General Zachary Taylor to Senator Henry Clay, November 17, 1848

BATON ROUGE, La., November 17, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR,—On my return here a day or two since, after a short absence, I found your highly esteemed letter of the 23d ultimo, for which accept my most cordial thanks. The one referred to, written by you in May last, reached me by due course of mail, and I owe you an apology for not replying to it, which I deferred doing from day to day, under the expectation that certain events would occur which I wished to refer to in my reply, but which were so long in taking place as to induce me to give up doing so altogether. Said letter was entirely satisfactory, as regarded the matter alluded to (and to put an end to the misrepresentations growing out of the same, going the rounds through various newspapers, I at once caused a short article to that effect to be published in "The Picayune" of New Orleans, which may have met your eye), and relieved me from great anxiety, as I believed the course then pursuing by certain individuals touching our correspondence, was calculated, if not intended, to bring about a state of distrust, if not unkind feelings, between you and myself, as well as some of our friends; which, had they succeeded in doing, would, so far as I am concerned, been a source of much pain and mortification to me.

There certainly could be no objection or impropriety in your permitting your friends to read any of the letters I wrote you, who ought not to have made any use of them, for any purpose, without your authority, as there was an implied confidence at least, which ought not to have been violated. It is true, I allowed a few and very confidential friends to read yours to me, nor am I aware that any use was made of them, directly or indirectly, for any purpose whatever; nor was any copy taken of any one of them, and furnished to a member of Congress, or any one else, although I have no doubt you have been informed I had done so.

The hostile course pursued by the Hon. Mr. Botts toward me, since I was brought prominently before the country, as a candidate for the highest office known to our laws, has been doubtless the cause of some mortification on the part of a portion of his friends, you perhaps among the number, as I feel confident that you did not approve it. Had Mr. B., or any one else, opposed my election to the Presidency on the ground of want of qualifications to discharge the important duties connected with said office, in a becoming manner and proper spirit, it would have been all right and proper, and would not have given me one moment's concern; nor does it, at any rate; but the moment misrepresentation and scurrility were resorted to, whether it effected the object of defeating me or not, it must ultimately degrade those whoever may be concerned in it.

I trust I have many devoted personal friends, who, from various causes, were opposed to my reaching the office in question, and took every honorable and proper means in their power, and no other, to prevent my success, and I certainly would never think of censuring them, much less to permit it on my part to interrupt our friendly relations, because they have done what they thought right in opposing my election to an office which they thought another was better qualified to fill.

I beg leave to return you many thanks for your kind invitation to visit Ashland, should I go to Kentucky before you leave for the South; which it would have afforded me much pleasure to have done, and passed a few days under your hospitable roof; but I must forego this pleasure, as it will be out of my power to leave Louisiana or Mississippi for several months, at any rate during the present year; but should you carry out your intentions of visiting the South, as contemplated, and should pass the month of January in New Orleans, I will try and take you by the hand at that time, or during the same month.

Wishing you many years of health, happiness, and prosperity, I remain, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 580-1

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, February 4, 1848

Washington 4th Feb: 1848

MY DEAR SIR, . . . My speech¹ has had a very wide circulation and the impression is, that it has made a deeper impression than any I ever delivered. It brought to the surface the strong feeling, which had been working below in favour of the conquest and holding as a Province, or annexing all Mexico; and which I can hardly doubt, if not intended, was looked to by the administration, as not an undesirable result. It has done more. It has turned the tide and brought the Union to a disavowal; but, I fear, that things have gone so far, that it will be found difficult to avoid a result so disastrous, as it would prove, should it occur. It seems, at least, pretty certain, if I had not promptly made the movement, and taken the stand I did, such would have been the result of the War. Strange as it may seem, neither side had the least conception, that there was any danger of it, when I introduced my resolutions. Both were disposed to regard this, as a mere abstraction and an unnecessary precaution, but now all take a different view.

The effect has been, to give a new direction to the debate on the supplies of both men and money; and one, on the part of the opposition, far more effecient. It is making on their side far deeper impression on the country, so much so, that nothing short of a treaty, or adopting the plan I suggested, can save the administration, if even that now can. The indication at present is, a disposition on their part to adopt the policy of a defensive line. If nothing else, the financial difficulties will compel them to treat, or fall back.

The Presidential question is of course a leading topick. Clay's friends have made great efforts to bring him forward, but, it is said, in quarters which ought to know, without success. My impression still remains, that Taylor will be the Whig, or rather the popular candidate, against what may be called the Administration Candidate. Who that will be is doubtful. At present the prospect of Cass would seem to be the most promising.

_______________

¹ See the preceding letter, and Works, IV, 396–424.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 742-3

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, February 20, 1848

Washington 20th Feb: 1848

MY DEAR DAUGHTER, . . . As to politicks, things are very much as they were, when I last wrote Mr Clemson. We have constant rumours of peace, but I can see no certain prospect of getting it. The policy I recommended in my speech is gaining friends; and I am of the impression, if peace is not made in a reasonable time, there will be a majority for it in both Houses and the Union.

The Presidential election is the constant topick of agitation and conversation; but is involved in perfect uncertainty. The whigs are divided between Clay and Taylor; the latter I think will prove the stronger. The democrats are still more divided, as to the individual to be selected. But these are not the only devisions. There are others in reference to measures, which pervade both, and the two combined leave everything uncertain.

I keep aloof, standing independently on my own ground, seeking nothing either from the Government or the people. I would not change my position for that of any other. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 743-4

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, March 7, 1848

Washington 7th March 1848

MY DEAR SIR, The last Steamer brought a letter from Anna to me, the only one received by it. I am happy to learn by it, that she had entirely recovered from the attack of the Influenza, and that you and the children had escaped and were in such excellent health.

Since I wrote you last, the only occurrence, in the political world on this side, of marked importance, is the treaty with Mexico. It is now under deliberation in the Senate, and has been for the last nine days. No decisive vote has yet been taken; but I do not doubt, that the Senate will give its advise and consent to its ratification. The final vote will probably be taken tomorrow, or next day at fartherest.

Its fate will, however, be still uncertain. Some important amendments have been made, to which the Mexican Government may object, although I do not think it probable. The greatest danger is, that the Government may not hold together until the treaty is exchanged. Nothing but the countenance of our Government, and the support of capitalists interested in preserving it, can continue it in existence. It is, indeed, but the shadow of a Government.

As to the terms of the treaty, they are not such as to confer any eclat on the war, or the administration. I cannot of course speak of them in detail, but may say, the end of all our expenditure of blood and money is, to pay the full value in money for the country ceded to us, and which might have been had without a war, or for the 10th part of its cost by taking a defensive line from the first, as I advised. The desire for peace, and not the approbation of its terms, induces the Senate to yield its consent.

The presidential election is in as great uncertainty as ever. The whigs are violently devided between Clay and Taylor, and the democrats know not who to rally on. It is, indeed, a mere struggle for the spoils, and the selection of both parties will in the end be governed solely by the availability of the candidate, and not his qualifications.

I enclose two letters for Anna, which will give all the home news.

The winter has been delightful, and highly favourable for agricultural operations.

My health is good.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 745-6

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, March 22, 1848

Washington 22d March 1848

MY DEAR SIR, The Cambria brought us the intelligence of the Revolution in Paris, the overthrow of the late dynasty and the establishment of a Republick. Your letter, tho' dated as late as the 24th Feb., makes no allusion to it; from which I infer the intercourse by the railroad had been interupted. It is, indeed, a great event, I would say a terrifick one for Europe. No one will say where it will stop. France is not prepared to become a Republick. I hope the Governments of Europe will look on without interference, and let the process take its natural course. It seems to me, looking on from this distance, that interference would but increase the flame and spread it more widely. But it is too early yet to speculate. We wait impatiently for the next arrival. As to ourselves, I feel pretty confident, we shall have peace with Mexico, or if we fail in that, we shall take a defensive position, which would in effect terminate the war. That closed, we shall have no exciting question, but that connected with the Wilmot proviso, and the Presidential election. The fate of both is still in a state of great uncertainty. It is impossible to say, with any certainty even now, who will be the candidate of either party.

All were well when I last heard from home. My health is as good as usual, and I have been less subject to colds than what I was last winter and the one before.

Love to Anna and the children.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 746-7

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, April 1, 1848

Washington 1st April 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I am very happy to learn by your's and Anna's letters by the Caledonia, that you were all well, and that Belgium was so quiet, and disposed to pursue, what appears to me at this distance, so wise a course; to maintain her institutions and nationality and to prepare to defend them. I hope there will be the same good sense on the part of other European powers. Thus far the revolution in France exhibits to the inexperienced eye a fair prospect; but I see much to excite in me deep distrust as to the result. Indeed, I have no hope, that she will ever be able to establish any government deserving to be called a republick. She has on this side of the Atlantick much sympathy but little confidence among the thinking. The subject of tendering our congratulations was brought up in the Senate yesterday, on resolutions offered by Mr Allen. A short running debate took place in which I took part. I send the sheet containing it, which will give the views presented by myself and others.¹ There is a decided majority in the Senate against hasty action, or expression of opinion. The Senate will wait the action of the National Convention. I enclose also my remarks on the 10 Regiment Bill.² They are badly reported and printed, but will give a correct conception of the grounds on which I placed my objections to the bill.

I also enclose a letter from her Mother to Anna, and two letters received under cover for you.

Since I wrote you by the last Steamer we have had no political occurrence worthy of note. The prospects of a peace with Mexico still continues good, and the uncertainty, in reference to the Presidential election is still as great as ever.

My love to Anna and the children.

_______________

¹ Works, IV, 450-453.

² Ibid.,425-449.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 747-8

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, April 16, 1848

Washington 16th April 1848

MY DEAR ANDREW, Everything here is in a state of uncertainty, in reference to the Presidential election. The parties are more distracted than ever. Clay's address¹ has done him great injury with his party. It has in particular deeply offended the Southern portion.

In the mean time, the address of the Barnburners, just come out, has weakened and distracted the Democratick party. They take strong ground against us on the Wilmot proviso, and proclaim that they must be received by the Baltimore Convention to the exclusion of the Hunker delegates from the State. That I take it will be impossible, and a permanent split, with the loss of the State will be the result. I trust, out of all this confusion, a sufficient number of both parties will be found to be independent enough to make a rally to save ourselves and our institutions. As bad, as you suppose things to be here, it is not worse than the reality.

We are waiting with impatience for farther information from Europe. I have little hope from France, but a good deal of reliance on Germany. She has the materials for a good Govt, if they should be skillfully used. But we shall soon see.

My love to Margeret and the children.

_______________

¹ Clay's speech at Lexington on the Mexican War, November 13, 1817, is probably referred to.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 751-2

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 13, 1848

Washington 13th May 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I have been disappointed in not having received, either from you or Anna, any letter by the last two Steamers. It is at all times a source of pleasure to hear from you; but it is especially so at the present, when Europe is the scene of such extraordinary events. I know not how they may appear to you, who are in the midest of them; but to me, who look on at so great a distance, they appear to be without a parallel in the history of the world. They are, indeed, so much out of the ordinary course of events, that it is difficult to form an opinion, as to the results they will lead. My apprehension is, that the old system of things have been overthrown, before Europe had become prepared to establish a new and better; and that a long period of confusion and disorder, if not anarchy, may intervene before order can be restored, especially in France, where the impulse was first given. With this apprehension, I regard it of vast importance, that Great Britain should resist the shock, that has overturned so many Governments; and, of course was gratified to learn that she had passed successfully the crisis caused by the movements of the Chartists. If they had ended in a revolution, it would have greatly increased the force and prolonged the period of the convulsion, through which Europe is now passing. But as it is, it will contribute, I hope, not only to shorten it, but to guard thereby against one of the greatest dangers to which she is at present exposed. I refer to that which may be apprehended from Russia, in case Europe should be thrown into a state of distraction and disorder for any considerable period. In that event, her power might prove irresistible and her sway be extended over the greater part of the Continent.

As to ourselves, We are going on much as we did for the last four years. Everything still remains in a state of uncertainty; the Mexican question, the Presidential election and all. It is just as uncertain, whether we shall have peace with Mexico, or not, and who will be nominated by the two conventions (although one meets in 9 days, and the other shortly after) and which of the two, who may be nominated, will be elected, as it was three months ago. In the meane time, another question has been started, which may involve us in as great difficulties, as the Mexican; I refer to the Yucatan. It is now under discussion. I expect to speak day after tomorrow, if I can get the floor, and shall discuss it fully.¹

I had a letter from home a few days since. All were well and the crop looking remarkable well. It has been remarkable cool for the season of the year for the last few days, but I hope not so much so, as to hurt the fruit, or crop materially. My love to Anna and the children. I fear the state of things in Europe may prevent your intended visit, which I would greatly regret on yours and our own account. We anticipated much pleasure in seeing you all, and still hope we shall not be disappointed.

_______________

¹ Calhoun spoke on the Yucatan question on May 15. Works, IV, 454–478.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 754-5

Senator John C. Calhoun to James Edward Calhoun, May 22, 1848

Washington 22d May 1848

MY DEAR JAMES, I am happy to have your approval of my remarks in reference to the French Revolution. I see they have attracted much attention in England, and drawn forth high compliments. I regard the failure of the Chartists in England as you do. It was the turning point of affairs in Europe. Had they succeeded, it would been long—very long, before order and authority would be restored in Europe; but as it is, the revolutionary movements have gone, probably as far as it is destined to go, at least for the present. . .

As to politicks, every thing still remains in a state of uncertainty. Although the Baltimore Convention is now in Session, no one pretends to form an opinion, as to who will be the nominee. Report from Baltimore just received, says that Cass and Buchanan will unite their forces, each being agreed to rally on the other, if the strongest. If such should be the case, the former will probably be nominated; but I put little faith in the union. I have no confidence in either.

It is now more doubtful than it has been, whether the Government of Mexico will ratify the treaty. The prospect would seem to be against it. Should it not be ratified, there will be a great effort made to take the Whole, but, I trust I shall be able to defeat it, by taking my stand on a defensive line that of the treaty.

The Yucatan question is dropt for the present. Whether it will be revived will depend on circumstances. My speech against it appeared in the Inteligencer this morning. I will send you a copy, as soon as I can get some extra copies of the paper. It is thought it made a strong impression, and contributed principally to the dropping of the question for the present.

It was one of the wildest and most absurd measures ever proposed by the Executive. Congress will not adjourn probably before August.

My health continues good. I am sorry to learn by your sister's letter to me that yours was delicate when you were at Fort Hill. I hope it is better.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 755-6

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, May 26, 1848

Washington 26th May 1848

MY DEAR SIR, Since my last I have received your's of the 26th April, with letters from Anna for her Mother and Cornelia.

I see by our last arrival, that France and Germany are begining the work of reconstruction. That is the task; not but that they may form new Governments for that is not difficult; but can they form such, as will stand and put an end to revolution? Germany, if wise, may; for she has the materials, but, I fear, that in France it will, at least for the present, prove impossible. She has it is evidently made great progress, since her first revolution, in political knowledge, which has thus far guarded her against those scenes of violence and blood shed which marked the first, but there are great difficulties before her. She is entering on an untrodden path; to reconstruct Society, as well as Government; with materials not well suited to either purpose. I shall watch the attempt with profound interest, but with little expectation of its success. I hope she will be permitted to have a fair opportunity, so that if she fails, it will be attributed to the intrinsic difficulty of the task, and not to interference and difficulties from without. If, under such circumstances, she should fail, I see no alternative for her, but an imperial Government.

Since I last wrote you, the prospect of the ratification of the treaty by Mexico is more doubtful. The impression now is, that it will not be. In the meane time, we are threatened with a very troublesome question about Yucatan. I enclose herewith my remarks on the subject. It is not satisfactorily reported, although it passed under my revision.' I simply corrected the report of the Stenographer, without writing out my speech. It will, however, give you a pretty correct and full view of my argument.

The Baltimore convention is now in session, but has not yet made a nomination. I will keep my letter open until I hear the result. Among its proceedings, it has admitted a man of the name of Commander, to cast the 9 votes of S. Carolina, although his authority to act was derived solely from a small meeting in Georgetown of 54 persons, of whom the greater part were Yankee merchants and Jews doing business there, without having permanent residence. What a farce! And yet, as far as the party is concerned, the nomination of the body is the election of the President. . .

28th May

The Baltimore convention nominated Gen' Cass for the Presidency and Gen' Butler of Kentucky for the V Presidency, after much distraction and difficulty. I do not think the ticket will succeed. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 756-7

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, June 23, 1848

Washington 23d June 1848

MY DEAR DAUGHTER, If a long interval lies between the date of this and your last, you must attribute it to the fact, that my heavy correspondence, publick and private, and official duties, compel me to lengthen the period between my answers and the letters to which they reply, to a much greater extent than I desire in writing to you and the rest of the family. I correspond with all of them which of itself occupies a good deal of my time.

The opinions you express in reference to the state of things in Europe are very sensible and just. There is no prospect of a successful termination of the efforts of France to establish a free popular Government; nor was there any from the begining. She has no elements out of which such a government could be formed; and if she had, still she must fail from her total misconception of the principles, on which such a government, to succeed, must be constructed. Indeed, her conception of liberty is false throughout. Her standard of liberty is ideal; belongs to that kind of liberty which man has been supposed to possess, in what has been falsely called a state of nature, a state supposed to have preceded the social and political, and in which, of course, if it ever existed, he must have live[d] a part, as an isolated individual, without Society, or Government. In such a state, if it were possible for him to exist in it, he would have, indeed, had two of the elements of the French political creed; liberty and equality, but no fraternity. That can only exist in the social and political; and the attempt to unite the other two, as they would exist, in the supposed state of nature, in man, as he must exist in the former, must and ever will fail. The union is impossible, and the attempt to unite them absurd; and must lead, if persisted in, to distraction, anarchy and finally absolute power, in the hand of one man.

It is this false conception that is upheaving Europe, and which, if not corrected, will upset all her efforts to reform her social and political condition. It is at the same time threatening our institutions. Abolitionism originates in it, which every day becomes more formidable, and if not speedily arrested, must terminate in the dissolution of our Union, or in universal confusion, and overthrow of our system of Government. But enough of these general speculations.

We are in the midest of the presidential canvass. It will be one of great confusion. Neither party is satisfied, or united on its nominee; and there will probably be a third candidate, nominated by what are called the Barnburners, or Van Burenites. The prospect, I think, is, that Taylor will succeed, tho' it is not certain. The enclosed will give you all the home news.

It is still uncertain, when Congress will adjourn; but, I think it probable it will about the 1st August.

My health continues good. I am happy to hear you are all well, and that the children [are] growing and doing so well. Kiss them for their Grandfather, and tell them how happy he is to learn, that they are such good children. Give my love to Mr. Clemson.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 757-9

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas Clemson, July 23, 1848

Washington 23d July 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I received in the regular course of the Steamer yours of the 27th of June, and Anna's to her mother of the same date. I would have answered your's [sic] immediately, but was prevented by the pressure of my official engagements, as a member of the Committee, raised to settle the question of Slavery, as it relates to our recently acquired territory. After a laborious effort of more than a week, the Committee, consisting of 8 members, 4 from each party, and 2 from each division of the party, North and South, selected by their respective Sections, agreed on a bill, with scarcely a division, which is now under discussion in the Senate, with a fair prospect of passing by a large majority; and which I hope will permanently settle this vexed and dangerous question. The settlement is based on the principle of non interference, as laid down in my speech on the Oregon territorial bill, of which I send you a copy accompanying this. It was found, after trying every other, that it was the only one, on which there was the least chance of adjusting it. It is regarded here, as a great triumph on my part. A trial vote in the Senate yesterday, stood 37 in favour of the bill against 17 opposed. The opposition is mainly composed of the Supporters of Mr Van Beuren.

As to the Presidential election, it is very doubtful, and will probably remain so, to the last. There is no enthusiasm about it. There are great objections to both candidates.

The progress of events in Europe is very much such as I anticipated. There are too much error and misconception of a deep and dangerous character at the bottom of the movement to hope for much good. I have briefly touched one of the leading in the speech, that goes with this, at its close. There are others not less dangerous. . . .

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 759-60

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas Clemson, July 23, 1848

Washington 23d July 1848

MY DEAR SIR, I received in the regular course of the Steamer yours of the 27th of June, and Anna's to her mother of the same date. I would have answered your's immediately, but was prevented by the pressure of my official engagements, as a member of the Committee, raised to settle the question of Slavery, as it relates to our recently acquired territory. After a laborious effort of more than a week, the Committee, consisting of 8 members, 4 from each party, and 2 from each division of the party, North and South, selected by their respective Sections, agreed on a bill, with scarcely a division, which is now under discussion in the Senate, with a fair prospect of passing by a large majority; and which I hope will permanently settle this vexed and dangerous question. The settlement is based on the principle of non interference, as laid down in my speech on the Oregon territorial bill, of which I send you a copy accompanying this. It was found, after trying every other, that it was the only one, on which there was the least chance of adjusting it. It is regarded here, as a great triumph on my part. A trial vote in the Senate yesterday, stood 37 in favour of the bill against 17 opposed. The opposition is mainly composed of the Supporters of Mr Van Beuren.

As to the Presidential election, it is very doubtful, and will probably remain so, to the last. There is no enthusiasm about it. There are great objections to both candidates.

The progress of events in Europe is very much such as I anticipated. There are too much error and misconception of a deep and dangerous character at the bottom of the movement to hope for much good. I have briefly touched one of the leading in the speech, that goes with this, at its close. There are others not less dangerous.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 759-60

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas Clemson, August 11, 1848

Washington 11th Augt. 1848

MY DEAR SIR, . . .Congress will adjourn on the 14th Inst, and I shall leave immediately after for home.

Nothing very material has occurred since my last. The Oregon territorial bill from the House was passed last evening by the Senate with an amendment attaching the Missouri Compromise to it. It is doubtful whether the House will agree to it, or not. If it should not the bill will be lost.

The Buffalo Convention is in session, and has, it is said, nominated Van Buren. It is uncertain to what it will lead. If the movement should not run out with the election, it will lead to the formation of two great sectional parties, and that to results, which may lead to great changes.

The election thus far, judging from indications, is more favourable to Cass, than Taylor. I retain and intend to retain my independent position.

We shall anxiously wait to see you all. With love to Anna and the children,

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 760-1

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, June 28, 1850

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

DEAR SIR,—The fate of the Compromise Bill is still doubtful in the Senate, though public opinion here is against its success. Nothing but the prowess of Clay could have kept the breath in it to this time.

The news from New Mexico, if confirmed, knocks the bottom all out of the compromise. If they organize a government there, choose a governor and a legislature, appoint judges, &c., it will present a very pretty anomaly for us to be sending governor, judges, &c., to them. But the great point is the presumed proviso in their constitution. With that, the longer the South keeps them out of the Union, the more antislavery they will become.

. . . Well, Downer, it is the greatest godsend in our times that Taylor was elected over Cass. It is the turning-point of the fortunes of all the new Territories. Had Cass been President, they would have all been slave, and a fair chance for Cuba into the bargain. I am not sorry because I did not vote for Taylor; but I am glad others did. I think he has designedly steered the ship so as to avoid slavery. . . .

Best regards to your wife. You know you always have them. Look out for the boy, and make a hero of him.

Ever truly yours,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 304-5

Senator Henry Clay to Adam Beatty, April 28, 1851

ASHLAND, April 28, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor transmitting two letters, one addressed to yourself and the other in reply to it, and I thank you for the opportunity afforded me of perusing them.

If the course of ——— affords cause of regret, I am grateful for the firmness and fidelity with which you remained attached to me in 1848, as upon all former occasions.

The nomination made of General Taylor, in Philadelphia, has now no other than an historical interest. It has long ceased to affect me. I fear, indeed, that it has had a pernicious influence upon the Whig cause, but of that we shall hereafter be able better to judge. I concur entirely in the views presented in your reply to ———. Had I been nominated I am perfectly confident that I should have obtained every electoral vote which he received, and, besides them, the vote of Ohio certainly, and that of Indiana probably. My majority in Pennsylvania would have been greater than that which was given to him. But the thing is passed, and no one has more quietly submitted to the event than I have.

I was very sorry that circumstances were such as not to admit of my calling to see you on my return home; but I hope we may yet live to meet each other. I returned by the route of Cuba and New Orleans, and was highly gratified with my visit to that delightful island.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 615-6

Congressman Albert G. Brown’s Squatter Sovereignty Speech, February 12, 1850

SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 12, 1850,

DISSENTING FROM CERTAIN VIEWS PRESENTED TO THE SENATE BY MR. CASS.

MR. BROWN said he would occupy a very few minutes, in presenting some views which he should have presented the other day, but for the expiration of his hour.

Having already taken his position against the President's recommendation of the California constitution, and having expressed his abhorrence of the whole series of movements, which led to its adoption by the people in that country, he should not further allude to the President or Cabinet in that connection.

A new character had presented himself, as one of the champions of this new and extraordinary political movement. He alluded to General Cass, the late Democratic candidate for the Presidency. That distinguished gentleman had redeemed his pledge, and the pledge of his friends, on the subject of the Wilmot proviso. He had spoken against it. He had expressed his determination not to vote for it. With this he was satisfied; he would go further, and say, that the speech, so far as it related to the proviso, challenged his admiration and excited his gratitude. It was replete with sound views, eloquently and happily expressed. And no one could read it attentively without conceding to its author great ability. If the distinguished gentleman had closed his speech with his argument against the proviso, there would not have been a man in all the country more willing than himself to award him the highest honors. But the speech was marred by the expression of opinions, in its closing paragraphs, to which he (Mr. B.) and the southern people generally would dissent. General Cass had (if Mr. B. correctly understood him) avowed his opinion to be, that the people of the territories have the right to exclude slavery; and he was understood to sustain the action of the people in California in forming a state government. Against all these parts of the speech of General Cass, he (Mr. B.) entered his solemn protest. He felt bound to do this, because in the late presidential canvass he had, as the friend of General Cass, given a different interpretation to his views, as foreshadowed in the Nicholson letter. True, he had not done this without some misgivings, at first, of its correctness. But gentlemen nearer the person of General Cass than himself had interpreted the Nicholson letter to mean, that when the people of a territory were duly authorized to form a state constitution, they could then admit or exclude slavery at will, and whether they did the one thing or the other was not a matter to be questioned by Congress. He now conceded, as he had done in the presidential canvass, that whenever a people duly authorized to form a state constitution, have exercised this authority and asked admission into the Union, it is not properly a subject of inquiry whether their constitution admits or excludes slavery from the proposed state. But he understood General Cass as going further than this—to the extent of giving to the people of the territories the right to exclude slavery during their territorial existence, and indeed before government of any sort had been established by Congress. He understood the doctrine as advanced by General Cass to be, that the occupants of the soil where no government existed -as in New Mexico, California, Deseret, &c.—had the right to exclude slavery; and against this doctrine he raised his humble voice; and though he might stand alone, without one other southern representative to sustain him, he would protest against it to the last.

In the late presidential canvass, men of all parties had assailed this doctrine. The Whigs charged General Cass with entertaining these views, and the Democrats had vindicated him against the charge. The doctrine was universally denounced by men of all parties in the South; and now we were startled with the intelligence that General Cass and General Taylor both approve it. For himself, no earthly consideration should keep him silent on such a question. No consideration personal to himself-no party ties nor political obligations, should seal his lips, when his country was about to be betrayed and sacrificed. He had denounced this doctrine before his constituents, he now denounced it before the House. He would not consume time, and prevent other gentlemen from speaking, by going into an argument on the subject. He had felt it due to his own position--to the cause of truth and justice, to make known at the first convenient moment, that what he condemned in General Taylor he equally condemned in General Cass; and having done this, he was satisfied.

SOURCE: M. W. Cluskey, Editor, Speeches, Messages, and Other Writings of the Hon. Albert G. Brown, A Senator in Congress from the State of Mississippi, p. 177-8

John Forsyth Jr.* to Howell Cobb, November 10, 1848

Columbus, Geo., Nov. 10th, 1848.

Dear Sir: The disastrous defeat which the Democracy has just suffered makes it necessary for me to attempt to carry out a wish I have long cherished. It is to pursue my editorial profession in a field of wider influence and greater profit than can be attained in this nook of country. My preference is for Washington, the focus of political intelligence and influence, and my desire is to be connected with the organ of the Democracy in that city.

It has occurred to me that the egress of Mr. Hein from the Union office, or perhaps the declining years of the father of the press, Mr. Ritchie himself, might afford the opening I desire. Personally unacquainted with Mr. Ritchie and knowing that your relations with him are near if not intimate and confidential, I have taken the liberty of addressing you this letter to enquire, first if you can now give me the information I desire; or second if you cannot, to request you if you think proper, to make the necessary enquiries for me and pave the way for a correspondence with Washington on the subject.

Two years ago in Mexico my friend Col. H. R. Jackson and myself indulged ourselves in some dreamy plans and speculations of some joint and future arrangement of this sort. If your reply should lead me to hope that my hopes can be compassed I propose to invite him to embark with me in the undertaking.

A flood of terrible political news has been pouring in upon [us] with lightning speed since the great battle day. We are beaten at all points and have truly “lost all but our honor.” My presages for the future looking to the country (not to party) are gloomy enough. I foresee that the South has to submit to the degradation by exclusion from a joint domain, or push resistance to the verge if not over the verge of revolution of the Government.

The Whigs in our streets are even now preparing excuses for Gen. Taylor, in the event that he “holds his hand” when “the Proviso” is presented to him. The party will uphold him in it.

But enough of politics. We have both “supped full” of it, this week and you are ready to exclaim, Parce, puer, jam satis!

_______________

* A Democratic newspaper editor at Columbus, Ga.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 136

Robert Toombs to John J. Crittenden, November 9, 1848

Atlanta, Ga., Nov. 9th, 1848.

Dear Crittenden,

The telegraff being out of order, you may get our glorious news by this before you receive it otherwise.

I am on my way to my plantation, having passed thro' the lower portion of the State last night.

The thing is settled, Io triumphe, Georgia will give Old Zach 2,000 majority. I have worked hard and feel amply rewarded—now “whatever sky is above me, I have a heart for every fate.”

I leave in five minutes for the West.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 135-6

Thomas D. Harris* to Howell, Cobb, October 29, 1848

Washington [D. C.], Oct. 29th, 1848.

Dear Col., I thank you for the several letters which you have been kind enough to write me in reference to the prospect in Georgia. I hope the 7th of November may find her on the side of democracy and the country. I should have no doubt of it were it not for the military glory of old Taylor which I somewhat fear may dazzle a sufficient number of soft customers to carry the day.

If we are to lose the State of Pennsylvania it will simply be because we have not democrats enough in the State to prevent it. I think I may safely say that I now know our friends are at work in good earnest in the good old commonwealth. The defaulting Democrats at the last election, with all others who are lukewarm, are being visited by Committees appointed for that purpose to the end that all may be brought to the polls. The idea is an admirable one and if properly executed must tell powerfully in our favor.

In reference to Wilmot's dist. and other infected portions of the state, I had hoped to be specially advised before this time. Perhaps I may receive a letter tomorrow or next day. If so I will send it to you. In the meantime you would doubtless like to have such information as we have from that dist. Birdsall and Dickinson are both at this time in that part of the state, the first of whom as I understand has written to Washington that Wilmot makes no active opposition to Cass, and that if he does anything against him it is done very quietly. He thinks he will permit his people to vote as they please, and expresses the opinion that the dist. will give an increased majority in November on Longstreth. I do not know Mr. B., but learn that he is quite a politician and a shrewd calculator.

It is said moreover that Judge Thompson writes from the Erie district that Cass will carry the State by 10,000. Job Mann writes that we shall carry the state if we are active, and adds that we are active.

In short, sir, every democrat hereabouts feels and believes that the State will be ours as sure as the 7th of November rolls around and if it goes against us all be wretchedly disappointed a second time.

I wrote to Holden the other day, of N. C. Standard, to know the prospects in the old North State, and reed. in reply a most unexpectedly encouraging letter. He says the free-soil movement there will greatly distract the Whig party, which taken in connexion with the great activity of the democratic party affords a well grounded hope for carrying the State for Cass and Butler.

In reference to Ohio, it is generally conceded that Cass must carry it against any and all combinations.

N. Jersey we hope and believe will go with us. At all events the Whigs there are dreadfully scared and the democrats are in fine spirits.

Tennessee it is said is sure for Cass and Butler. I know this is the opinion of old Cave Johnson and I hear also that the President thinks with him.

Louisiana, — La Sere writes Wm. I. Brown very recently that Cass and Butler will carry that state without any sort of difficulty. He speaks of it as not at all doubtful. So you see we hear comfortable news on all sides. I pray the result may not show that our friends were to sanguine. In reference to myself, I think I should be entirely confident if I could be quite sure the people wouldn't turn fools on account of old Leatherhead's military fame.

_______________

* A member of the clerical staff of the United States House of Representatives, a devoted friend of Howell Cobb.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 132-3