Senator Henry Clay to Thomas B. Stevenson, January 31, 1849

NEW ORLEANS, January 31, 1849.

MY DEAR SIR,—The breaking out of the cholera here prevented my meeting General Taylor in this city, as had been expected. I met him at Baton Rouge, but only long enough to exchange friendly salutations, without any opportunity to converse on public affairs.

About a fortnight ago I met with a terrible accidental fall, which, although fortunately I broke no bones, has for the present confined me to my lodgings, disabled me from walking, and almost from writing. To that cause is owing my not having earlier acknowledged the receipt of your friendly letter of the 25th ultimo.

I suppose that I shall be elected to the Senate by the General Assembly of Kentucky, in which case I shall hardly feel myself at liberty to decline, conferred as the office will be without any solicitation from me, without my being a candidate, and with the knowledge of a strong disinclination on my part to return to that body. Deference to the will of the General Assembly, a sense of duty, and the possibility of my being able to do some good, overcome my repugnance. If I go to Washington, it will be with an anxious desire that I shall be able to support the measures of the new Administration, in consequence of their conformity with Whig policy.

There seems to be yet some slight prospect of a settlement at Washington of the Free Soil question; but we shall see.

The cholera has nearly entirely disappeared from this city.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 584

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, March 7, 1848

Washington 7th March 1848

MY DEAR SIR, The last Steamer brought a letter from Anna to me, the only one received by it. I am happy to learn by it, that she had entirely recovered from the attack of the Influenza, and that you and the children had escaped and were in such excellent health.

Since I wrote you last, the only occurrence, in the political world on this side, of marked importance, is the treaty with Mexico. It is now under deliberation in the Senate, and has been for the last nine days. No decisive vote has yet been taken; but I do not doubt, that the Senate will give its advise and consent to its ratification. The final vote will probably be taken tomorrow, or next day at fartherest.

Its fate will, however, be still uncertain. Some important amendments have been made, to which the Mexican Government may object, although I do not think it probable. The greatest danger is, that the Government may not hold together until the treaty is exchanged. Nothing but the countenance of our Government, and the support of capitalists interested in preserving it, can continue it in existence. It is, indeed, but the shadow of a Government.

As to the terms of the treaty, they are not such as to confer any eclat on the war, or the administration. I cannot of course speak of them in detail, but may say, the end of all our expenditure of blood and money is, to pay the full value in money for the country ceded to us, and which might have been had without a war, or for the 10th part of its cost by taking a defensive line from the first, as I advised. The desire for peace, and not the approbation of its terms, induces the Senate to yield its consent.

The presidential election is in as great uncertainty as ever. The whigs are violently devided between Clay and Taylor, and the democrats know not who to rally on. It is, indeed, a mere struggle for the spoils, and the selection of both parties will in the end be governed solely by the availability of the candidate, and not his qualifications.

I enclose two letters for Anna, which will give all the home news.

The winter has been delightful, and highly favourable for agricultural operations.

My health is good.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 745-6

Colonel Bingaman’s Address, June 15, 1847.

Col. Davis, Lieut. Col. McClung—Officers and Soldiers of the First Mississippi Rifles:

Veteran Volunteers—the Star Regiment—men of Monterey—men of Buena Vista! Never was there assigned to any one, a more grateful duty, than that which has been conferred, by the partial favor of the citizens of this city and county upon the individual who now addresses you: the office of expressing to you, feebly though it be, the warm and gushing sentiments of heartfelt pride, gratitude and congratulation, with which they throng to hail and welcome you, on your safe return from the fields of your, and their country's glory. All that surround you the hale and the infirm—the aged and the young—the Fair—those discriminating and devout admirers of the brave, who constitute, at once, the resistless incentive to gallant deeds, and the priceless reward of those who have passed through the purifying baptism of fire,-all, all, with one sympathetic and enthusiastic accord, press forward to join in the general jubilee of triumph and exultation:

"While from the scaffolds, windows, tops of houses

Are cast such gaudy show'rs of garlands down,

That e'en the crowd appear like conquerors,

And the whole city seems, like a vast meadow,

Set all with flowers, as clear Heaven with stars."

High, as had previously been, the character of Mississippi for deeds of noble daring, when, under the chivalrous Hinds, on the plains of Chalmette, her cavalry excited the "astonishment of one army and the admiration of the other," you have exalted that character to a still higher pitch of glorious elevation. The first to carry a fortress in Monterey,—at Buena Vista, a small but determined band of less than 300, you held in check an assaulting column of 6000 men. Calm, steadfast and immovable, as a rock firm—seated against the innumerable and impetuous billows of the ocean, you held the enemy, as with the iron grasp of Destiny, steadily to his place; until, upon the coöperation of the gallant Bragg and the death—storm of his artillery, by your joint efforts, you drove him headlong and howling from the field. Upon our corps of artillery, too much praise cannot be bestowed. Always, in the language of your Commander-in-chief, in the right place at the right time-they mainly contributed to the achievement of the most glorious victory, which emblazons the annals of our country. Like the Legio fulminatrix, the fulminating legion of Aurelius, their appropriate device should be, a winged thunderbolt; denoting, at once, celerity of motion, unerring certainty of aim, and irresistible and all-overwhelming power. Nor will our feelings of national pride permit us to pass by in silence, the gallant bearing of the soldiers of our sister States. Louisiana, nobly prodigal of her men and her treasure,—Kentucky, the State of the bloody ground—Tennessee, Illinois, Texas—Americans all—all generous competitors for the prize of honor—all resolute, as Spartans, to return crowned with laurels or borne on their shields. Never, even in the palmiest days of chivalry, did more stalwart and devoted knights enter the lists of the proudest tournament;—never were the interests and honor of a country entrusted to more valiant and determined hands. Why, it was like the fire races of the ancients. From officer to officer—from man to man-from county to county—from State to State—from regulars to volunteers—the torch of glory was passed in such bright and rapid succession, that the horizon of the whole Union has become radiant and burning with the blaze.

But while we exult with the living, let us pay the merited tribute of our tears—of proud, though bitter tears—to the memories of the glorious dead. Tearing themselves from the enjoyment of ease, comfort and competence,—from the blessings of family and friends,—from all that man holds dear, save Honor, they rushed, with you, to the rescue of their fellow citizens, in a distant and hostile land. To the citizen soldier the voice of his country is always imperative.

Say that it is his country's will

And there's the foe,

 

He has nae thought but how to kill,

Twa at a blow.

 

Nae cauld faint-hearted doubtings tease him;

Death comes, wi' fearless eye he sees him;

Wi' bluidy hand, a welcome gies him:

And when he fa's

His latest draught o' breathin' lea'es him,

In faint huzzas.

Such were McKee, and Hardin, and Yell, and Clay, and Watson, and Lincoln, and all, all who bravely and nobly fell, striving in the front ranks, to uphold the honor of our flag; and to wrest from the hands of chance, the evergreen chaplet of victory. Pained, heart-stricken, as we are, at the loss of such men, there are yet mingled with our regrets, consoling sentiments of proud and patriotic exultation. Great, invincible, deep seated in the affections of its citizens must that country be, upon whose altars are laid such priceless victims, as free offerings.

To live with fame,

The Gods allow to many! but to die

With equal lustre, is a blessing, Heaven

Selects from all the choicest boons of fate,

And with a sparing hand on few bestows.

Honored and cherished were they in their lives. Embalmed in our memories, they ever shall be. Death has made them immortal. Hallowed, to all future time, be the earth in which repose their honored bones; and woe to the head that would counsel, or the hand that would sign a surrender of one inch of soil, which has been appropriated by the precious blood, and made sacred by the sepulture of an American soldier.

To your Commander, fellow citizens of the Star Regiment, highly as we appreciate his merits as a soldier, and grateful, as we are, for the honor he has conferred on our State,—we must beg leave, on this occasion, to express our additional thanks, for an act of disinterested and noble generosity. When the terms of the capitulation of Monterey were assailed—when reproach was attempted to be cast upon him, who is first in honor as the first in place-when a stigma was sought to be fixed upon the Hero of the age-on that man of iron will, upon whose sword sits Victory laurel-crowned—whose praise, Time with his own eternal voice shall sing—when "the Eagle of his tribe" was hawked at by mousing owls—and when it was attempted to drug with poison the chalice of congratulation-when the serpent of defamation was cunningly concealed in the chaplet of applause; who? disinterestedly, nobly, in the frank and fearless spirit of a true soldier; who, generously, manfully and effectively stood forward in defence of a brother soldier? Who was it, that did not only scotch, but killed; aye, and seared the reeking fragments of the lurking reptile? Col. Jefferson Davis, of the Mississippi Rifles. Thanks, honor, to you sir! for such noble conduct. Your own conscience approves the act; and the voice of a grateful country sanctions and sustains the approval.

When I look upon that country, supported and sustained by the heroes of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, Cerro Gordo, Sacramento, and the American Marathon, Buena Vista!—when I see hosts, armed and accoutred, spontaneously springing from her soil, as if sown with dragon's teeth—when I see heroes, bursting forth in full and glittering panoply, as sprang Minerva from the front of Jove—she seems to me like the revered Cybele, the Mother of Gods,

"Omnes Caolicolae! omnes supera alta tenentes."

I see her seated upon her triumphal car, drawn by trained lions. patient alone of the curb of discipline, and on her head a turretlike attire, the emblem, at once, of independent strength, of deep-seated security and of offensive, defensive and self-avenging power. Honor then to the banner of the Union! Honor to the men who have upheld its honor! Welcome! thrice welcome the victors returned from the fields of their fame! Glory to the heroes of Monterey! Glory to the heroes of Buena Vista! And in the language of your own McClung, "Three cheers for General Taylor—the stout-hearted old soldier—the Blucher of America—who gave the battle—and three cheers for the gallant hearts that won it.

_______________

Col. Jefferson Davis, on behalf of his regiment and himself, delivered a most beautiful and heart-thrilling response to the complimentary allusions to the heroic deeds and gallant conduct of himself and his command. We much regret that it has been out of our power to obtain even a sketch of his eloquent and appropriate remarks. Being indisposed nearly the whole of yesterday, we have labored under great disadvantage in giving a description of yesterday's proceeding. Col. Davis' remarks were eloquent and apt, in the highest degree. After paying a deserved tribute to the unflinching bravery of his men, to their discipline,-to the unquailing courage with which they manfully stood up and fought when the odds against them so fearfully preponderated that defeat seemed certain and ruin inevitable, he gave a most glowing description and paid the merited meed of praise to the second in command-the undaunted Alexander K. McClung—who first charged home upon the first taken Mexican fort in Monterey. These remarks were received with unbounded applause by the vast concourse within the hearing of his voice. He then rapidly passed over a retrospective view of the situation and condition of the army under Gen. Taylor at the capitulation of Monterey—described the destitution of means of transportation and provision under which the commanding general labored—defended the capitulation and impressed upon his hearers convincingly, its necessity, its policy, and the general benefit which the American arms and government had derived from it—spoke of old Rough and Ready as the great captain of the age, and one whose deeds of generalship and noble devotion to country entitled him to the gratitude of the people of the United States in as great a degree as he had excited the admiration of the world At every mention of the name of Gen. Taylor, the applause of the assemblage made the welkin ring. Col. D., in his address, displayed not only the frankness and honesty of the veteran soldier, but the fearlessness and zeal characteristic of true heroism, in standing up and vindicating his glorious old commander from foul aspersion and base insinuation. Would that Jacob Thompson had heard that speech. We again reiterate our regret at not being able to furnish a full synopsis of this most eloquent address. Indisposition and other causes, have, however, placed it out of our power, but if we can obtain a copy of it we shall enjoy both pride and gratification in laying it before our readers.

After the applause occasioned by the speech of the gallant Davis had subsided, the name of McClung was shouted forth, as if the lungs of the whole vast assemblage were put in requisition to echo that glorious name. Lieut. Col. McClung responded to the call in a strain characteristic of true heroism and of the well-tried gallantry of the veteran soldier. He was most happy and appropriate in his remarks, and his tones reminded us of an occasion, perhaps not as interesting, but fully as important, when his clarion voice rang like a trumpet through the land calling upon the people to vindicate their just rights and to rebuke all aggressions that were attempted to be practiced upon them. He disclaimed, as far as he was concerned, any laurels that might be attempted to be entwined around his brow for the successful storming of Monterey. He claimed no more credit for that glorious achievement than that which was due to every officer and private in the whole regiment. Here the gallant and war-scarred soldier was most eloquent and happy in his remarks. He declared that every man fought as though the laurel crown of immortal glory was within his own grasp as though the brightest wreath of fame and the everlasting glory of the victor was extended only for him to reach and clasp it. He rendered to all—subordinate officers and privates, that meed of praise to which the universal acclaim of the nation was allowed them. He spoke feelingly of the trials and of the services of our gallant Riflemen, and while he claimed for himself no more than he yielded to the humblest private in the ranks, he was grateful for the indications of respect and esteem which his fellow citizens had profusely lavished upon him. At the conclusion of his remarks the gallant Colonel was greeted with loud and prolonged applause.

At the conclusion of Col. McClung's address the crowd generally dispersed to different parts of the promenade ground and to the city. After a short interval the Rifles and the escort volunteer companies were mustered and marched to the tables for the purpose of taking needful refreshment, after the fatigues of the day. And here it is proper to say that the sumptuously loaded board, and tastefully arranged arbors reflected the greatest degree of credit upon the Committee of Arrangements. When we take into consideration the shortness of the time they were allowed to perfect the organization necessary to ensure success, it is really wonderful that they accomplished so much.

When the eatables were removed and the cloth cleared, toast and sentiment sped merrily around the board. Doctor L. P. Blackburn, acted as President, assisted by Josephus Hewett, Esq., as Vice President. We give below the regular toasts and as many of the volunteer ones as we could procure. The lateness of the hour and want of room prevent us from giving details. It is enough to say, however, that the mere mention of the name of old Zack Taylor was the signal for thundering applause and a sure index to the strong hold he has upon the affections of the people. The sentiments to Davis, McClung and Bradford were greeted with that approbation which a grateful people always bestow upon true merit.

The regular and volunteer toasts (as far as we have been enabled to obtain them) will be found below:

REGULAR TOASTS

1st. Our Country.

2nd. The President of the United States.

3rd. The Army and Navy of the United States.

4th. Major General Zachary Taylor.—His Country relies on him. "He never surrenders."

5th. Major General Winfield Scott.—The Hero of Lundy's Lane and Cerro Gordo. Skilful in plan, terrible in execution.

6th. Col. Jefferson Davis.—In counsel, the ready defender of the noble and meritorious against the foul vituperations of myrmidons; in battle, the unyielding bulwark of his country's glory.

7th. Col. Alex. K. McClung.—Mexican ramparts proved no obstacle to his onward march to fame and renown; Mexican balls could never crush his bold and daring spirit.

8th. Major Alex. B. Bradford.—His undaunted bravery, and unflinching patriotism has placed him high in the estimation of his countrymen. With propriety we may style him the modern Putnam.

9th. The Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the First Mississippi Regiment.—True to the lead of their gallant Officers, as their unerring rifles to the mark;—unswerving in battle, as the shore to the sea, they proved at Monterey that ramparts may be stormed without regulars. At Buena Vista. that Cavalry may be repulsed without the bayonet.

10th. The First Mississippi Regiment.—In making and receiving a charge, unsurpassed and unsurpassable. Overwhelming as the Ocean's wave—immovable as the Mountain rock.

11th. Old Kentucky.—Her fallen brave proves too melancholy that she too was in the field.

12th. The brave Officers and Men who fell at Monterey and Buena Vista. Though their bodies be in the soil of their enemy, their deeds shall live in the recollection of their countrymen.

13th. The Ladies.—First to cheer the soldier on—first to welcome him back. Cherished be the dear ones who strew the soldier's path with roses.

VOLUNTEER TOASTS

By R. M. Gaines—The First Mississippi Rifles. They have acted out the spirit of that mother who told her son to bring back his shield or be brought back upon it. Their fame is the property of their country, but especially of the state which sent them forth to battle. They are as "a city set upon a hill which cannot be hid."

By Dr. L. P. Blackburn—Cols. McKee and Clay. Twin brothers in honor and chivalry, they sleep together the sleep of the brave, the mention of one awakens melancholy recollections of the other.

By J. Hewett, Esq.—The Birth-day of Washington and the Victory of Buena Vista—Glorious deeds on a glorious day. Col. Doniphan.—His unprecedented marches and brilliant achievements have stamped his name with the seal of immortality.

By J. L. Mathewson, formerly of this city, now of New Orleans, an invited guest, after some remarks relative to the kind reception given him, gave the following toast:

Major General Jno. A. Quitman—Mississippi has honored him he has in return honored Mississippi.

By Dr. Bowie—Lieut. Col. Alex. K. McClung. The Hero of Monterey.

By Lieut. Col. McClung—The Ladies of Natchez. Although the chivalry of this beautiful place were in spite of their exertions prevented from going with us to battle, yet our reception by its beauty has repaid us for their absence.

About five o'clock in the afternoon the volunteers returned on board the steamers which were to convey them to Vicksburg, their point of debarkation, escorted by our volunteer companies and by a large concourse of citizens, the bands playing their merriest tunes,-and amid the thundering of cannon and the shouts of the spectators, these brave men departed from among us bearing with them the warmest wishes and most ardent desires for their future welfare and happiness of our whole community of the city and county.

Yesterday was a day the memory of which will long be cherished by our citizens. It was a proud day for Old Adams, and well did her sons maintain the reputation of their ancient hospitality. The sun set in glory in our western horizon, but his beams shed less splendor upon the state from which he was withdrawing his light than had the glorious deeds of the gallant volunteers who were leaving us.

Below will be found the letter of the "Committee of Invitation," and the letter of acceptance from Col. Jefferson Davis.

• Committee of Invitation to the 1st Mississippi Rifles, May 31, 1847
• Jefferson Davis to the Committee of Invitation, June 11, 1847

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 76-84

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, April 3, 1886

ST. LOUIS, April 3, 1886.

Dear Brother: . . . I shall go to California to be in San Francisco August 3d-5th for the Encampment of the G. A. R., when, of course, I shall be forced to say something. It occurs to me that I should say something about the annexation of California to the Union. I know that Webster advised a friend of his as early as 1843-44 to go to California, because it surely would on the first pretext be captured and held by the United States.

I have all the executive documents for 1847, also the special Mexican War correspondence, but I fail to find Corwin's speech where he used the expression that were he a Mexican he would welcome the enemy (the Americans) "with bloody hands to hospitable graves." Can you get this speech for me, or an extract? I know that General Taylor believed that Texas did not reach the Rio Grande but was bordered by the River Nueces, and that the proclamation of war was based on an error that "American blood had been shed on American soil," and now comes Grant, who expresses more than a doubt if the first blood shed—Palo Alto—was not on "Mexican soil." Notwithstanding this, I believe the annexation of California was essential to the world's progress at that date. The Mexicans had held it for a hundred years without material improvement, whereas under our domination it at once began that wonderful development which we now experience. . . .

Affectionately yours,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 370-1

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, April 13, 1886

ST. LOUIS, April 13, 1886.

Dear Brother: Your letter was duly received, and the quotation from Corwin's speech will be all I want. I remember the fact that when General Taylor's army marched from Corpus Christi, Texas, to Matamoras, it was generally noted that what few people were encountered south of the Nueces were all Mexicans. Their (Mexican) maps made Texas cease at that line, and our only title to that part of the country was Texas' claim to the Rio Grande as the boundary, so that the army officers, notably General Taylor, always ridiculed the action of the President and Congress—“whereas American blood has been shed on American soil," etc., etc.

Nevertheless war did exist and did continue till we had acquired California, New Mexico, etc. Our payment to Mexico of $15,000,000 at the end of the war was an act of generosity, and made our title one of purchase rather than conquest. Mexico never could have developed California as we did, and without California we could not have filled up the intervening space. . . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 372

Senator Henry Clay to General Leslie Combs, March 7, 1849

NEW ORLEANS, March 7, 1849.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your last letter, transmitting one which is returned. Many thanks are due to you for various communications received during the past winter, and which afforded me much valuable information. I should have before acknowledged them, but for the consequences of my fall, which for a time disabled me from both walking and writing.

The project of assuming the debt of Texas on the consideration of her relinquishment of her territorial claim beyond the Nueces, is worthy of serious examination. The difficulty in the way will be the Free Soil question.

I am most anxious that you should obtain some good appointment under the present Administration. You, I think, eminently deserve it. Whether I can aid you or not, I can not at present say. My relations to the President, on my part, and, as far as I know, on his, are amicable; but I have had no proof of any desire to confer or consult with me on any subject. Some of his warm and confidential friends, I have reason to know, view me with jealousy, if not enmity. While self-respect will restrain me from volunteering any opinion or advice, unless I know it will be acceptable, public duty will equally restrain me from offering any opposition to the course of his Administration, if, as I hope and anticipate, it should be conducted on principles which we have so long cherished and adhered to.

I hope to reach home, and to see you in all this month, when there will be time enough to talk over all these and other matters.

I did not go to the Call Session, because, supposing that it would be short and formal, and without any serious division, I disliked encountering, in my lame condition, a journey so long in the winter. I am, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 585-6

Senator Henry Clay to James Harlan, March 13, 1849

NEW ORLEANS, March 13, 1849.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor of the 3d instant. I concluded not to attend the Call Session, which I could not have done without much personal discomfort.

The Cabinet of General Taylor was not, it seems, exactly as you supposed. Some of the appointments excited surprise. I think that he might have made one of greater strength. I am truly concerned that Letcher was overlooked. I had strong hopes that he would have been appointed, and I thought I had reason for them.

I think it quite likely that you may be right in supposing that neither I nor my friends will find much favor at Court. As to myself, having given no just cause for its frowns, I can bear them without difficulty; but the President will be unwise if he neglects or proscribes my friends. Without them, he never could have been elected.

While I have no desire to go into the Convention, I shall make no decision until my return. I leave this city on the 17th instant, and stopping on the river at one or two places, I hope to reach home about the last of the month.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 586

Reception in honor of the First Regiment Mississippi Volunteers, War with Mexico at Natchez, Mississippi, June 15, 1847.

(From Natchez Weekly Courier, June 16, 1847.)

Yesterday was a day which will long be remembered in our annals—a glorious day, alternately illuminated by sunshine or darkened by clouds, and one of the hours of which will be deeply traced with every sentiment which could do honor to an admiring people, or to our glorious returned volunteers, "the bravest of the brave" who have so gallantly won and so nobly worn the brilliant chaplets of fame which adorn their brows. It is to be regretted that our city of the bluffs was not honored by all the companies of the regiment, although those who were present had performed deeds, worthy, if possible, (which could not be) a reception more enthusiastic. But, it is useless to talk about that. No reception could have been warmer, more whole-souled, or more heart-inspiring. It was a sight to make the pulse throb, and the heart beat with accelerated motion to see those gallant soldiers those glorious boys of our own State-the "Star Regiment" of Gen. Taylor's army—THE MEN who had stormed the rocky steeps of Monterey, and met with unquailing hearts the iron storm that raged in that doomed city—now a glorious monument of their valor. There were the men who had breasted unflinchingly the crimson tide of battle at Buena Vista. There were the men who had never faltered in the fiercest of the death struggle and when frightened fugitives were frantically flying from the sanguinary conflict, they remained as firm and unmoved as the rock which for ages has breasted the surges of the billows of ocean. There were their ever-glorious commanders,the noble Davis, the fearless McClung—scarred with honorable wounds yet suffering from the injuries they had received in their country's service-but full of patriotic devotion and with spirits unsubdued, and with hearts as free and souls as high as when they first responded to the call of their government and flew to the field of conflict. They were, officers and men, a spectacle which reminded us of the times of our revolutionary ancestors of the "times that tried" the "souls" of the men who were led to battle by Washington, Montgomery, Greene, and many others, whose names illumine as with a glorious stream of sunlight, the history of that eventful epoch,—and they were evidently from the same stock, for such men could not have sprung from any other stock.

But, to the arrival of our laurelled volunteers. The shades of night had scarcely yielded to the bright beams of morn, ere the loud-toned cannon thundered forth the signal, announcing to the citizens of our city and the country round about, the approach of the pride and glory of our chivalrous State. The whole city was moved as if with one mighty inpulse,—citizens from the country flocked in in thousands—stores and other places of business remained unopened, and one general thrill of joyous enthusiasm appeared to animate the vast mass of moving and excited humanity which crowded our streets and thronged the bluffs of the mighty river which flows past our city, to render "honor to the brave."

At about 9 o'clock, the companies of our First Regiment of Rifles were formed at the landing, and at about the same time the fine military companies of our city—the Fencibles, the Light Guard, the Natchez Guards, the Jefferson College Cadets and the Natchez Cadets,—marched under the hill to escort them to our city. The military was formed in the following order: the Fencibles and Light Guard on the right, the Rifles in the centre, and the College Cadets and Natchez Cadets and Natchez Guards in the rear, and thus the long line moved up upon the bluff.

The procession then moved up Main street to Pine street, and down Franklin street to the bluff, where preparations on a scale commensurate with the importance of the occasion, had been made to receive our honored guests.

When we arrived upon the Bluff, a scene of rare and surpassing beauty, never excelled and rarely equalled, burst upon our sight. The Promenade ground was thronged with the bright and beautiful, and wherever he turned a blaze of loveliness was sure to dawn upon the vision of the beholder. But of all the scenes that pleased us in the highest degree was that presented by the pupils of the Natchez Institute-six hundred in number—who, under the admirable supervision of the Principal of the Institute, Mr. Pearl, were formed in two lines on each side of the central promenade the young ladies immediately in front and the boys in the rear. Each young lady held in her hand a boquet of beautiful flowers, and, as the war worn veterans, with their bronzed visages and toil-hardened frames filed slowly past them, presented each with a boquet. It was a touching as well as a soul inspiring spectacle and deeply did this manifestation of respect strike into the hearts of the toil-tried sons of gallant State. We heard dozens give expression to sentiments of high gratification. It was an offering from the young, the lovely and the guileless, that came from bosoms untainted with the vices and strifes of the world, and went directly home to the inmost cores of the hearts of these well-tried veterans. It was a beautiful sight, and which would inspire any man with feelings of the liveliest satisfaction that he lived in a State that possessed such men to send forth to the field of glory and victory, and such hands to strew with flowers the pathway of their return to the State that sent them forth to perform their daring and brilliant deeds.

After performing various military evolutions, the Rifles and our volunteer companies were formed in mass around the rostrum prepared for the reception of the officers, committees, orator of the day, and other distinguished citizens. At this point the presence of the crowd was intense. No consideration of personal convenience appeared to operate upon the nerves of any, either ladies or gentlemen, in endeavoring to get within hearing distance. When all the arrangements were completed, the orator of the Day, Col. Adam L. Bingaman, arose and delivered the following address—an address sparkling with the highest coruscations of genius, and abounding with the brightest attributes of intellect-an address to the purpose, eloquently delivered, and which went home to the hearts of the brave men whose gallant deeds and glorious achievements he was recounting.

We will not attempt to give a description of the address—for that would be a work of entire supererogation. The speech will be found below and will rivet the attention of every reader.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 74-6

Congressman Horace Mann to Mr. and Mrs. George Combe, November 15, 1850

WEST NEWTON, Nov. 15, 1850.

MY DEAR MR. AND MRS. COMBE,—I received your brief note from London, dated Sept. 15; and afterwards your letter from Edinburgh of Sept. 29. The letter gave me what I must call an unlawful pleasure: for it fully acquitted me of what my own conscience had long told me I was guilty of; namely, neglect of you. Mary has often said to me, "Now, my dear, you must write to Mr. Combe;" and I had as often replied, "Yes, I must and will." But, like all other promises, these were made under the tacit and implied condition of possibility. But the possibility never came; and, before I get through, I must tell you why. I have received a copy of the Annual Report of your school; which Mary and I read together, as we always do every thing that comes from your pen. Your Life of Dr. Combe was sent here before I came home. Mary began to read it, but put it off that we might read it together. Since I came home, we have begun it, and advanced nearly half way in it; but other engagements of one kind and another have interrupted. I find it very minute in its details; so much so, perhaps, as to be objectionable to the general reader: but to me, who know the subject and the writer, and who have such a deep personal interest in every thing they have said or done, it never loses its interest. I should as soon complain of an absent friend for giving me all the incidents of his fortune, when, the more of each twenty-four hours he describes, the better. I like to read his letters. I delight, and profit too, in reading a book which never departs from the phrenological dialect, and refers every thing to phrenological principles. It is like a review of a delightful study.

When first offered the nomination for Congress, I had serious doubts about accepting it: but I was in my twelfth year as Secretary of the Board of Education; and, while acting in an official capacity, I was under the trammels of neutrality between all sects and parties. It was just at the crisis when the destiny of our new Territory of about six hundred thousand square miles in extent was about to be determined. All of human history that I ever knew respecting the contest for political and religious freedom, and my own twelve-years' struggle to imbue the public mind with an understanding not merely of the law but of the spirit of religious liberty, had so magnified in my mind the importance of free institutions, and so intensified my horror of all forms of slavery, that even the importance of education itself seemed for a moment to be eclipsed.

Besides, my fidelity to principles had made some enemies, who, to thwart me, would resist progress, but who, if I were out of the way, would be disarmed, and would co-operate where they had combated. . . . The commencement of the session in December last was full of excitement. We voted three weeks before we succeeded in making choice of a Speaker; the issue being between freedom and slavery, modified by its bearing upon the next Presidential election. In the Senate there were three men, Clay, Webster, and Cass, each one of whom had staked body, reputation, and soul on being the next President. In 1848, Gen. Cass had surrendered all that he could think of, as principle, for the sake of winning the Southern vote. Clay had just been returned to the Senate, and Webster had been thrown into the background, partly for his mighty advocacy of freedom, and partly because he had no skill in flattering the people. Clay devised a plan of indirect opposition to the policy of Gen. Taylor, which, should it be unsuccessful, would hardly injure its originator, but, if crowned with success, would place him high and conspicuous above the President himself.

Up to this time, at least ostensibly, Webster had maintained his integrity. But he supposed his final hour had come. Cass as a Democrat, and Clay as a Whig, had offered to immolate freedom to win the South. Webster must do more than either, or abandon hope. He consented to treachery, and, to make his reward sure, proposed to do more villanies than were asked of him. His 7th of March speech was an abandonment of all he had ever said in defence of the great principles of freedom. It was a surrender of the great interests of freedom in the new Territories then in issue, and it was wanton impiety against the very cause of liberty. We were not merely amazed, but astounded by it. He artfully connected the pecuniary interests of the North with this treachery to freedom. Our manufacturing interests were in a deplorable condition. He told the manufacturers, that, if they would surrender freedom, they could have a tariff. This assurance was repeated in a thousand covert forms. It brought out the whole force of Mammon. One of the Boston newspapers, the "Daily Advertiser," whose whole circulation was among the wealthy and aristocratic, took ground in his defence at once. Another of them, the "Courier," sold itself immediately for mere money to him and to his friends; and such an overbearing and threatening tone was assumed by his whole pretorian guard, that every other paper in the city, however clamorous it had been for freedom before (except the "Liberator"), was silenced. The press in Boston, for the last six months, had been very much in the condition of the press of Paris.

I came home to visit my family in April on account of ill health in it, and staid a month. The public mind had not recovered from its shock; and Mr. Webster's "retainers," as the "Advertiser" unluckily called them, were active in fastening their views upon the re-awakened consciousness of the public. I conversed with many very prominent individuals. I found they agreed with me fully in regard to Mr. Webster's treachery, and in private would speak freely, but in public would not commit themselves to a word. This was grievous, and reminded me of what you used to say so often, — that our people have not confidence enough in truth. I was invited by a respectable portion of my constituents to address them. I wrote them a letter instead. In that letter, I reviewed the course of the leading men,—Cass, Clay, and Webster. I pointed out Mr. Webster's inconsistencies and enormities in as searching a manner as I could, but in a very respectful tone. He and his friends swore vengeance against me at once.

When I returned to Washington, he cut me. He indulged in offensive remarks in private intercourse. In a letter written to some citizens who sought to uphold his course, he put in the most arrogant sneer that his talent could devise, and published it. That gave me a chance to review his letter, and to discuss the question of trial by jury for alleged fugitives. In another letter, he made another assault upon me. This, too, I answered. Just at this moment, Gen. Taylor died. The Vice-President, a weak and irresolute-minded man, succeeded. Mr. Webster was appointed Secretary of State; and he thus became omnipotent, and almost omnipresent. The cause of freedom was doomed. Thousands saw what the event would be, and rushed to the conclusion. Three-fifths of all the Whig presses went over in a day. The word of command went forth to annihilate me; and, if it was not done, it was for no want of good will or effort on the part of the hired executioners. From having been complimented on all sides, I was misrepresented, maligned, travestied, on all sides. Not a single Whig paper in Boston defended me. Most of them had an article or more against me every day. The convention to nominate my successor was packed by fraudulent means, and I was thrown overboard. . . . To bring the odium theologicum to crush me, an evangelical was taken as my opponent. I took the stump, and put the matter to my constituents face to face.

The election took place last Monday, and I have beaten them all by a handsome majority. This is something of a personal triumph, therefore; but, as a triumph of principle, it is of infinitely more value. Nothing can exceed the elation of my friends, or the mortification of my enemies. The latter feel like a man who has committed some roguery, and failed of obtaining his purpose in doing it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 335-9

Senator Henry Clay to Nicholas Dean, June 21, 1849

ASHLAND, June 21, 1849.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favors of the 1st and 4th instant. I regret extremely that many of the appointments of the Executive are so unsatisfactory to the public; and still more that there should be just occasion for it. I fear that the President confides that matter too much to the Secretaries, and that they have selfish and ulterior views in the selections which they make. It is undeniable that the public patronage has been too exclusively confined to the original supporters of General Taylor, without sufficient regard to the merits and just claims of the great body of the Whig party. This is both wrong and impolitic.

You tell me that it will be difficult to repress an expression of the Whig dissatisfaction, prior to the meeting of Congress. I should be very sorry if this was done so early, if it should become necessary (I hope it may not) to do it at all. I think there ought not to be any denunciation of the Administration, unless it is rendered proper for its plans of public policy. If before these are developed, the Administration should be arraigned, it would be ascribed to disappointment as to the distribution of the patronage of Government. It will be different, if, contrary to what we have a right to hope and expect, the Administration should fail to support and recommend the great measures of the Whig party.

As to myself, I need not say to you, that I shall go to Washington, if I am spared, with a firm determination to oppose or support measures according to my deliberate sense of their effects upon the interests of our country.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 587-8

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, June 23, 1848

Washington 23d June 1848

MY DEAR DAUGHTER, If a long interval lies between the date of this and your last, you must attribute it to the fact, that my heavy correspondence, publick and private, and official duties, compel me to lengthen the period between my answers and the letters to which they reply, to a much greater extent than I desire in writing to you and the rest of the family. I correspond with all of them which of itself occupies a good deal of my time.

The opinions you express in reference to the state of things in Europe are very sensible and just. There is no prospect of a successful termination of the efforts of France to establish a free popular Government; nor was there any from the begining. She has no elements out of which such a government could be formed; and if she had, still she must fail from her total misconception of the principles, on which such a government, to succeed, must be constructed. Indeed, her conception of liberty is false throughout. Her standard of liberty is ideal; belongs to that kind of liberty which man has been supposed to possess, in what has been falsely called a state of nature, a state supposed to have preceded the social and political, and in which, of course, if it ever existed, he must have live[d] a part, as an isolated individual, without Society, or Government. In such a state, if it were possible for him to exist in it, he would have, indeed, had two of the elements of the French political creed; liberty and equality, but no fraternity. That can only exist in the social and political; and the attempt to unite the other two, as they would exist, in the supposed state of nature, in man, as he must exist in the former, must and ever will fail. The union is impossible, and the attempt to unite them absurd; and must lead, if persisted in, to distraction, anarchy and finally absolute power, in the hand of one man.

It is this false conception that is upheaving Europe, and which, if not corrected, will upset all her efforts to reform her social and political condition. It is at the same time threatening our institutions. Abolitionism originates in it, which every day becomes more formidable, and if not speedily arrested, must terminate in the dissolution of our Union, or in universal confusion, and overthrow of our system of Government. But enough of these general speculations.

We are in the midest of the presidential canvass. It will be one of great confusion. Neither party is satisfied, or united on its nominee; and there will probably be a third candidate, nominated by what are called the Barnburners, or Van Burenites. The prospect, I think, is, that Taylor will succeed, tho' it is not certain. The enclosed will give you all the home news.

It is still uncertain, when Congress will adjourn; but, I think it probable it will about the 1st August.

My health continues good. I am happy to hear you are all well, and that the children [are] growing and doing so well. Kiss them for their Grandfather, and tell them how happy he is to learn, that they are such good children. Give my love to Mr. Clemson.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 757-9

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas Clemson, July 23, 1848

Washington 23d July 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I received in the regular course of the Steamer yours of the 27th of June, and Anna's to her mother of the same date. I would have answered your's [sic] immediately, but was prevented by the pressure of my official engagements, as a member of the Committee, raised to settle the question of Slavery, as it relates to our recently acquired territory. After a laborious effort of more than a week, the Committee, consisting of 8 members, 4 from each party, and 2 from each division of the party, North and South, selected by their respective Sections, agreed on a bill, with scarcely a division, which is now under discussion in the Senate, with a fair prospect of passing by a large majority; and which I hope will permanently settle this vexed and dangerous question. The settlement is based on the principle of non interference, as laid down in my speech on the Oregon territorial bill, of which I send you a copy accompanying this. It was found, after trying every other, that it was the only one, on which there was the least chance of adjusting it. It is regarded here, as a great triumph on my part. A trial vote in the Senate yesterday, stood 37 in favour of the bill against 17 opposed. The opposition is mainly composed of the Supporters of Mr Van Beuren.

As to the Presidential election, it is very doubtful, and will probably remain so, to the last. There is no enthusiasm about it. There are great objections to both candidates.

The progress of events in Europe is very much such as I anticipated. There are too much error and misconception of a deep and dangerous character at the bottom of the movement to hope for much good. I have briefly touched one of the leading in the speech, that goes with this, at its close. There are others not less dangerous. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 759-60

Robert Selden Garnett

Son of Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.), born in Essex county, Virginia; graduated from United States Military Academy, in 1841, as second lieutenant of artillery, and was an instructor there till October, 1844. In 1845 he went to Mexico as aide to Gen. Wool, and served with distinction at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma; and was aide to Gen. Taylor at Monterey and Buena Vista. As captain, he was again an instructor at West Point in 1852-54. Promoted to major he served on the western frontier. He was on leave of absence in Europe when the civil war broke out. Returning, he resigned, was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, C. S. A., and was adjutant-general to Gen. R. E. Lee. In June, 1861, as brigadier-general, he went into service in western Virginia, and while leading his troops at Carrick's [sic] Ford, July 13, was killed by a volley from the enemy. His body was tenderly cared for by Gen. McClellan, and returned to his friends.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 54

Major Robert Selden Garnett to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 8, 1855

FT. MONROE, VA., July 8, 1855.

MY DEAR COUSIN: Your kind letter of the 25th Ult was misdirected to me at New York and did not overtake me at this place until a few days since. I am truly obliged to you for the frankness and liberality with which you have given me your views in relation to my proposed marriage. I do not understand you as fully approving the step under the circumstances, and fully appreciate—perhaps indeed even concur with you in your doubts as to its wisdom. I need hardly assure you that I had rather have had your approval of it than that of any relation I have. I owe so much of my professional services and advancement to your kind exertions that I have felt it to be a sort of duty I owed you to speak with you freely and fully on the subject. I should have only felt too happy if the step could have met with your unqualified approbation, yet my own judgment told me that it would be unreasonable to expect it. I sincerely hope, however, and believe, that as time rolls on I shall be able to show that I have not made after all so great a mistake as would appear to be the case at first. In comparing my own case with that of hundreds of other officers of the army, the advantages appear to me to be all on my side. There are 86 majors in the Army. Of this number about 8 are bachelors. The rest are married men; many with large families and some even grand-fathers. In most of these cases, these officers married while in the subordinate grades of the Army, with small pay and when they and their families were consequently subjected to many inconveniences from which my rank will now entirely exempt me. Yet many of these people have lived very happily, have educated and established their children well as they could, and express themselves content with their present and past life. Many of these officers too—indeed the most distinguished in our service—acquired their professional reputations as married men, and that too when they married as subalterns such for instance as Taylor, Worth, Lee, Smith, Mansfield, Huger &c &c. Marriage does not appear to have affected in the slightest degree their activity or efficiency. This was a point upon which I reflected much before taking this step and upon which I have but few apprehensions.

My rank in the army has freed me from many of the onerous and confining details of company, and subaltern duties. My movements are not now so much controlled by the movements of a particular line of men. I am much less subjected to that constant change of station so inimical to the comforts of married life in the army. I shall as a general thing henceforth, be in command when I go to my post, and will thus have the power and means of securing to myself many comforts &c. of which, as a Capt[ain] or Subaltern, I would have been necessarily deprived. I cannot believe that my professional prospects or standing will be injuriously effected by this step. Indeed I think that they may be materially improved, for what I most desire now is to have two or three years of quietness at some remote post where I may devote myself without interruption to professional reading and study, and I truly believe that I could do so much more successfully as a married man than as a single one. My own doubts and anxieties, however, lie in quite another direction. Life in the army is more precarious than in any other walk or pursuit of life; and an officer ought not perhaps to calculate upon living the usual term of years and then dying of old age. The obligation then to provide for his family for the future in case of his death is more urgent and imperative upon a married officer than upon other men; and as Miss Nelson is poor, I feel the full weight of this obligation in my case. Had I only to guard against disease I might perhaps safely calculate upon living long enough to do, as hundreds of other officers have done with fewer advantages than I have―viz, to lay up a respectable competency for my family in case of my death. This I confess is a point upon which I feel the greatest anxiety. During my life unless I should be ejected from the army, and this is improbable, I shall have no fears as to my ability to secure to her all the comforts she can reasonably desire; but it is a very painful reflection to me to think that I may be killed off and leave her in straightened circumstances—with nothing but my name. For this reason only, it has always, been my desire, if married at all, to marry a lady with some means of her own. If I felt certain that I should live 10 or 15 years longer, I should feel no anxiety on this subject, for with the increased pay and rank which I cannot help from acquiring in the meantime I feel confident that I could secure her against such a misfortune. A great many of our officers who have married with small pay and in the lower grades have managed to put away money and to live comfortable—some have become independent and even rich; and it seems to me that there must be something radically wrong about me, if I cannot, with my rank and advantages, now do the same.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 166-8

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, December 4, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 4, 1849.

MY DEAR SON,—I left home the first of last month, which throughout was a most delightful one, and, after passing two or three weeks in Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore, arrived here last Saturday, the 1st instant. My presence in those cities excited the usual enthusiasm among my friends, and the customary fatigue, etc., to myself; but I rejoice that my health is good, with the exception of a bad cold, which I hope is passing off. I have not yet seen the President, although I called yesterday and left my card. I have seen Mr. Ewing, and other members of the Cabinet have left their cards. Up to this time there is no organization of the House, which is in a very curious state. Neither party has a majority, and divisions exist in each; so that no one can foresee the final issue. The elections this year have gone very unfavorably to the Whigs, and without some favorable turn in public affairs in their favor, they must lose the ascendency.

I received Susan's letter of the 19th October and yours of the 5th November, and the perusal of them afforded me satisfaction. I observe what you say about Mr. Hopkins' kind treatment of you. He has gone home, but if I should ever see him, I will manifest to him my sense of his friendly disposition toward you. I am acquainted with him as a former member of the House of Representatives. I shall seize some suitable occasion to examine your dispatches at the Department of State, and I am glad that you entertain confidence in your competency to discharge the duties of your official position. That is a very proper feeling, within legitimate bounds; but it should not lead to any relaxation of exertions to obtain all information within your reach, and to qualify yourself by all means in your power to fulfill all your official obligations. How do you get along without a knowledge of the French language? Are you acquiring it?

I have heard from home frequently since I left it. John had taken a short hunt in the mountains, but returned without much success. Thomas had gone down the Ohio to see about the saw mill, and is still there. All were well. Dr. Jacobs is now here from Louisville. His brother with his wife have gone to Missouri, where he has purchased another farm. You have said nothing, nor did Susan, about Henry Clay or Thomas Jacobs.

Give my love to Susan and all your children, and to the boys. I will write to her as soon as I am a little relieved from company, etc.

I hope you will adhere to your good resolution of living within your salary. From what you state about your large establishment, I am afraid that you will exceed that prudent limit. How did your predecessor in that particular? I believe he was not a man of any wealth.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 590-1

Senator Henry Clay to Susan Jacob Clay, December 15, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 15, 1849.

MY DEAR SUSAN,—I received and read with great pleasure your letter of the 19th of October. All its details of information were agreeable to me, and I hope you will continue to write to me and to communicate every thing, the minutest circumstance concerning yourself or your dear family. I have taken apartments at the National Hotel (a parlor and bed-room adjoining), for the winter. I have an excellent valet, a freeman, and I am as comfortable as I can be. No advance has been yet made in Congress, in the public business, owing to the House, from its divided condition, being yet unable to elect a Speaker. When that will be done is uncertain; but I suppose from the absolute necessity of the case there will be, before long, one chosen.

I have been treated with much consideration by the President and most of his Cabinet; but I have had yet no very confidential intercourse with the President. I dined with him this week, and I have been invited to dine with two members of the Cabinet, but declined on account of a very bad cold. Mr. Clayton sent, me James' diplomatic note to the Portuguese minister on the case of the General Armstrong, with the inclosed note from himself. James' note has been well spoken of by the Attorney-General to me, and I think it creditable. There are some clerical inaccuracies in it, which ought to be avoided in future copies of his official notes. James might have added, in respect to the practice of impressment, that "the Portuguese Secretary, in volunteering a sanction of it, has extended the British claim, now become obsolete, beyond any limit to which it was ever asserted by Great Britain herself, she never having pretended that she could exercise the practice within the Territorial jurisdiction of a third or neutral power, or any where but on the high seas or in her own ports."

I understood from Clayton that it was intended by the President to submit to Congress the conduct of the Portuguese Government, without recommending, at present, any measure of coercion. It is desirable to get the answer to James' note, as soon as practicable, if one be returned.

I have heard from Ashland as late as the 10th instant. All the whites were well; but there had been a number of cases of small-pox in Lexington, and one of our black men had caught it, but he was getting well. Think of your present enjoyment of a delightful climate and tropical fruits, when there fell at Lexington on the 10th instant, a snow six or eight inches deep!

Your brother, the Doctor, has returned to Louisville. You said nothing in your letter to me about Thomas, Henry Clay, or my dear Lucy, and your other children. Is Henry going to school and where?

I believe I did not mention in my former letters to James that Lucretia Erwin has determined to take the black vail.

I send herewith a letter from Mary Ann's husband. My love to James and to all the family.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 591-3

 

Senator Henry Clay to Lucretia Hart Clay, December 28, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 28, 1849.

MY DEAR WIFE,—There is a bundle of papers in my office up stairs, inclosed in a pasteboard paper, and tied up with tape, containing the letters from General Taylor to me. Among them is one from him to me, dated at Monterey, in Mexico, I think, in September, 1847. He and I differ about the contents of that letter; and I wish you would find it, and get Thomas to make and send me a neat copy of it, and put up the original back again where you find it.

I am still staying at the National Hotel, where I have a good parlor and bed-room, for which and my board I pay thirty dollars per week. The British Minister occupies rooms near mine, and I yesterday dined with him. He has his wife with him, a niece of the Duke of Wellington, a plain, but sensible person.

I have dined with the President, but declined to dine with Clayton and Reverdy Johnson, on account of a bad cold. These people are all civil with me, but nothing more.

From everybody, of both parties, I receive friendly attentions and kind consideration.

My love to John.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 594-5

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, December 29, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 29, 1849.

MY DEAR JAMES, —I received your letter, communicating an account of Susan's confinement, and I was delighted to hear that she had given birth to a son, with so little of pain and suffering. I hope that she has continued to do well, and that the new comer has also been hearty. In the fine climate where you are, I trust that all your family enjoy good health.

I hear from home, but not as often as I could wish.

After three weeks, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, a Democrat, was elected Speaker, and it was so much more important that the House should be organized than that whether Whig or Democrat should be chosen, that I was glad an election was made. Nothing of importance has yet been done in Congress.

The Portuguese Minister called on me to-day, and I had a long, long interview with him, both on matters personally relating to you, and on public affairs, the latter, of course, confidentially.

He tells me that you have a fine house and a delightful situation on the Tagus, with a beautiful prospect, etc., but that they made you pay too much rent for it.

I endeavored to impress him very seriously about our claims on Portugal, and that their rejection might lead to very grave consequences. I authorized him to communicate what I said to him to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He read to me a very ingenious and plausible argument in the case of the General Armstrong, but I told him that I thought it only ingenious and plausible, and that I thought the American claim was well founded. One of his points was that the General Armstrong began the conflict. To which I replied that the British boats approached the Armstrong in hostile array; and that, when hailed, refusing to avow whether their purposes were amicable or hostile, the Armstrong was not bound to wait until they struck the first blow, but, being authorized to conclude that their purpose was to board and capture her, she had a right to defend herself, and anticipate the fall of the blow. Exactly as, when an assault is made on a man, not yet followed by a battery, he is not bound to await the battery, but may defend himself forthwith.

As to the weakness of Portugal, since the treaty of Methuen, she has been an ally, and somewhat dependent on Great Britain. Her feelings and sympathies were with the British, and against the Armstrong. She not only did not protect the Armstrong, which as a neutral power she ought to have done, but she did nothing to repel the British violation of her jurisdiction. She did worse; when the crew of the Armstrong was brought on shore, she (Portugal) suffered and connived at their being mustered by, or in presence of, British officers, that they might select from the array those whom they chose to consider British seamen! Never was such an indignity before offered! Never before or since did Great Britain ever attempt to exercise her pretended right of impressment within the jurisdictional limits of a neutral or third power, or any where but in her own ports, or on the high seas.

The Portuguese Minister cited certain provisions of our treaty with Great Britain of 1794, and other treaties, making provision for the case of captures within the waters of the respective parties by a belligerent of either of them, etc. To all which I replied, that those treaties took the case from without the operation of the general public law, but did not affect the condition of powers (of which Portugal was one) having no such treaties with us; that as to these powers, the national law furnished the rule; and that, in cases like the Armstrong, that rule required either protection or indemnity. Protection had not been afforded, and indemnity was therefore justly due.

My manner was intentionally very earnest; and I sought to impress the Minister with the belief I entertain, that if satisfaction of our claims be withheld, it will be sought for by coercion. And I told him that I should be grieved if we had any war with Portugal, especially when my son was the accredited representative of the United States at Lisbon. I told him that I hoped he would impress his Government with the gravity of existing circumstances. He was hurt at the reference in the President's Message to this affair; but I informed him that I had reason to believe that, at one time, it was contemplated to refer to it much more seriously, and I supposed this had not been done in consequence of a hope entertained that your dispatches might soon bring the welcome intelligence that our claims had been admitted and provided for.

He spoke of a proposition before the Portuguese Cortes to elevate the grade of the mission to this country. I told him that the adjustment of our claims would be an agreeable, if not indispensable preliminary to a similar elevation of the rank of our Minister to Portugal, etc.

I presume that they will send you, from the Department of State, the President's Message, and all other public documents. My love to Susan, to dear little Lucy, and all your children, and to H. Clay, and Thomas.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 595-7

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas Clemson, August 11, 1848

Washington 11th Augt. 1848

MY DEAR SIR, . . .Congress will adjourn on the 14th Inst, and I shall leave immediately after for home.

Nothing very material has occurred since my last. The Oregon territorial bill from the House was passed last evening by the Senate with an amendment attaching the Missouri Compromise to it. It is doubtful whether the House will agree to it, or not. If it should not the bill will be lost.

The Buffalo Convention is in session, and has, it is said, nominated Van Buren. It is uncertain to what it will lead. If the movement should not run out with the election, it will lead to the formation of two great sectional parties, and that to results, which may lead to great changes.

The election thus far, judging from indications, is more favourable to Cass, than Taylor. I retain and intend to retain my independent position.

We shall anxiously wait to see you all. With love to Anna and the children,

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 760-1

Colonel Jefferson Davis’ Memoranda of the Transactions in Connexion with the Capitulation of Monterey, Capital of Nueva Leon, Mexico, October 7, 1846

By invitation of General Ampudia, commanding the Mexican army, General Taylor accompanied by a number of his officers, proceeded on the 24th September, 1846, to a house designated as the place at which General Ampudia requested an interview. The parties being convened, General Ampudia announced, as official information, that commissioners from the United States had been received by the government of Mexico; and that the orders under which he had prepared to defend the city of Monterey, had lost their force by the subsequent change of his own government, therefore he asked the conference. A brief conversation between the commanding generals, showed their views to be so opposite, as to leave little reason to expect an amicable arrangement between them.

General Taylor said he would not delay to receive such propositions as General Ampudia indicated. One of General Ampudia's party, I think, the governor of the city, suggested the appointment of a mixed commission; this was acceded to, and General W. G. Worth of the United States army, General J. Pinckney Henderson, of the Texan volunteers, and Colonel Jefferson Davis, of the Mississippi riflemen on the part of General Taylor; and General J. Ma. Ortega, General P. Requena, and Señor the Governor M. Ma. Llano on the part of Gen. Ampudia, were appointed.

General Taylor gave instructions to his commissioners which, as understood, for they were brief and verbal, will be best shown by the copy of the demand which the United States commissioners prepared in the conference room here incorporated:

Copy of demand by United States Commissioners.

 

"I. As the legitimate result of the operations before this place, and the present position of the contending armies, we demand the surrender of the town, the arms and munitions of war, and all other public property within the place.

 

"II. That the Mexican armed force retire beyond the Rinconada, Linares, and San Fernando, on the coast.

 

"III. The commanding general of the army of the United States agrees that the Mexican officers reserve their side arms and private baggage; and the troops be allowed to retire under their officers without parole, a reasonable time being allowed to withdraw the forces.

 

"IV. The immediate delivery of the main work, now occupied, to the army of the United States.

 

"V. To avoid collisions, and for mutual convenience, that the troops of the United States shall not occupy the town until the Mexican forces have been withdrawn, except for hospital purposes, storehouses, &c.

 

"VI. The commanding general of the United States agrees not to advance beyond the line specified in the second section before the expiration of eight weeks, or until the respective governments can be heard from."

The terms of the demand were refused by the Mexican commissioners, who drew up a counter proposition, of which I only recollect that it contained a permission to the Mexican forces to retire with their arms. This was urged as a matter of soldierly pride, and as an ordinary courtesy. We had reached the limit of our instructions, and the commission rose to report the disagreement.

Upon returning to the reception room, after the fact had been announced that the commissioners could not agree upon terms, General Ampudia entered at length upon the question, treating the point of disagreement as one which involved the honor of his country, spoke of his desire for a settlement without further bloodshed, and said he did not care about the pieces of artillery which he had at the place. General Taylor responded to the wish to avoid unnecessary bloodshed. It was agreed the commission should reassemble, and we were instructed to concede the small arms; and I supposed there would be no question about the artillery. The Mexican commissioners now urged that, as all other arms had been recognised, it would be discreditable to the artillery if required to march out without anything to represent their arm, and stated, in answer to an inquiry, that they had a battery of light artillery, manoeuvred and equipped as such. The commission again rose, and reported the disagreement on the point of artillery.

General Taylor hearing that more was demanded than the middle ground, upon which, in a spirit of generosity, he had agreed to place the capitulation, announced the conference at an end; and rose in a manner which showed his determination to talk no more. As he crossed the room to leave it, one of the Mexican commissioners addressed him, and some conversation, which I did not hear, ensued. Gen. Worth asked permission of Gen. Taylor, and addressed some remarks to Gen. Ampudia, the spirit of which was that which he manifested throughout the negotiation, viz: generosity and leniency, and a desire to spare the further effusion of blood. The commission reassembled, and the points of capitulation were agreed upon. After a short recess we again repaired to the room in which we had parted from the Mexican commissioners; they were tardy in joining us, and slow in executing the instrument of capitulation. The 7th, 8th, and 9th articles were added during this session. At a late hour the English original was handed to Gen. Taylor for his examination; the Spanish original having been sent to General Ampudia. Gen. Taylor signed and delivered to me the instrument as it was submitted to him, and I returned to receive the Spanish copy with the signature of General Ampudia, and send that having Gen. Taylor's signature, that each general might countersign the original to be retained by the other. Gen. Ampudia did not sign the instrument as was expected, but came himself to meet the commissioners. He raised many points which had been settled, and evinced a disposition to make the Spanish differ in essential points from the English instrument. Gen. Worth was absent. Finally he was required to sign the instrument prepared for his own commissioners, and the English original was left with him that he might have it translated, (which he promised to do that night,) and be ready the next morning with a Spanish duplicate of the English instrument left with him. By this means the two instruments would be made to correspond, and he be compelled to admit his knowledge of the contents of the English original before he signed it.

The next morning the commission again met; again the attempt was made, as had been often done before by solicitation, to gain some grant in addition to the compact. Thus we had, at their request, adopted the word capitulation in lieu of surrender; they now wished to substitute stipulation for capitulation. It finally became necessary to make a peremptory demand for the immediate signing of the English instrument by General Ampudia, and the literal translation (now perfected) by the commissioners and their general. The Spanish instrument first signed by Gen. Ampudia was destroyed in the presence of his commissioners; the translation of our own instrument was countersigned by Gen. Taylor, and delivered. The agreement was complete, and it only remained to execute the terms.

Much has been said about the construction of article 2 of the capitulation, a copy of which is hereto appended. Whatever ambiguity there may be in the language used, there was a perfect understanding by the commissioners upon both sides, as to the intent of the parties. The distinction we made between light artillery equipped and manoeuvred as such, designed for and used in the field, and pieces being the armament of a fort, was clearly stated on our side; and that it was comprehended on their's, appeared in the fact, that repeatedly they asserted their possession of light artillery, and said they had one battery of light pieces. Such conformity of opinion existed among our commissioners upon every measure which was finally adopted, that I consider them, in their sphere, jointly and severally responsible for each and every article of the capitulation. If, as originally viewed by Gen. Worth, our conduct has been in accordance with the peaceful policy of our government, and shall in any degree tend to consummate that policy, we may congratulate ourselves upon the part we have taken. If otherwise, it will remain to me as a deliberate opinion, that the terms of the capitulation gave all which could have followed, of desirable result, from a further assault. It was in the power of the enemy to retreat, and to bear with him his small arms, and such a battery as was contemplated in the capitulation. The other grants were such as it was honorable in a conquering army to bestow, and which it cost magnanimity nothing to give.

The above recollections are submitted to Generals Henderson and Worth for correction and addition that the misrepresentation of this transaction may be presented by a statement made whilst the events are recent and the memory fresh.

JEFFERSON DAVIS,        

Colonel Mississippi Riflemen.

Camp near Monterey, October 7th, 1846.

The above is a correct statement of the leading facts connected with the transactions referred to, according to my recollection. It is, however, proper, that I should further state, that my first impression was, that no better terms than those first proposed, on the part of Gen. Taylor, ought to have been given, and I so said to General Taylor when I found him disposed to yield to the request of General Ampudia; and, at the same time, gave it as my opinion that they would be accepted by him before we left the town. General Taylor replied, that he would run no risk where it could be avoided—that he wished to avoid the further shedding of blood, and that he was satisfied that our government would be pleased with the terms given by the capitulation; and being myself persuaded of that fact, I yielded my individual views and wishes; and, under that conviction, I shall ever be ready to defend the terms of the capitulation.

J. PINCKNEY HENDERSON,        

Major General Commanding the Texan Volunteers.

I not only counselled and advised, the opportunity being offered the general-in-chief, the first proposition; but cordially assented and approved the decision taken by General Taylor in respect to the latter, as did every member of the commission, and for good and sufficient military and national reasons-and stand ready, at all times and proper places, to defend and sustain the action of the commanding general, and participation of the commissioners. Knowing that malignants, the tremor being off, are at work to discredit and misrepresent the case, (as I had anticipated,) I feel obliged to Col. Davis for having thrown together the material and facts.

W. J. WORTH,        

Brig. Gen. commanding 2d division.

Monterey, Oct. 12th, 1846.

Terms of the capitulation of the city of Monterey, the capital of Nueva Leon, agreed upon by the undersigned commissioners-to wit: General Worth, of the United States army; General Henderson, of the Texan volunteers; and Col. Davis, of the Mississippi riflemen, on the part of Major General Taylor, commanding-in-chief of the United States forces; and General Requena and General Ortego, of the army of Mexico, and Señor Manuel M. Llano, Governor of Nueva Leon, on the part of Señor General Don Pedro Ampudia, commanding-in-chief the army of the north of Mexico.

Article 1. As the legitimate result of the operations before this place, and the present position of the contending armies, it is agreed that the city, the fortifications, cannon, the munitions of war, and all other public property, with the under-mentioned exceptions, be surrendered to the commanding general of the United States forces now at Monterey.

Article 2. That the Mexican forces be allowed to retain the following arms-to wit: The commissioned officers, their side-arms; the infantry, their arms and accoutrements; the cavalry, their arms and accoutrements; the artillery, one field battery, not to exceed six pieces, with twenty-one rounds of ammunition.

Article 3. That the Mexican armed forces retire within seven days from this date beyond the line formed by the pass of the Rinconada, the city of Linares, and San Fernando de Pusos.

Article 4. That the citadel of Monterey be evacuated by the Mexican, and occupied by the American forces to-morrow morning, at 10 o'clock.

Article 5. To avoid collisions, and for mutual convenience, that the troops of the United States will not occupy the city until the Mexican forces have withdrawn, except for hospital and storage purposes.

Article 6. That the forces of the United States will not advance beyond the line specified in the 3d article, before the expiration of eight weeks, or until the orders of the respective governments can be received.

Article 7. That the public property to be delivered, shall be turned over and received by officers appointed by the commanding general of the two armies.

Article 8. That all doubts, as to the meaning of any of the preceding articles, shall be solved by an equitable construction, and on principles of liberality to the retiring army.

Article 9. That the Mexican flag, when struck at the citadel, may be saluted by its own battery.

W. J. WORTH,        

Brig. Gen. U. S. A.

J. PINCKNEY HENDERSON,        

Maj. Gen. commanding the Texan volunteers.

JEFFERSON DAVIS,        

Colonel Mississippi riflemen.

J. M. ORTEGA,

T. REQUENA,

MANUEL M. LLANO,

Approved:

PEDRO AMPUDIA,

 

Z. TAYLOR,        

Maj. Gen. U. S. A. commanding.

Done at Monterey, Sept. 24, 1846.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 65-71