SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 12, 1850,
DISSENTING FROM CERTAIN VIEWS PRESENTED TO THE SENATE BY MR.
CASS.
MR. BROWN said he would occupy a very few minutes, in
presenting some views which he should have presented the other day, but for the
expiration of his hour.
Having already taken his position against the President's
recommendation of the California constitution, and having expressed his
abhorrence of the whole series of movements, which led to its adoption by the
people in that country, he should not further allude to the President or
Cabinet in that connection.
A new character had presented himself, as one of the
champions of this new and extraordinary political movement. He alluded to
General Cass, the late Democratic candidate for the Presidency. That
distinguished gentleman had redeemed his pledge, and the pledge of his friends,
on the subject of the Wilmot proviso. He had spoken against it. He had
expressed his determination not to vote for it. With this he was satisfied; he
would go further, and say, that the speech, so far as it related to the
proviso, challenged his admiration and excited his gratitude. It was replete
with sound views, eloquently and happily expressed. And no one could read it
attentively without conceding to its author great ability. If the distinguished
gentleman had closed his speech with his argument against the proviso, there
would not have been a man in all the country more willing than himself to award
him the highest honors. But the speech was marred by the expression of
opinions, in its closing paragraphs, to which he (Mr. B.) and the southern
people generally would dissent. General Cass had (if Mr. B. correctly
understood him) avowed his opinion to be, that the people of the territories
have the right to exclude slavery; and he was understood to sustain the action
of the people in California in forming a state government. Against all these
parts of the speech of General Cass, he (Mr. B.) entered his solemn protest. He
felt bound to do this, because in the late presidential canvass he had, as the
friend of General Cass, given a different interpretation to his views, as foreshadowed
in the Nicholson letter. True, he had not done this without some misgivings, at
first, of its correctness. But gentlemen nearer the person of General Cass than
himself had interpreted the Nicholson letter to mean, that when the people of a
territory were duly authorized to form a state constitution, they could then
admit or exclude slavery at will, and whether they did the one thing or the
other was not a matter to be questioned by Congress. He now conceded, as he had
done in the presidential canvass, that whenever a people duly authorized to
form a state constitution, have exercised this authority and asked admission
into the Union, it is not properly a subject of inquiry whether their
constitution admits or excludes slavery from the proposed state. But he
understood General Cass as going further than this—to the extent of giving to
the people of the territories the right to exclude slavery during their
territorial existence, and indeed before government of any sort had been
established by Congress. He understood the doctrine as advanced by General Cass
to be, that the occupants of the soil where no government existed -as in New
Mexico, California, Deseret, &c.—had the right to exclude slavery; and
against this doctrine he raised his humble voice; and though he might stand
alone, without one other southern representative to sustain him, he would
protest against it to the last.
In the late presidential canvass, men of all parties had
assailed this doctrine. The Whigs charged General Cass with entertaining these
views, and the Democrats had vindicated him against the charge. The doctrine
was universally denounced by men of all parties in the South; and now we were
startled with the intelligence that General Cass and General Taylor both
approve it. For himself, no earthly consideration should keep him silent on
such a question. No consideration personal to himself-no party ties nor political
obligations, should seal his lips, when his country was about to be betrayed
and sacrificed. He had denounced this doctrine before his constituents, he now
denounced it before the House. He would not consume time, and prevent other
gentlemen from speaking, by going into an argument on the subject. He had felt
it due to his own position--to the cause of truth and justice, to make known at
the first convenient moment, that what he condemned in General Taylor he
equally condemned in General Cass; and having done this, he was satisfied.
SOURCE: M. W. Cluskey, Editor, Speeches,
Messages, and Other Writings of the Hon. Albert G. Brown, A Senator in Congress
from the State of Mississippi, p. 177-8