Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, July 31, 1850

WASHINGTON, July 31, 1850.

MY DEAR DOWNER,—You could not have given me any proof of your friendship so acceptable as in writing to me with the frankness you have done. I am astonished at the idea that my notes were unjustifiably severe in the apprehension of any reasonable man. It is, as it seems to me, nothing but truth that gives them an edge. In what might be called harshness or bitterness, or, to use a still harder word, vindictiveness, my references to Webster, compared with his contemptuous and supercilious manner to me, were as honey to vitriol.

However, if I have gone beyond the point, in attacking Mr. Webster, at which the sympathy of the public is on my side, then I have made a mistake; but I do not feel that I have done a wrong. It cannot, however, be expected that my friends will attack him as his do me, or that mine will defend me as his do him. Besides, and this, I think, accounts for the most of it, since my notes were written, he has not only escaped the doom which awaited him as a Massachusetts senator, but has passed into a place of great power and influence. All are now looking at him as a man having almost the nation's patronage at his disposal, and as interested to carry out measures which will pay in gold. But I have no such prerogative, and therefore must suffer. This is my explanation of the matter. Could it have been possible that our fortunes could have been changed, I believe the result would have been changed also.

You speak of my not having written to you. It is too true. But I have been so worn down with what seemed indispensable to be done, that I have not found time, and could not, as I sometimes do, make it. . . . I wish would write me often. Tell me in frankness every thing that will be of service to me, and all in which I feel interested, whether I reply or not. Your letters are always so welcome to me, that, if you could know how glad I am to receive them, it would be some compensation to you for writing them.

I have not time to go into political speculations. The Compromise Bill will probably pass the Senate to-day, or almost certainly to-morrow. . . .

Yours truly,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 310-1

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, August 9, 1850

WASHINGTON, Aug. 9, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR,—Perhaps you will think my prophesying is not from above, because I said the Compromise Bill would pass on the very day that it didn't. But I was deceived, in common with almost everybody else. At the time I wrote you, I had not seen the "Morning Intelligencer" or "Union" of that day, but observed afterwards that both of them anticipated its passage almost certainly. It was a most extraordinary combination of circumstances that defeated it, wholly unexpected by either friend or foe.

You have written me a most excellent letter—your last—full of wisdom and truth. I suppose the issue is made up in Boston, and that Websterism is to be triumphant. Of course, “outer darkness must be the fate of all who do not bow down before the image that he sets up. You speak of my defying it and assailing it. I feel just as you speak; but is not the time now.

New events will develop themselves before the adjournment of Congress; and we shall not know where to plant ourselves until we see the results of present movements. If we were to take any ground today, the chance is that some new event would change the whole aspect of affairs, and render the application of the wisest counsels ineffectual. When the session is over, we shall see what is before us, and what is behind.

I shall not be surprised even if California is not admitted this session, or, if admitted, then admitted on such terms as would make us all prefer that it should remain where it is. . . .

Yours ever and truly,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 312-3

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, August 11 & 12, 1850

WASHINGTON, Aug. 11, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR,—Nothing is more agreeable to me than your letters. I feel, on seeing them, that the whole world has not abandoned me, which many other things that I see would almost make me believe.

In yours of the 8th inst., you suggest that I should present myself before the public again, and, as I understand you, without delay. But, in the first place, have I any chance to be heard in such a storm? I fear not. . . .

And again the new leaves of the history of the country are turning over so fast, that comments upon the text on one leaf are almost superseded by what the next suggests. It is impossible to say what is to be the result of the session which must now be drawing to a close. Suppose, which is not impossible, that California should not be admitted: in that fact, there would be thunder enough to frighten Jupiter. Suppose, if California should be admitted, Territorial Governments should be formed without the proviso that single fact would put more weapons of war into one's hands than Vulcan could forge in a twelvemonth. When the session closes, however, things will have, at least for a time, more of a fixed character.

Aug. 12. Since writing the above, I have seen the "Dedham Gazette" of Saturday, which has a very strong article against Webster and his body-guard, and therefore indirectly in my favor. There is one peculiarity about that editor's articles on this subject. He never approves my course or defends me, unless when, by so doing, he can put the Whigs in the wrong. Such defence is almost as bad as a direct condemnation; for when any Whig finds his own party placed in the wrong, and me in the right, for no other reason than because I differ from them, it prejudices him against me more than any thing else could. It turns out, therefore, that my standing on independent ground, and not pledged to any party, leaves me without any support whatever arising from partisan feeling, and exposed to all the violence of opposition which can arise from that source. This is the political misfortune of my position; but conscience got me into the scrape, and conscience must sustain me through it.

The “Norfolk-County Journal" of Saturday contains a very pointed article on me. It says nothing about the future; but I should not be surprised if it meant as much as the "Courier" has expressed. . . . But this thing occupies my thoughts too much, and I am afraid it does yours. . . .

Very truly, as ever, yours,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 313-4

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, August 15, 1850

WASHINGTON, Aug. 15, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have yours of the 10th inst., in which you say, "I do not hear that any of your friends are hearing from you." If you had heard of any such thing, you would have heard of what does not exist. I have written to but one friend in my district since the first clap of thunder that opened the storm: that was to my friend Clap, of whom I spoke to you. To whom can I write, and what can I say? I hope I am not entirely without friends, personal at least, if not political. . . . But what can I write to them? They do not write to me; and my bump of self-esteem is not large enough to enable me to thrust myself before them, and intimate a desire of being defended by them. I should like very well, if not too much trouble, to have you introduce yourself to E. W. Clap. I think, if I have a zealous friend in the world, he is one. He lives out in the country, and sees many of the Boston men who go out into the country to sleep. The noisy, clamorous Whigs never had much political liking for me. I was not sufficiently subservient to party discipline. . . .

It seems a great pity now that I had not formally declined being a candidate before this outbreak. Then I could have stood my ground, and bade them defiance before the people; nor should I have any doubt, under such circumstances, what their decision would be. But now there is so much in what you say about my declining looking like fear, or, at any rate, being construed into fear, that, in the present condition of things, I hate to do it. Still, if it has got to be done before a nominating convention meets, perhaps it should be done before long. It will be hardly safe for any convention to act before the close of the session of Congress; for it will be impossible to tell how things are to be left at the end of it.

. . . Your friendship seems a thousand times more valuable now, in my need, than when, in former days, I knew it to be worth so much.

Yours most truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 314-5

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, June 13, 1850

WASHINGTON, June 13, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR, You must excuse me for not answering all your kind letters. I should be glad to do so, if it were possible, especially if it would be the means of getting more; for they are most acceptable to me.

I learn that Mr. Webster has written home, that, if the North will give way on the subject of slavery, THEY CAN HAVE A TARIFF IN SIX WEEKS; and I suppose the address now to be circulated is for signatures, calling upon the Massachusetts delegation to make “concession;” that is, to surrender the Territories to slavery: then we may have "beneficent legislation," by which he means a tariff.

I am also told that the Hon. ———, a factory superintendent at Lowell, on a salary of four or five thousand dollars a year, was on here two or three weeks ago to see if some arrangement could not be made to barter human bodies and souls at the South for the sake of certain percentages on imported cottons at the North; and that Mr. Foote of Mississippi, and Mangum of North Carolina, offered to become sureties for the arrangement: how many others, I do not know. I have no doubt of all this, not a particle; though I communicate it to you to give you the means of further inquiry, and of action after inquiry is made. . . .

The Whigs, with very few exceptions, appear to stand well in the House; and I trust we shall be able to give a good account of ourselves. How I wish the Whigs now had all the Free-soilers in their ranks ! In great haste, yours ever and truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 304

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, June 28, 1850

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1850.

S. DOWNER, Esq.

DEAR SIR,—The fate of the Compromise Bill is still doubtful in the Senate, though public opinion here is against its success. Nothing but the prowess of Clay could have kept the breath in it to this time.

The news from New Mexico, if confirmed, knocks the bottom all out of the compromise. If they organize a government there, choose a governor and a legislature, appoint judges, &c., it will present a very pretty anomaly for us to be sending governor, judges, &c., to them. But the great point is the presumed proviso in their constitution. With that, the longer the South keeps them out of the Union, the more antislavery they will become.

. . . Well, Downer, it is the greatest godsend in our times that Taylor was elected over Cass. It is the turning-point of the fortunes of all the new Territories. Had Cass been President, they would have all been slave, and a fair chance for Cuba into the bargain. I am not sorry because I did not vote for Taylor; but I am glad others did. I think he has designedly steered the ship so as to avoid slavery. . . .

Best regards to your wife. You know you always have them. Look out for the boy, and make a hero of him.

Ever truly yours,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 304-5

Samuel Gridley Howe to Congressman Horace Mann, Thursday, January 6, 1853

Boston, Thursday, 6th Jan. 1853.

My Dear Mann: — You will see that the Commonwealth has gone into new hands. I was foolish enough to re-invest in the concern — but I ought not to say foolish either, for I did not wish to see it go down with dishonour. I wished to nail the anti-slavery flag to the mast and see her swim or sink with that flying.

Downer, Alley, Sewall, Baldwin¹ and myself own the concern. I have been for some time doing the Spirit of the Press and helping in my way. How do you like her looks now? I am going to try to get Wright² to work. Can you not help us from Washington, or find someone who will send us an occasional letter? Would you think of taking hold of the paper after the fourth of March as editor in chief, that is, director of the political pop-gun, and make of it a cannon? You would be called upon for only four or five columns a week. We are going to pay our contributors as much as we can, but that is as yet only one dollar a column; we shall pay more if the income will allow it.

There is what seems to me a squeamishness among members of Congress about being known as writers for the press.

If you cannot send us anything, let us know who can.

Ever faithfully,

S. G. Howe.

________________

¹ Messrs. Samuel Downer, J. B. Alley, S. E. Sewall, and J. B. Baldwin.

Mr. Mann once wrote thus to Samuel Gridley Howe concerning Downer:

“. . . Boston seemed more than half empty when I found you were not in it. But I saw Downer, who is almost enough to save a city. If, when Abraham drove that sharp Yankee bargain about saving Sodom, higgling and screwing and beating down, until he reduced the number of the righteous to ten;—if the Lord could have been induced to lower his terms from that number, I can conceive of his saying: ‘Well, if you can find one Sam. Downer there, I'll spare the cursed city for him. . . .’”

² Elizur Wright.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 388-9