Senator Henry Clay to George William Curtis, July 4, 1848

ASHLAND, July 4, 1848.

DEAR SIR,—I comply so far with the request contained in your note of the 23d ultimo, as to acknowledge its receipt, and to say that, submitting to the decision of the Philadelphia Convention, so far as I was personally affected by it, I can not give my countenance or encouragement to the use of my name in connection with the Presidency. Abstaining from the expression of any opinion in regard to the nomination which was actually made, I will only observe that Ohio, Indiana, and Massachusetts, and other Northern States, had it in their power to prevent it, if they had chosen to unite upon one whose attachment to the Whig cause was never doubted; but they did not think proper to do so. Ought they then to complain of what was done, upon the ground that General Taylor is not pledged to the support of Whig measures and principles?

I tender my thanks to you for the friendly sentiments toward me which you were kind enough to express, and I am, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 568-9

Senator Henry Clay to Susan Allibone, July 19, 1848

ASHLAND, July 19, 1848.

If I have not before written to you, my dear Miss Susan, I pray you to believe that my silence has not proceeded from any want of regard to you or from any insensibility to the kindness which you have displayed toward me, in your obliging letter of the 4th March last, and in presenting me with the valuable writings of Archbishop Leighton.

With perfect truth and candor I say that I have rarely ever made a visit to any individual in my life that afforded me higher satisfaction than that which I derived from seeing you. Your physical misfortunes, your resignation to the will of our Maker, your gentle and intelligent countenance, and your interesting conversation, all combined to give to the short interview I had with you a thrilling interest. I have oftentimes thought of it, and have frequently described the touching scene to my friends.

I have looked enough into the volume which you kindly sent me to be convinced that it merits your high commendation of it; and I intend to give the whole of it an attentive perusal.

I am very thankful, dear Miss Susan, for the friendly manner in which you allude to the domestic afflictions with which it has pleased Providence to visit me. I have had a large share of them. Since my return home another has been added to the former number in the death of a most promising grandson, at New Orleans, under circumstances which greatly aggravated our grief. I am happy, however, to tell you, on the other hand, that the sweet little granddaughter, whose case of spinal affection I mentioned to you, is much better, runs about with the free use of her limbs, and we hope will have her strength and health fully re-established. In behalf of her I thank you for the little book which you had the goodness to send her. She is yet too young to read it herself, but I trust that she will be spared to be able hereafter to peruse it. In the mean time her excellent mother will make her familiar with its contents.

Relieved as I am now from the cares, the troubles and the responsibilities of public life, I hope to profit by retirement in making those preparations for another and better world which are enjoined upon us by our highest and eternal interests. In these, your example of perfect submission and complete obedience will be constantly remembered by me, with great benefit and advantage. Instead of condoling with me, as some of my friends have, on account of my failure to obtain the nomination at the. late Philadelphia Convention, their congratulations on the event would have been more seasonable and appropriate.

I request you to present my respectful regards to your brothers and their families; and accept for yourself my prayers that He who has enabled you so calmly and cheerfully to bear up under the heavy privations which you suffer, may continue His watchful care over you to the end, and that we may both hereafter meet in the regions of eternal bliss.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 569-70

Major General Winfield Scott to Senator Henry Clay, July 19, 1848

ELIZABETHTOWN, N. J., July 19, 1848.

MY DEAR MR. CLAY,—I have been most unfortunate in respect to your very kind note to me of May 30, addressed to this place. It followed me to Frederick, Md., then to Washington, a second time to Frederick, thence to Leonardstown (our friend John Lee's post-office), and after lying there long after I had left his hospitable mansion, it has finally just overtaken me here, viâ Washington.

It is now sixty days since I landed on the Jersey shore, with a Mexican disease upon me, and although obliged to travel and to engage in the most vexatious and disgusting work, I have not had the strength to walk three hundred yards at once in the whole time. I am still very feeble, and go to-morrow to the sea shore to gain vigor to meet the same court (nearly) in my own case, at the beginning of the next month.

I left Mexico in the comfortable belief that the choice of a Whig candidate for the Presidency had been narrowed down to two names, yours and that of General Taylor, and that you would be the nominee. The day after I landed a distinguished public man from a wing of the Capitol, a friend of yours, passing by got out of the train to see me. I stated my impressions and wishes to him, and was astonished to hear him say that your friends in Congress, with four exceptions—Berrien and Botts, but no Kentuckians, were two of them—had given you up on some calculation of a want of availability! I promptly said, if I could be flattered into the belief that my name on the same ticket (below yours) would add the vote of a single State, I might be considered as at the service of the party, and authorized him to say so on his return to Washington, notwithstanding my reluctance to change my army commission, etc. In a day or two I went to Washington, visited Frederick and returned, but I was confined to a sick bed, and, although I saw many political men, I was not in a condition to converse or to exercise the slightest influence. I believe the impression was quite general that I was not likely to recover. At the end of a week, however, I got back, with difficulty, to Frederick, and there the nomination of General Taylor reached me.

If he shall frankly accept the nomination as a Whig, with a pledge to administer the Government on the principles of the party, I shall fervently pray for his success. If not, I shall at least be indifferent.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 570-1

Senator Henry Clay to James Harlan, August 5, 1848

ASHLAND, August 5, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received, at the Estell Springs (from which I returned yesterday), your favor transmitting a sketch of Mr. ———’s speech at Versailles, for which I thank you.

How derogatory is it for politicians to attempt to ridicule and degrade themselves in the presence of General Taylor! And how inconsistent is it to denounce party in the same breath in which the Whig party is called on to support the General as a Whig, that is, a party man! It is mortifying to behold that once great party descending from its lofty position of principle, known, avowed and proclaimed principle, and lending itself to the creation of a mere personal party, with a virtual abandonment of its old principles.

I have a letter from General Scott in which he states that he authorized, on his landing from Mexico, a distinguished gentleman from Washington, to say that he was willing to run as a candidate for the Vice Presidency on the ticket with me.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 571-2

Senator Henry Clay to Nicholas Dean, August 24, 1848

ASHLAND, August 24, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR,—I duly received, and perused with lively interest and gratitude, your friendly letter of the 27th ultimo.

The Whig party presents an anomalous condition. Without any candidate who recognizes his obligation to conform to their principles, the members of it are called upon as a party to support the no-party candidate; and I have been urgently and repeatedly appealed to, to indorse as a Whig General Taylor, who, while he adopts the name in a modified form, repudiates the principles of the party! I need not say, that I have done, and shall do, no such thing. Self-respect, consistency with deliberate opinions long ago formed, and my sense of public duty, will restrain me from taking any prominent or active part in the canvass. Whatever I may do, I will not expose myself to any reproaches from those if there be any such—who might be misled by my opinion. I have submitted quietly to the decision of the Convention, and beyond that I feel under no obligations.

I consider my public career as forever terminated, and I am most anxious to preserve untarnished that character, around which so many warm-hearted friends have done me the honor to rally. I should, I think, justly incur their censure if, after all that I have thought and said (confirmed as my convictions are by observation) against the elevation of mere military men to the Presidency, could I come out in the active support of the most exclusively military candidate ever presented to the American people; one, too, who has forced himself upon the Convention, or been forced upon it. One who declared that he would stand as an independent candidate against me, or any other Whig that might be nominated—a declaration made under his own hand, and which remains uncontradicted by any thing under his own hand, which the public has been permitted to see.

I do not mean to intimate what may be my final vote, given quietly at the polls, if I vote at all; that will depend upon a view of all existing circumstances at the time; but neither now nor then do I desire to influence any body else.

There is nothing in the contest to arouse my patriotism, or to animate my zeal. I regard the attempt to elect General Taylor as one to create a mere personal party. How such a party may work, I can not foresee; possibly better than that of either of his competitors; but this possibility is not sufficient to excite any warmth or enthusiasm with me. General Taylor has, I think, exhibited much instability and vascillation. He will inevitably fall into the hands of others, who will control his Administration. I know not who they will be, but judging from my experience of poor, weak human nature, they will be most likely those who will have favored and flattered the most.

Standing proud and erect in the consciousness of having faithfully fulfilled all my public duties, and supported and cheered by numberless intelligent and warm-hearted friends in all parts of the country, I acquiesce in the retirement in which I expect to pass the remnant of my life. Some of those friends may censure me for the inaction which I have prescribed to myself during the present canvass; but if they do, I appeal to their "sober second thoughts," or to the impartial tribunal of posterity. I am, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 572-3

Senator Henry Clay to Daniel Ullman, September 16, 1848

ASHLAND, September 16, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor of the 9th instant, informing me of the movement of some of my friends in New York to bring out my name as a candidate for the Presidency.

I feel under the greatest obligations and the warmest gratitude to them, for the sentiments of attachment, confidence, and friendship which they do me the honor to entertain. And to you, in particular, I owe an expression of my cordial thanks for your long, ardent, and ever faithful attachment to me.

But, my dear sir, after the decision of the Philadelphia Convention against my nomination, I have felt bound quietly to submit. I could not, therefore, accept a nomination, if it were tendered to me, nor do I wish any further use of my name in connection with the office of President.

I never would have consented to the submission of my name to that Convention, but under a conviction that I should have been elected if nominated. I firmly believe now that such would have been the result.

The Convention chose to nominate another, and I have ever since avoided giving the slightest countenance or encouragement to any further efforts on my behalf.

To bring me into the canvass now, would, I think, only have the effect of adding to existing embarrassments, and perhaps of throwing the election into the House of Representatives, at a time when parties are most exasperated against each other. Such an issue of the contest is to be deprecated.

I am glad to hear that you have finally established yourself in your profession in New York. I request you to accept my cordial wishes for your success, happiness, and prosperity.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 574-5

Senator Henry Clay to James Lynch and Others, September 20, 1848

ASHLAND, September 20, 1848.

GENTLEMEN, I have received your official letter as members of the (Whig) Democratic General Committee of the city and county of New York, and I take pleasure in answering it.

Never from the period of decision of the Philadelphia Convention against my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency, have I been willing, nor am I now, to have my name associated with that office. I would not accept a nomination if it were tendered to me, and it is my unaffected desire that no further use be made of my name in connection with that office. I have seen, therefore, with regret, movements in various quarters having for their object to present me as their candidate to the American people; these movements have been made without any approbation from me. In the present complicated state of the Presidential election they can not, in my opinion, be attended with any public good, and may lead to the increase of embarrassments, and to the exasperation of parties.

While I say this much without reserve, I must nevertheless add that I feel profound gratitude to such of my warm-hearted and faithful friends as continue to indulge the vain hope of placing me in the office of Chief Magistrate of the United States. And that I neither think it just or politic to stigmatize them as factionists or by any other opprobrious epithets. Among them I recognize names which have been long distinguished for ability, for devotion to the Whig cause, and for ardent patriotism.

You advert with entire truth to the zeal and fidelity with which the delegation from New York sought in the Philadelphia Convention to promote my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency. I am most thankful to them and shall ever recollect their exertions with profound gratitude.

And here, gentlemen, I would stop but for your request that I would communicate my views; this I shall do briefly and frankly, but with reluctance and regret.

Concurring entirely with you, that the peace, prosperity and happiness of the United States depend materially on the preservation of Whig principles, I should be most happy if I saw more clearly than I do that they are likely to prevail.

But I can not help thinking that the Philadelphia Convention humiliated itself, and as far as it could, placed the Whig party in a degraded condition. General Taylor refused to be its candidate. He professed indeed to be a Whig, but he so enveloped himself in the drapery of qualifications and conditions that it is extremely difficult to discover his real politics. He was and yet is willing to receive any and every nomination no matter from what quarter it might proceed. In his letter to the "Richmond Republican" of the 20th April last, he declared his purpose to remain a candidate, no matter what nomination might be made by the Whig Convention. I know what was said and done by the Louisiana delegation in the Convention, but there is a vail about that matter which I have not penetrated. The letter from him which it was stated one of that delegation possessed, has never been published, and a letter on the same subject addressed to the independent party of Maryland, has at his instance been withheld from the public. It was quite natural that after receiving the nomination he should approve the means by which he obtained it. What I should be glad to see is some revocation of the declaration in the "Richmond Republican" letter before the nomination was made.

On the great leading national measures which have so long divided parties, if he has any fixed opinions, they are not publicly known. Exclusively a military man, without the least experience in civil affairs, bred up and always living in the camp with his sword by his side, and his epaulets on his shoulders, it is proposed to transfer him from his actual position of second in command of the army, to the Chief Magistrate of this great model Republic.

If I can not come out in active support of such a candidate, I hope those who know any thing of my opinions, deliberately formed and repeatedly avowed, will excuse me; to those opinions I shall adhere with increased instead of diminished confidence. I shall think that my friends ought to be reconciled to the silence I have imposed on myself from deference to them as well as from strong objections which I entertain to the competitor of General Taylor. I wish to lead or mislead no one, but to leave all to the unbiased dictates of their own judgment.

I know and feel all that can be urged in the actual position of the present contest.

I entertain with you the strongest apprehension from the election of General Cass, but I do not see enough of hope and confidence in that of General Taylor to stimulate my exertions and animate my zeal. I deeply fear that his success may lead to the formation of a mere personal party. There is a chance indeed that he may give the country a better administration of the Executive Government than his competitor would, but it is not such a chance as can arouse my enthusiasm or induce me to assume the responsibility of recommending any course or offering any advice to others.

I have great pleasure in bearing my humble testimony in favor of Mr. Fillmore. I believe him to be able, indefatigable, industrious and patriotic. He served in the extra session of 1841 as Chairman of the committees of the two houses of Congress, and I had many opportunities of witnessing his rare merits.

I do not desire the publication of this letter, but if you deem it necessary, you may publish the four first and the last paragraphs.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 575-80

Colonel Jefferson Davis to Charles J. Searles, September 19, 1847

(From Washington Union, October 12, 1847.)

Brierfield, Sep. 19, 1847.

C. J. Searles, Esq.—My dear sir: Your highly valued letter of the 3d inst. came duly to hand, but found me quite sick, and I have not been able at an earlier date to reply to it. Accept my thanks for your kind solicitude for my welfare.

Your past conduct enabled me to anticipate this from you, and I am therefore doubly grateful.

The political information you communicate was entirely new to me, and it is only under the belief that the crisis renders important the views of every southern man, that I can account for any speculations having arisen about my opinions as to the next presidency. I have never anticipated a separation upon this question from the democracy of Mississippi; and if such intention or expectation has been attributed to me, it is not only unauthorized but erroneous.

It might become necessary to unite us southern men, and to dissolve the ties which have connected us to the northern democracy, the position recently assumed in a majority of the non-slaveholding States has led me to fear. Yet, I am not of those who decry a national convention, but believe that present circumstances with more than usual force indicate the propriety of such meeting. On the question of southern institutions and southern rights, it is true that extensive defections have occurred among northern democrats; but enough of good feeling is still exhibited to sustain the hope that as a party they will show themselves worthy of their ancient appellation, the natural allies of the south, and will meet us upon just constitutional ground. At least I consider it due to former associations that we should give them the fairest opportunity to do so, and furnish no cause for failure by seeming distrust or aversion.

I would say, then, let our delegates meet those from the north, not as a paramount object to nominate candidates for the presidency and vice presidency, but, before entering upon such selection, to demand of their political brethren of the north a disavowal of the principles of the Wilmot Proviso, an admission of the equal right of the south with the north to the territory held as the common property of the United States, and a declaration in favor of extending the Missouri compromise to all States to be hereafter admitted into our confederacy.

If these principles are recognised, we will happily avoid the worst of all political divisions—one made by geographical lines merely. The convention, representing every section of the Union, and elevated above local jealousy and factious strife, may proceed to select candidates, whose principles, patriotism, judgment, and decision indicate men fit for the time and the occasion. If, on the other hand, that spirit of hostility to the south, hat thirst for political dominion over us, which, within two years past, has displayed such increased power and systematic purpose, should prevail, it will only remain for our delegates to withdraw from the convention, and inform their fellow-citizens of the failure of their mission. We shall then have reached a point at which all party measures sink into insignificance under the necessity for self-preservation; and party divisions should be buried in union for defence.

But, until then, let us do all which becomes us to avoid sectional division, that united we may go on to the perfection of democratic measures, the practical exemplification of those great principles for which we have struggled, as promotive of the peace, the prosperity, and the perpetuity of our confederation.

Though the signs of the times are portentous of evil, and the cloud which now hangs on our northern horizon threatens a storm, it may yet blow over with only the tear-drops of contrition and regret. In this connexion it is consolatory to remember, that whenever the tempest has convulsively tossed our republic and threatened it with wreck, brotherly love has always poured oil on the waters, and the waves have subsided to rest. Thus may it be now and forever. If we should be disappointed in such hopes, I forbear from any remark upon the contingency which will be presented. Enough for the day will be the evil thereof, and enough for the evil will be the union and energy and power of the south.

I hope it will soon be in my power to visit you and other friends at Vicksburg, from whom I have been so long separated. I am, as ever, truly your friend,

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 94-6

General Zachary Taylor to Senator Henry Clay, November 17, 1848

BATON ROUGE, La., November 17, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR,—On my return here a day or two since, after a short absence, I found your highly esteemed letter of the 23d ultimo, for which accept my most cordial thanks. The one referred to, written by you in May last, reached me by due course of mail, and I owe you an apology for not replying to it, which I deferred doing from day to day, under the expectation that certain events would occur which I wished to refer to in my reply, but which were so long in taking place as to induce me to give up doing so altogether. Said letter was entirely satisfactory, as regarded the matter alluded to (and to put an end to the misrepresentations growing out of the same, going the rounds through various newspapers, I at once caused a short article to that effect to be published in "The Picayune" of New Orleans, which may have met your eye), and relieved me from great anxiety, as I believed the course then pursuing by certain individuals touching our correspondence, was calculated, if not intended, to bring about a state of distrust, if not unkind feelings, between you and myself, as well as some of our friends; which, had they succeeded in doing, would, so far as I am concerned, been a source of much pain and mortification to me.

There certainly could be no objection or impropriety in your permitting your friends to read any of the letters I wrote you, who ought not to have made any use of them, for any purpose, without your authority, as there was an implied confidence at least, which ought not to have been violated. It is true, I allowed a few and very confidential friends to read yours to me, nor am I aware that any use was made of them, directly or indirectly, for any purpose whatever; nor was any copy taken of any one of them, and furnished to a member of Congress, or any one else, although I have no doubt you have been informed I had done so.

The hostile course pursued by the Hon. Mr. Botts toward me, since I was brought prominently before the country, as a candidate for the highest office known to our laws, has been doubtless the cause of some mortification on the part of a portion of his friends, you perhaps among the number, as I feel confident that you did not approve it. Had Mr. B., or any one else, opposed my election to the Presidency on the ground of want of qualifications to discharge the important duties connected with said office, in a becoming manner and proper spirit, it would have been all right and proper, and would not have given me one moment's concern; nor does it, at any rate; but the moment misrepresentation and scurrility were resorted to, whether it effected the object of defeating me or not, it must ultimately degrade those whoever may be concerned in it.

I trust I have many devoted personal friends, who, from various causes, were opposed to my reaching the office in question, and took every honorable and proper means in their power, and no other, to prevent my success, and I certainly would never think of censuring them, much less to permit it on my part to interrupt our friendly relations, because they have done what they thought right in opposing my election to an office which they thought another was better qualified to fill.

I beg leave to return you many thanks for your kind invitation to visit Ashland, should I go to Kentucky before you leave for the South; which it would have afforded me much pleasure to have done, and passed a few days under your hospitable roof; but I must forego this pleasure, as it will be out of my power to leave Louisiana or Mississippi for several months, at any rate during the present year; but should you carry out your intentions of visiting the South, as contemplated, and should pass the month of January in New Orleans, I will try and take you by the hand at that time, or during the same month.

Wishing you many years of health, happiness, and prosperity, I remain, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 580-1

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, February 4, 1848

Washington 4th Feb: 1848

MY DEAR SIR, . . . My speech¹ has had a very wide circulation and the impression is, that it has made a deeper impression than any I ever delivered. It brought to the surface the strong feeling, which had been working below in favour of the conquest and holding as a Province, or annexing all Mexico; and which I can hardly doubt, if not intended, was looked to by the administration, as not an undesirable result. It has done more. It has turned the tide and brought the Union to a disavowal; but, I fear, that things have gone so far, that it will be found difficult to avoid a result so disastrous, as it would prove, should it occur. It seems, at least, pretty certain, if I had not promptly made the movement, and taken the stand I did, such would have been the result of the War. Strange as it may seem, neither side had the least conception, that there was any danger of it, when I introduced my resolutions. Both were disposed to regard this, as a mere abstraction and an unnecessary precaution, but now all take a different view.

The effect has been, to give a new direction to the debate on the supplies of both men and money; and one, on the part of the opposition, far more effecient. It is making on their side far deeper impression on the country, so much so, that nothing short of a treaty, or adopting the plan I suggested, can save the administration, if even that now can. The indication at present is, a disposition on their part to adopt the policy of a defensive line. If nothing else, the financial difficulties will compel them to treat, or fall back.

The Presidential question is of course a leading topick. Clay's friends have made great efforts to bring him forward, but, it is said, in quarters which ought to know, without success. My impression still remains, that Taylor will be the Whig, or rather the popular candidate, against what may be called the Administration Candidate. Who that will be is doubtful. At present the prospect of Cass would seem to be the most promising.

_______________

¹ See the preceding letter, and Works, IV, 396–424.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 742-3

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, February 20, 1848

Washington 20th Feb: 1848

MY DEAR DAUGHTER, . . . As to politicks, things are very much as they were, when I last wrote Mr Clemson. We have constant rumours of peace, but I can see no certain prospect of getting it. The policy I recommended in my speech is gaining friends; and I am of the impression, if peace is not made in a reasonable time, there will be a majority for it in both Houses and the Union.

The Presidential election is the constant topick of agitation and conversation; but is involved in perfect uncertainty. The whigs are divided between Clay and Taylor; the latter I think will prove the stronger. The democrats are still more divided, as to the individual to be selected. But these are not the only devisions. There are others in reference to measures, which pervade both, and the two combined leave everything uncertain.

I keep aloof, standing independently on my own ground, seeking nothing either from the Government or the people. I would not change my position for that of any other. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 743-4

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, March 7, 1848

Washington 7th March 1848

MY DEAR SIR, The last Steamer brought a letter from Anna to me, the only one received by it. I am happy to learn by it, that she had entirely recovered from the attack of the Influenza, and that you and the children had escaped and were in such excellent health.

Since I wrote you last, the only occurrence, in the political world on this side, of marked importance, is the treaty with Mexico. It is now under deliberation in the Senate, and has been for the last nine days. No decisive vote has yet been taken; but I do not doubt, that the Senate will give its advise and consent to its ratification. The final vote will probably be taken tomorrow, or next day at fartherest.

Its fate will, however, be still uncertain. Some important amendments have been made, to which the Mexican Government may object, although I do not think it probable. The greatest danger is, that the Government may not hold together until the treaty is exchanged. Nothing but the countenance of our Government, and the support of capitalists interested in preserving it, can continue it in existence. It is, indeed, but the shadow of a Government.

As to the terms of the treaty, they are not such as to confer any eclat on the war, or the administration. I cannot of course speak of them in detail, but may say, the end of all our expenditure of blood and money is, to pay the full value in money for the country ceded to us, and which might have been had without a war, or for the 10th part of its cost by taking a defensive line from the first, as I advised. The desire for peace, and not the approbation of its terms, induces the Senate to yield its consent.

The presidential election is in as great uncertainty as ever. The whigs are violently devided between Clay and Taylor, and the democrats know not who to rally on. It is, indeed, a mere struggle for the spoils, and the selection of both parties will in the end be governed solely by the availability of the candidate, and not his qualifications.

I enclose two letters for Anna, which will give all the home news.

The winter has been delightful, and highly favourable for agricultural operations.

My health is good.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 745-6

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, March 22, 1848

Washington 22d March 1848

MY DEAR SIR, The Cambria brought us the intelligence of the Revolution in Paris, the overthrow of the late dynasty and the establishment of a Republick. Your letter, tho' dated as late as the 24th Feb., makes no allusion to it; from which I infer the intercourse by the railroad had been interupted. It is, indeed, a great event, I would say a terrifick one for Europe. No one will say where it will stop. France is not prepared to become a Republick. I hope the Governments of Europe will look on without interference, and let the process take its natural course. It seems to me, looking on from this distance, that interference would but increase the flame and spread it more widely. But it is too early yet to speculate. We wait impatiently for the next arrival. As to ourselves, I feel pretty confident, we shall have peace with Mexico, or if we fail in that, we shall take a defensive position, which would in effect terminate the war. That closed, we shall have no exciting question, but that connected with the Wilmot proviso, and the Presidential election. The fate of both is still in a state of great uncertainty. It is impossible to say, with any certainty even now, who will be the candidate of either party.

All were well when I last heard from home. My health is as good as usual, and I have been less subject to colds than what I was last winter and the one before.

Love to Anna and the children.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 746-7

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, April 1, 1848

Washington 1st April 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I am very happy to learn by your's and Anna's letters by the Caledonia, that you were all well, and that Belgium was so quiet, and disposed to pursue, what appears to me at this distance, so wise a course; to maintain her institutions and nationality and to prepare to defend them. I hope there will be the same good sense on the part of other European powers. Thus far the revolution in France exhibits to the inexperienced eye a fair prospect; but I see much to excite in me deep distrust as to the result. Indeed, I have no hope, that she will ever be able to establish any government deserving to be called a republick. She has on this side of the Atlantick much sympathy but little confidence among the thinking. The subject of tendering our congratulations was brought up in the Senate yesterday, on resolutions offered by Mr Allen. A short running debate took place in which I took part. I send the sheet containing it, which will give the views presented by myself and others.¹ There is a decided majority in the Senate against hasty action, or expression of opinion. The Senate will wait the action of the National Convention. I enclose also my remarks on the 10 Regiment Bill.² They are badly reported and printed, but will give a correct conception of the grounds on which I placed my objections to the bill.

I also enclose a letter from her Mother to Anna, and two letters received under cover for you.

Since I wrote you by the last Steamer we have had no political occurrence worthy of note. The prospects of a peace with Mexico still continues good, and the uncertainty, in reference to the Presidential election is still as great as ever.

My love to Anna and the children.

_______________

¹ Works, IV, 450-453.

² Ibid.,425-449.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 747-8

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, April 16, 1848

Washington 16th April 1848

MY DEAR ANDREW, Everything here is in a state of uncertainty, in reference to the Presidential election. The parties are more distracted than ever. Clay's address¹ has done him great injury with his party. It has in particular deeply offended the Southern portion.

In the mean time, the address of the Barnburners, just come out, has weakened and distracted the Democratick party. They take strong ground against us on the Wilmot proviso, and proclaim that they must be received by the Baltimore Convention to the exclusion of the Hunker delegates from the State. That I take it will be impossible, and a permanent split, with the loss of the State will be the result. I trust, out of all this confusion, a sufficient number of both parties will be found to be independent enough to make a rally to save ourselves and our institutions. As bad, as you suppose things to be here, it is not worse than the reality.

We are waiting with impatience for farther information from Europe. I have little hope from France, but a good deal of reliance on Germany. She has the materials for a good Govt, if they should be skillfully used. But we shall soon see.

My love to Margeret and the children.

_______________

¹ Clay's speech at Lexington on the Mexican War, November 13, 1817, is probably referred to.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 751-2

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 13, 1848

Washington 13th May 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I have been disappointed in not having received, either from you or Anna, any letter by the last two Steamers. It is at all times a source of pleasure to hear from you; but it is especially so at the present, when Europe is the scene of such extraordinary events. I know not how they may appear to you, who are in the midest of them; but to me, who look on at so great a distance, they appear to be without a parallel in the history of the world. They are, indeed, so much out of the ordinary course of events, that it is difficult to form an opinion, as to the results they will lead. My apprehension is, that the old system of things have been overthrown, before Europe had become prepared to establish a new and better; and that a long period of confusion and disorder, if not anarchy, may intervene before order can be restored, especially in France, where the impulse was first given. With this apprehension, I regard it of vast importance, that Great Britain should resist the shock, that has overturned so many Governments; and, of course was gratified to learn that she had passed successfully the crisis caused by the movements of the Chartists. If they had ended in a revolution, it would have greatly increased the force and prolonged the period of the convulsion, through which Europe is now passing. But as it is, it will contribute, I hope, not only to shorten it, but to guard thereby against one of the greatest dangers to which she is at present exposed. I refer to that which may be apprehended from Russia, in case Europe should be thrown into a state of distraction and disorder for any considerable period. In that event, her power might prove irresistible and her sway be extended over the greater part of the Continent.

As to ourselves, We are going on much as we did for the last four years. Everything still remains in a state of uncertainty; the Mexican question, the Presidential election and all. It is just as uncertain, whether we shall have peace with Mexico, or not, and who will be nominated by the two conventions (although one meets in 9 days, and the other shortly after) and which of the two, who may be nominated, will be elected, as it was three months ago. In the meane time, another question has been started, which may involve us in as great difficulties, as the Mexican; I refer to the Yucatan. It is now under discussion. I expect to speak day after tomorrow, if I can get the floor, and shall discuss it fully.¹

I had a letter from home a few days since. All were well and the crop looking remarkable well. It has been remarkable cool for the season of the year for the last few days, but I hope not so much so, as to hurt the fruit, or crop materially. My love to Anna and the children. I fear the state of things in Europe may prevent your intended visit, which I would greatly regret on yours and our own account. We anticipated much pleasure in seeing you all, and still hope we shall not be disappointed.

_______________

¹ Calhoun spoke on the Yucatan question on May 15. Works, IV, 454–478.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 754-5

Senator John C. Calhoun to James Edward Calhoun, May 22, 1848

Washington 22d May 1848

MY DEAR JAMES, I am happy to have your approval of my remarks in reference to the French Revolution. I see they have attracted much attention in England, and drawn forth high compliments. I regard the failure of the Chartists in England as you do. It was the turning point of affairs in Europe. Had they succeeded, it would been long—very long, before order and authority would be restored in Europe; but as it is, the revolutionary movements have gone, probably as far as it is destined to go, at least for the present. . .

As to politicks, every thing still remains in a state of uncertainty. Although the Baltimore Convention is now in Session, no one pretends to form an opinion, as to who will be the nominee. Report from Baltimore just received, says that Cass and Buchanan will unite their forces, each being agreed to rally on the other, if the strongest. If such should be the case, the former will probably be nominated; but I put little faith in the union. I have no confidence in either.

It is now more doubtful than it has been, whether the Government of Mexico will ratify the treaty. The prospect would seem to be against it. Should it not be ratified, there will be a great effort made to take the Whole, but, I trust I shall be able to defeat it, by taking my stand on a defensive line that of the treaty.

The Yucatan question is dropt for the present. Whether it will be revived will depend on circumstances. My speech against it appeared in the Inteligencer this morning. I will send you a copy, as soon as I can get some extra copies of the paper. It is thought it made a strong impression, and contributed principally to the dropping of the question for the present.

It was one of the wildest and most absurd measures ever proposed by the Executive. Congress will not adjourn probably before August.

My health continues good. I am sorry to learn by your sister's letter to me that yours was delicate when you were at Fort Hill. I hope it is better.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 755-6

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 26, 1848

Washington 26th May 1848

MY DEAR SIR, Since my last I have received your's of the 26th April, with letters from Anna for her Mother and Cornelia.

I see by our last arrival, that France and Germany are begining the work of reconstruction. That is the task; not but that they may form new Governments for that is not difficult; but can they form such, as will stand and put an end to revolution? Germany, if wise, may; for she has the materials, but, I fear, that in France it will, at least for the present, prove impossible. She has it is evidently made great progress, since her first revolution, in political knowledge, which has thus far guarded her against those scenes of violence and blood shed which marked the first, but there are great difficulties before her. She is entering on an untrodden path; to reconstruct Society, as well as Government; with materials not well suited to either purpose. I shall watch the attempt with profound interest, but with little expectation of its success. I hope she will be permitted to have a fair opportunity, so that if she fails, it will be attributed to the intrinsic difficulty of the task, and not to interference and difficulties from without. If, under such circumstances, she should fail, I see no alternative for her, but an imperial Government.

Since I last wrote you, the prospect of the ratification of the treaty by Mexico is more doubtful. The impression now is, that it will not be. In the meane time, we are threatened with a very troublesome question about Yucatan. I enclose herewith my remarks on the subject. It is not satisfactorily reported, although it passed under my revision.' I simply corrected the report of the Stenographer, without writing out my speech. It will, however, give you a pretty correct and full view of my argument.

The Baltimore convention is now in session, but has not yet made a nomination. I will keep my letter open until I hear the result. Among its proceedings, it has admitted a man of the name of Commander, to cast the 9 votes of S. Carolina, although his authority to act was derived solely from a small meeting in Georgetown of 54 persons, of whom the greater part were Yankee merchants and Jews doing business there, without having permanent residence. What a farce! And yet, as far as the party is concerned, the nomination of the body is the election of the President. . .

28th May

The Baltimore convention nominated Gen' Cass for the Presidency and Gen' Butler of Kentucky for the V Presidency, after much distraction and difficulty. I do not think the ticket will succeed. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 756-7

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, June 23, 1848

Washington 23d June 1848

MY DEAR DAUGHTER, If a long interval lies between the date of this and your last, you must attribute it to the fact, that my heavy correspondence, publick and private, and official duties, compel me to lengthen the period between my answers and the letters to which they reply, to a much greater extent than I desire in writing to you and the rest of the family. I correspond with all of them which of itself occupies a good deal of my time.

The opinions you express in reference to the state of things in Europe are very sensible and just. There is no prospect of a successful termination of the efforts of France to establish a free popular Government; nor was there any from the begining. She has no elements out of which such a government could be formed; and if she had, still she must fail from her total misconception of the principles, on which such a government, to succeed, must be constructed. Indeed, her conception of liberty is false throughout. Her standard of liberty is ideal; belongs to that kind of liberty which man has been supposed to possess, in what has been falsely called a state of nature, a state supposed to have preceded the social and political, and in which, of course, if it ever existed, he must have live[d] a part, as an isolated individual, without Society, or Government. In such a state, if it were possible for him to exist in it, he would have, indeed, had two of the elements of the French political creed; liberty and equality, but no fraternity. That can only exist in the social and political; and the attempt to unite the other two, as they would exist, in the supposed state of nature, in man, as he must exist in the former, must and ever will fail. The union is impossible, and the attempt to unite them absurd; and must lead, if persisted in, to distraction, anarchy and finally absolute power, in the hand of one man.

It is this false conception that is upheaving Europe, and which, if not corrected, will upset all her efforts to reform her social and political condition. It is at the same time threatening our institutions. Abolitionism originates in it, which every day becomes more formidable, and if not speedily arrested, must terminate in the dissolution of our Union, or in universal confusion, and overthrow of our system of Government. But enough of these general speculations.

We are in the midest of the presidential canvass. It will be one of great confusion. Neither party is satisfied, or united on its nominee; and there will probably be a third candidate, nominated by what are called the Barnburners, or Van Burenites. The prospect, I think, is, that Taylor will succeed, tho' it is not certain. The enclosed will give you all the home news.

It is still uncertain, when Congress will adjourn; but, I think it probable it will about the 1st August.

My health continues good. I am happy to hear you are all well, and that the children [are] growing and doing so well. Kiss them for their Grandfather, and tell them how happy he is to learn, that they are such good children. Give my love to Mr. Clemson.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 757-9

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas Clemson, July 23, 1848

Washington 23d July 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I received in the regular course of the Steamer yours of the 27th of June, and Anna's to her mother of the same date. I would have answered your's [sic] immediately, but was prevented by the pressure of my official engagements, as a member of the Committee, raised to settle the question of Slavery, as it relates to our recently acquired territory. After a laborious effort of more than a week, the Committee, consisting of 8 members, 4 from each party, and 2 from each division of the party, North and South, selected by their respective Sections, agreed on a bill, with scarcely a division, which is now under discussion in the Senate, with a fair prospect of passing by a large majority; and which I hope will permanently settle this vexed and dangerous question. The settlement is based on the principle of non interference, as laid down in my speech on the Oregon territorial bill, of which I send you a copy accompanying this. It was found, after trying every other, that it was the only one, on which there was the least chance of adjusting it. It is regarded here, as a great triumph on my part. A trial vote in the Senate yesterday, stood 37 in favour of the bill against 17 opposed. The opposition is mainly composed of the Supporters of Mr Van Beuren.

As to the Presidential election, it is very doubtful, and will probably remain so, to the last. There is no enthusiasm about it. There are great objections to both candidates.

The progress of events in Europe is very much such as I anticipated. There are too much error and misconception of a deep and dangerous character at the bottom of the movement to hope for much good. I have briefly touched one of the leading in the speech, that goes with this, at its close. There are others not less dangerous. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 759-60