady lanes, no sheltering groves, no quiet paths through green meadows beneath umbrageous trees. Off the rail there is a morass — or, at best, a clearing — full of stumps. No temptations to take a stroll. Down away South the planters ride or drive; indeed in many places the saunterer by the wayside would probably encounter an alligator, or disturb a society of rattlesnakes. .

To-day I managed to struggle along the levee in a kind of sirocco, and visited the works at the extremity, which were constructed by an Hungarian named Waagner, one of the emigres who came with Kossuth to the United States. I found him in a hut full of flies, suffering from camp diarrhea, and waited on by Mr. O'Leary, who was formerly petty officer in our navy, served in the Furious in the Black Sea, and in the Shannon Brigade in India, now a lieutenant in the United States' army, where I should say he feels himself very much out of place. The Hungarian and the Milesian were, however, quite agreed about the utter incompetence of their military friends around them, and the great merits of heavy artillery. “When I tell them here the way poor Sir William made us rattle about them sixty-eight-pounder guns, the poor ignorant creatures laugh at me — not one of them believes it,” “It is most astonishing,” says the colonel, “how ignorant they are; there is not one of these men who can trace a regular work. Of West Point men I speak not, but of the people about here, and they will not learn of me — from me who know.” However, the works were well enough, strongly covered, commanded both rivers, and not to be reduced without trouble.

The heat drove me in among the flies of the crowded hotel, where Brigadier Prentiss is planning one of those absurd expeditions against a Secessionist camp at Commerce, in the State of Missouri, about two hours steaming up the river, and some twelve or fourteen miles inland. Cairo abounds in Secessionists and spies, and it is needful to take great precautions lest the expedition be known; but, after all, stores must be got ready, and put on board the steamers, and preparations must be made which cannot be concealed from the world. At dusk 700 men, supported by a six-pounder field-piece, were put on board the “City of Alton,” on which they clustered like bees in a swarm, and as the huge engine labored up and down against the stream, and the boat swayed from side to side, I felt a considerable desire to see General Prentiss chucked into the stream for his utter recklessness in cramming on board one huge tinder-box, all fire and touchwood, so many human beings, who, in event of an explosion, or a shot in the boiler, or of a heavy musketry fire on the banks, would have been converted into a great slaughter-house. One small boat hung from her stern, and although there were plenty of river flats and numerous steamers, even the horses belonging to the field-piece were crammed in among the men along the deck.

In my letter to Europe I made, at the time, some remarks by which the belligerents might have profited, and which at the time these pages are reproduced may strike them as possessing some value, illustrated as they have been by many events in the war. “A handful of horsemen would have been admirable to move in advance, feel the covers, and make prisoners for political or other purposes in case of flight; but the Americans persist in ignoring the use of horsemen, or at least in depreciating it, though they will at last find that they may shed much blood, and lose much more, before they can gain a victory without the aid of artillery and charges after the retreating enemy. From the want of cavalry, I suppose it is, the unmilitary practice of ‘scouting,’ as it is called here, has arisen. It is all very well in the days of Indian wars for footmen to creep about in the bushes, and shoot or be shot by sentries and pickets; but no civilized war recognizes such means of annoyance as firing upon sentinels, unless in case of an actual advance or feigned attack on the line. No camp can be safe without cavalry videttes and pickets; for the enemy can pour in impetuously after the alarm has been given, as fast as the outlying footmen can run in. In feeling the way for a column, cavalry are invaluable, and there can be little chance of ambuscades or surprises where they are judiciously employed; but ‘scouting’ on foot, or adventurous private expeditions on horseback, to have a look at the enemy, can do, and will do, nothing but harm. Every day the papers contain accounts of ‘scouts’ being killed, and sentries being picked off. The latter is a very barbarous and savage practice; and the Russian, in his most angry moments, abstained from it. If any officer wishes to obtain information as to his enemy, he has two ways of doing it. He can employ spies, who carry their lives in their hands, or he can beat up their quarters by a proper reconnoissance on his own responsibility, in which, however, it would be advisable not to trust his force to a railway train.”

At night there was a kind of émeute in camp. The day, as I have said, was excessively hot, and on returning to their tents and huts from evening parade the men found the contractor who supplies them with water had not filled the barrels; so they forced the sentries, broke barracks after hours, mobbed their officers, and streamed up to the hotel, which they surrounded, calling out, “Water, water,” in chorus. The General came out, and got up on a rail: “Gentlemen,” said he, “it is not my fault you are without water. It's your officers who are to blame; not me.” (“Groans for the Quartermaster,” from the men.) “If it is the fault of the contractor, I’ll see that he is punished. I’ll take steps at once to see that the matter is remedied. And now, gentlemen, I hope you'll go back to your quarters;” and the gentlemen took it into their heads very good-humoredly to obey the suggestion, fell in, and marched back two deep to their huts.

As the General was smoking his cigar before going to bed, I asked him why the officers had not more control over the men. “Well,” said he, “the officers are to blame for all this. The truth is, the term for which these volunteers enlisted is drawing to a close; and they have not as yet enrolled themselves in the United States army. They are merely volunteer regiments of the State of Illinois. If they were displeased with anything, therefore, they might refuse to enter the service or to take fresh engagements; and the officers would find themselves suddenly left without any men; they therefore curry favor with the privates, many of them, too, having an eye to the votes of the men when the elections of officers in the new regiments are to take place.”

The contractors have commenced plunder on a gigantic scale; and their influence with the authorities of the State is so powerful, there is little chance of punishing them. Besides, it is not considered expedient to deter contractors, by too scrupulous an exactitude, in coming forward at such a trying period; and the Quartermaster's department, which ought to be the most perfect, considering the number of persons connected with transport and carriage, is in a most disgraceful and inefficient condition. I told the General that one of the Southern leaders proposed to hang any contractor who was found out in cheating the men, and that the press cordially approved of the suggestion. “I am afraid” said he, “if any such proposal was carried out here, there would scarcely be a contractor left throughout the States.” Equal ignorance is shown by the medical authorities of the requirements of an army. There is not an ambulance or cacolet of any kind attached to this camp; and, as far as I could see, not even a litter was sent on board the steamer which has started with the expedition.

Although there has scarcely been a fought field or anything more serious than the miserable skirmishes of Shenck and Butler, the pressure of war has already told upon the people. The Cairo paper makes an urgent appeal to the authorities to relieve the distress and pauperism which the sudden interruption of trade has brought upon so many respectable citizens. And when I was at Memphis the other day, I observed a public notice in the journals, that the magistrates of the city would issue orders for money to families left in distress by the enrolment of the male members for military service. When General Scott, sorely against his will, was urged to make preparations for an armed invasion of the seceded States in case it became necessary, he said it would need some hundreds of thousands of men and many millions of money to effect that object. Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Lincoln laughed pleasantly at this exaggeration, but they have begun to find by this time the old general was not quite so much in the wrong.

In reference to the discipline maintained in the camp, I must admit that proper precautions are used to prevent spies entering the lines. The sentries are posted closely and permit no one to go in without a pass in the day and a countersign at night. A conversation with General Prentiss in the front of the hotel was interrupted this evening by an Irishman, who ran past us towards the camp, hotly pursued by two policemen. The sentry on duty at the point of the lines close to us brought him up by the point of the bayonet. “Who goes tere?” “A friend, shure your honor; I'm a friend.” “Advance three paces and give the countersign.” “I don't know it, I tell you. Let me in, let me in.” But the German was resolute, and the policemen now coming up in hot pursuit, seized the culprit, who resisted violently, till General Prentiss rose from his chair and ordered the guard, who had turned out, to make a prisoner of the soldier and hand him over to the civil power, for which the man seemed to be most deeply grateful. As the policemen were walking him off, he exclaimed, “Be quiet wid ye, till I spake a word to the Giniral,” and then bowing and chuckling with drunken gravity, he said, “an’ indeed, Giniral, I'm much obleeged to ye altogither for this kindness. Long life to ye. We've got the better of that dirty German. Hoora' for Giniral Prentiss.” He preferred a chance of more whiskey in the police office and a light punishment to the work in camp and a heavy drill in the morning. An officer who was challenged by a sentry the other evening, asked him, “Do you know the countersign yourself?” “No, sir, it's not nine o'clock, and they have not given it out yet.” Another sentry stopped a man because he did not know the countersign. The fellow said, “I dare say you don't know it yourself.” “That's a lie,” he exclaimed; “it’s Plattsburgh.” “Pittsburgh it is, sure enough,” said the other, and walked on without further parley.

The Americans, Irish, and Germans, do not always coincide in the phonetic value of each letter in the passwords, and several difficulties have occurred in consequence. An incautious approach towards the posts at night is attended with risk; for the raw sentries are very quick on the trigger. More fatal and serious injuries have been inflicted on the Federals by themselves than by the enemy. “I declare to you, sir, the way the boys touched off their irons at me going home to my camp last night, was just like a running fight with the Ingins. I was a little ‘tight,’ and didn't mind it a cuss.”

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 341-5

Thursday, September 7, 2017

Diary of William Howard Russell: June 21, 1861

Verily I would be sooner in the Coptic Cairo, narrow streeted, dark bazaared, many flied, much vexed by donkeys and by overland route passengers, than the horrid tongue of land which licks the muddy margin of the Ohio and the Mississippi. The thermometer at 100° in the shade before noon indicates nowhere else such an amount of heat and suffering, and yet prostrate as I was, it was my fate to argue that England was justified in conceding belligerent, rights to the South, and that the attitude of neutrality we had assumed in this terrible quarrel is not in effect an aggression on the United States; and here is a difference to be perceived between the North and the South.

The people of the seceding States, aware in their consciences that they have been most active in their hostility to Great Britain, and whilst they were in power were mainly responsible for the defiant, irritating, and insulting tone commonly used to us by American statesmen, are anxious at the present moment when so much depends on the action of foreign countries, to remove all unfavorable impressions from our minds by declarations of good will, respect, and admiration, not quite compatible with the language of their leaders in times not long gone by. The North, as yet unconscious of the loss of power, and reared in a school of menace and violent assertion of their rights, regarding themselves as the whole of the United States, and animated by their own feeling of commercial and political opposition to Great Britain, maintain the high tone of a people who have never known let or hindrance in their passions, and consider it an outrage that
the whole world does not join in active sympathy for a government which in its brief career has contrived to affront every nation in Europe with which it had any dealings.

If the United States have astonished France by their ingratitude, they have certainly accustomed England to their petulance, and one can fancy the satisfaction with which the Austrian Statesmen who remember Mr. Webster's despatch to Mr. Hulsemann, contemplate the present condition of the United States in the face of an insurrection of these sovereign and independent States which the Cabinet at Washington stigmatizes as an outbreak of rebels and traitors to the royalty of the Union.

During my short sojourn in this country I have never yet met any person who could show me where the sovereignty of the Union resides. General Prentiss, however, and his Illinois volunteers, are quite ready to fight for it.

In the afternoon the General drove me round the camps in company with Mr. Washburne, Member of Congress, from Illinois, his staff and a party of officers, among whom was Mr. Oglesby, colonel of a regiment of State Volunteers, who struck me by his shrewdness, simple honesty, and zeal,* He told me that he had begun life in the utmost obscurity, but that somehow or other he got into a lawyer's office and there, by hard drudgery, by mother wit, and industry, notwithstanding a defective education, he had raised himself not only to independence, but to such a position that 1000 men had gathered at his call and selected one who had never led a company in his life to be their colonel; in fact, he is an excellent orator of the western school, and made good homely, telling speeches to his men.

“I'm not as good as your Frenchmen of the schools of Paris, nor am I equal to the Russian colonels I met at St. Petersburg, who sketched me out how they had beaten you Britishers at Sebastopol,” said he; “but I know I can do good straight fighting with my boys when I get a chance. There is a good deal in training, to be sure, but nature tells too. Why I believe I would make a good artillery officer if I was put to it. General, you heard how I laid one of them guns the other day and touched her off with my own hand and sent the ball right into a tree half-a-mile away.” The Colonel evidently thought he had by that feat proved his fitness for the command of a field battery. One of the German officers who was listening to the lively old man's talk, whispered to me, “Dere is a good many of tese colonels in dis camp.”

At each station the officers came out of their tents, shook hands all round, and gave an unfailing invitation to get down and take a drink, and the guns on the General's approach fired salutes, as though it was a time of profoundest peace. Powder was certainly more plentiful than in the Confederate camps, where salutes are not permitted unless by special order on great occasions.

The General remained for some time in the camp of the Chicago light artillery, which was commanded by a fine young Scotchman of the Saxon genus Smith, who told me that the privates of his company represented a million and a half of dollars in property. Their guns, horses, carriages, and accoutrements were all in the most creditable order, and there was an air about the men and about their camp which showed they did not belong to the same class as the better disciplined Hungarians of Milotzky close at hand.

Whilst we were seated in Captain Smith's tent, a number of the privates came forward, and sang the “Star-spangled banner,” and a patriotic song, to the air of “God save the Queen!” and the rest of the artillery-men, and a number of stragglers from the other camps, assembled and then formed line behind the singers. When the chorus was over there arose a great shout for Washburne, and the honorable congressman was fain to come forward and make a speech, in which he assured his hearers of a very speedy victory and the advent of liberty all over the land. Then “General Prentiss” was called for; and as citizen soldiers command their Generals on such occasions, he too was obliged to speak, and to tell his audience "the world had never seen any men more devoted, gallant, or patriotic than themselves.” “Oglesby” was next summoned, and the tall, portly, good-humored old man stepped to the front, and with excellent tact and good sense, dished up in the Buncombe style, told them the time for making speeches had passed, indeed it had lasted too long; and although it was said there was very little fighting when there was much talking, he believed too much talking was likely to lead to a great deal more fighting than any one desired to see between citizens of the United States of America, except their enemies, who, no doubt, were much better pleased to see Americans fighting each other than to find them engaged in any other employment. Great as the mischief of too much talking had been, too much writing had far more of the mischief to answer for. The pen was keener than the tongue, hit harder, and left a more incurable wound; but the pen was better than the tongue, because it was able to cure the mischief it had inflicted,” And so by a series of sentences the Colonel got round to me, and to my consternation, remembering how I had fared with my speech at the little private dinner on St. Patrick's Day in New York, I was called upon by stentorian lungs, and hustled to the stump by a friendly circle, till I escaped by uttering a few sentences as to “mighty struggle,” “Europe gazing,” “the world anxious,” “the virtues of discipline,” “the admirable lessons of a soldier's life,” and the “aspiration that in a quarrel wherein a British subject was ordered, by an authority he was bound to respect, to remain neutral, God might preserve the right.”

Colonel, General, and all addressed the soldiers as “gentlemen,” and their auditory did not on their part refrain from expressing their sentiments in the most unmistakable manner. “Bully for you, General!” “Bravo, Washburne!” “That's so, Colonel!” and the like, interrupted the harangues; and when the oratorical exercises were over the men crowded round the staff, cheered and hurrahed, and tossed up their caps in the greatest delight.

With the exception of the foreign officers, and some of the Staff, there are very few of the colonels, majors, captains, or lieutenants who know anything of their business. The men do not care for them, and never think of saluting them. A regiment of Germans was sent across from Bird's Point this evening for plundering and robbing the houses in the district in which they were quartered.

It may be readily imagined that the scoundrels who had to fly from every city in Europe before the face of the police will not stay their hands when they find themselves masters of the situation in the so-called country of an enemy. In such matters the officers have little or no control, and discipline is exceedingly lax, and punishments but sparingly inflicted, the use of the lash being forbidden altogether. Fine as the men are, incomparably better armed, clad — and doubtless better fed — than the Southern troops, they will scarcely meet them man to man in the field with any chance of success. Among the officers are bar-room keepers, persons little above the position of potmen in England, grocers' apprentices, and such like — often inferior socially, and in every other respect, to the men whom they are supposed to command. General Prentiss has seen service, I believe, in Mexico; but he appears to me to be rather an ardent politician, embittered against slaveholders and the South, than a judicious or skilful military leader.

The principles on which these isolated commanders carry on the war are eminently defective. They apply their whole minds to petty expeditions, which go out from the camps, attack some Secessionist gathering, and then return, plundering, as they go and come, exasperating enemies, converting neutrals into opponents, disgusting friends, and leaving it to the Secessionists to boast that they have repulsed them. Instead of encouraging the men and improving their discipline these ill-conducted expeditions have an opposite result.
_______________

* Since died of wounds received in action.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 337-41

Tuesday, September 5, 2017

Diary of William Howard Russell: June 20, 1861

When I awoke this morning and, gazing out of my little window on the regiments parading on the level below me, after an arduous struggle to obtain cold water for a bath, sat down to consider what I had seen within the last two months, and to arrive at some general results from the retrospect, I own that after much thought my mind was reduced to a hazy analysis of the abstract principles of right and wrong, in which it failed to come to any very definite conclusion: the space of a very few miles has completely altered the phases of thought and the forms of language.

I am living among “abolitionists, cut-throats, Lancolnite mercenaries, foreign invaders, assassins, and plundering Dutchmen.” Such, at least, the men of Columbus tell me the garrison at Cairo consists of. Down below me are “rebels, conspirators, robbers, slave breeders, wretches bent upon destroying the most perfect government on the face of the earth, in order to perpetuate an accursed system, by which, however, beings are held in bondage and immortal souls consigned to perdition.”

On the whole, the impression left upon my mind by what I had seen in slave states is unfavorable to the institution of slavery, both as regards its effect on the slave and its influence on the master. But my examination was necessarily superficial and hasty. I have reason to believe that the more deeply the institution is probed, the more clearly will its unsoundness and its radical evils be discerned. The constant appeals made to the physical comforts of the slaves, and their supposed contentment, have little or no effect on any person who acts up to a higher standard of human happiness than that which is applied to swine or the beasts of the fields “See how fat my pigs are.”

The arguments founded on a comparison of the condition of the slave population with the pauperized inhabitants of European states are utterly fallacious, inasmuch as in one point, which is the most important by far, there can be no comparison at all. In effect slavery can only be justified in the abstract on the grounds which slavery advocates decline to take boldly, though they insinuate it now and then, that is, the inferiority of the negro in respect to white men, which removes them from the upper class of human beings and places them in a condition which is as much below the Caucasian standard as the quadrumanous creatures are beneath the negro. Slavery is a curse, with its time of accomplishment not quite, at hand — it is a cancer, the ravages of which are covered by fair outward show, and by the apparent health of the sufferer.
The Slave States, of course, would not support the Northern for a year, if cotton, sugar, and tobacco became suddenly worthless. But, nevertheless, the slave-owners would have strong grounds to stand upon if they were content to point to the difficulties in the way of emancipation, and the circumstances under which they received their damnosa hereditas from England, which fostered, nay forced, slavery in legislative hotbeds throughout the colonies. The Englishman may say, “We abolished slavery when we saw its evils.” The slave-owner replies, “Yes, with you it was possible to decree the extinction — not with us.”

Never did a people enter on a war so utterly destitute of any reason for waging it, or of the means of bringing it to a successful termination against internal enemies. The thirteen colonies had a large population of sea-faring and soldiering men, constantly engaged in military expeditions. There was a large infusion, compared with the numbers of men capable of commanding in the field, and their great enemy was separated by a space far greater than the whole circumference of the globe would be in the present time from the scene of operations. Most American officers who took part in the war of 1812-14 are now too old for service, or retired into private life soon after the campaign. The same remark applies to the senior officers who served in Mexico, and the experiences of that campaign could not be of much use to those now in the service, of whom the majority were subalterns, or at most, officers in command of volunteers.

A love of military display is very different indeed from a true soldierly spirit, and at the base of the volunteer system there lies a radical difficulty, which must be overcome before real military efficiency can be expected. In the South the foreign element has contributed largely to swell the ranks with many docile and a few experienced soldiers, the number of the latter predominating in the German levies, and the same remark is, I hear, true of the Northern armies.

The most active member of the staff here is a young Englishman named Binmore, who was a stenographic writer in London, but has now sharpened his pencil into a sword, and when I went into the guard-room this morning I found that three fourths of the officers, including all who had seen actual service, were foreigners. One, Milotzky, was an Hungarian; another, Waagner, was of the same nationality; a third, Schuttner, was a German; another, Mac something, was a Scotchman; another was an Englishman. One only (Colonel Morgan), who had served in Mexico, was an American. The foreigners, of course, serve in this war as mercenaries; that is, they enter into the conflict to gain something by it, either in pay, in position, or in securing a status for themselves.

The utter absence of any fixed principle determining the side which the foreign nationalities adopt is proved by their going North or South with the state in which they live. On the other hand, the effects of discipline and of the principles of military life on rank and file are shown by the fact that the soldiers of the regular regiments of the United States and the sailors in the navy have to a man adhered to their colors, notwithstanding the examples and inducements of their officers.

After breakfast I went down about the works, which fortify the bank of mud, in the shape of a V, formed by the two rivers — a fleche with a ditch, scarp, and counter-scarp. Some heavy pieces cover the end of the spit at the other side of the Mississippi, at Bird's Point. On the side of Missouri there is a field intrenchment, held by a regiment of Germans, Poles, and Hungarians, about 1000 strong, with two field batteries. The sacred soil of Kentucky, on the other side of the Ohio, is tabooed by Beriah Magoffin, but it is not possible for the belligerents to stand so close face to face without occupying either Columbus or Hickman. The thermometer was at 100° soon after breakfast, and it was not wonderful to find that the men in Camp Defiance, which is the name of the cantonment on the mud between the levees of the Ohio and Mississippi, were suffering from diarrhoea and fever.

In the evening there was a review of three regiments, forming a brigade of some 2800 men, who went through their drill, advancing in columns of company, moving en echelon, changing front, deploying into line on the centre company, very creditably. It was curious to see what a start ran through the men during the parade when a gun was fired from the battery close at hand, and how their heads turned toward the river; but the steamer which had appeared round the bend hoisted the private signs, by which she was known as a friend, and tranquillity was restored.

I am not sure that most of these troops desire anything but a long residence at a tolerably comfortable station, with plenty of pay and no marching. Cairo, indeed, is not comfortable; the worst barrack that ever asphyxiated the British soldier would be better than the best shed here, and the flies and the mosquitoes are beyond all conception virulent and pestiferous. I would not give much to see Cairo in its normal state, but it is my fate to witness the most interesting scenes in the world through a glaze of gunpowder. It would be unfair to say that any marked superiority in dwelling, clothing, or comfort was visible between the mean white of Cairo or the black chattel a few miles down the river. Brawling, rioting, and a good deal of drunkenness prevailed in the miserable sheds which line the stream, although there was nothing to justify the libels on the garrison of the Columbus Crescent, edited by one Colonel L. G. Faxon, of the Tennessee Tigers, with whose writings I was made acquainted by General Prentiss, to whom they appeared to give more annoyance than he was quite wise in showing.

This is a style of journalism which may have its merits, and which certainly is peculiar; I give a few small pieces. “The Irish are for us, and they will knock Bologna sausages out of the Dutch, and we will knock wooden nutmegs out of the Yankees.” “The mosquitoes of Cairo have been sucking the lager-bier out of the dirty soldiers there so long, they are bloated and swelled up as large as spring ’possums. An assortment of Columbus mosquitoes went up there the other day to suck some, but as they have not returned, the probability is they went off with delirium tremens; in fact, the blood of these Hessians would poison the most degraded tumble bug in creation.”

Our editor is particularly angry about the recent seizure of a Confederate flag at Columbus by Colonel Oglesby and a party of Federals from Cairo. Speaking of a flag intended for himself, he says, “Would that its folds had contained 1000 asps to sting 1000 Dutchmen to eternity unshriven.” Our friend is certainly a genius. His paper of June the 19th opens with an apology for the non-appearance of the journal for several weeks. “Before leaving,” he says, “we engaged the services of a competent editor, and left a printer here to issue the paper regularly. We were detained several weeks beyond our time, the aforesaid printer promised faithfully to perform his duties, but he left the same day we did, and consequently there was no one to get out the paper. We have the charity to suppose that fear and bad whiskey had nothing to do with his evacuation of Columbus.” Another elegant extract about the flag commences, “When the bow-legged wooden-shoed, sour craut stinking, Bologna sausage eating, hen roost robbing Dutch sons of —— had accomplished the brilliant feat of taking down the Secession flag on the river bank, they were pointed to another flag of the same sort which their guns did not cover, flying gloriously and defiantly, and dared yea! double big black dog — dared, as we used to say at school, to take that flag down — the cowardly pups, the thieving sheep dogs, the sneaking skunks dare not do so, because their twelve pieces of artillery were not bearing on it.” As to the Federal commander at Cairo, Colonel Faxon's sentiments are unambiguous. “The qualifications of this man, Prentiss,” he says, “for the command of such a squad of villains and cut-throats are, that he is a miserable hound, a dirty dog, a sociable fellow, a treacherous villain, a notorious thief, a lying blackguard, who has served his regular five years in the Penitentiary and keeps his hide continually full of Cincinnati whiskey, which he buys by the barrel in order to save his money — in him are embodied the leprous rascals ties of the world, and in this living score, the gallows is cheated of its own. Prentiss wants our scalp; we propose a plan by which he may get that valuable article. Let him select 150 of his best fighting men, or 250 of his lager-bier Dutchmen, we will select 100, then let both parties meet where there will be no interruption at the scalping business, and the longest pole will knock the persimmon. If he does not accept this proposal, he is a coward. We think this a gentlemanly proposition and quite fair and equal to both parties.”

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 332-6