Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, August 28, 1850

WASHINGTON, Aug. 28, 1850.

MY DEAR DOWNER, I received yours of the 26th to-day. We are at last at the hand-to-hand encounter. The Texas Boundary Bill is up. The Omnibus is to be reconstructed, or there will be an attempt to do it, and then the Devil is to be harnessed in to take it through by daylight. I tremble for the fate of freedom. I fear our only hope will repose at last on the Territories themselves. A motion is now pending to amend the Boundary Bill by adding substantially the New-Mexico and Utah Territorial Bills to it. Then another motion will be made to add California to that. This is the bait. It is hoped that the friends of freedom will not venture to vote against adding California, so that this amendment will be easily effected. But then, California being on the amendment, it is hoped that this will carry over a sufficient Northern force to sustain the whole; that is, there are men who will not dare to vote for New Mexico and Utah without the proviso, who will venture to face their constituents, if, at the same time, they can say they have secured freedom to California. But while there is life there is hope.

The inference which you draw from the entire silence of every one of my acquaintances in the city is inevitable. However painful, it forces itself irresistibly upon my mind, I have not a friend among them. While I seemed prosperous, and had the leading men of the public on my side, they professed friendship; but now, when I am away, and when a most extraordinary conjuncture of circumstances has exposed me to the raking fire of all the sons of Mammon and all the sycophants of power, I see that they are as heedless of me, my character, my interests, my feelings, as though I were one of the slaves whom they are willing should be created. It is saddening, disheartening. I feel it for myself some: I feel it for human nature more. But will I ask them to come to my rescue, and fulfil the promise which years of intimacy and of professions have made? No: I will perish before I will beg. And as for this war in favor of liberty, and against its contemners, high or low, I will pray God for life and strength to carry it on while I live, and for the spirit that will bequeath it to my children when I die.

Yours ever and truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 319-20

Congressman Horace Mann, August 29, 1850

AUG. 29.

The first question about the Boundary Bill was, "Shall it be rejected?" This was decided in the negative by a very large vote; all its friends as it stands in its present shape, and all who thought it could be put by amendments into an acceptable shape, voting in the negative. Every one voted in the negative, except those who were determined to go against the bill at all events. Then came an amendment to attach the New-Mexico and Utah Bills. This is now pending. Should it prevail, then another amendment will be offered to attach the California Bill to it; and this will reconstruct the Omnibus.

An attempt will be made to manage the case, as by parliamentary tactics, to prevent us from taking a direct vote on the Wilmot Proviso, and thus save some of the Northern doughfaces from the odium which a direct adverse vote on that question would inflict. The Speaker, being in favor of the bills, will recognize the right men at the right time, so as to help forward the measure. I have the greatest fears that all is lost.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 320-1

Congressman Horace Mann, July 23, 1850

JULY 23, 1850.

Yesterday Mr. Clay made his closing speech on the Compromise Bill. He spoke three hours and ten minutes, and seemed to retain his vigor and mental activity to the last. It is certainly very remarkable. He is now in his seventy-fourth year. For more than two months, he has sat in his seat every day, listening to the attacks made upon his favorite measures, occasionally replying when he thought it expedient, sometimes by a speech of half an hour, and always alive and on the alert; and now, at the end of this long and intense vigilance, he makes a speech of more than three hours, full of energy and skill, and comes out of it alive. He is certainly an extraordinary man, prepared by nature to do great and good things, but has not fulfilled his destiny in regard to the latter.

Every day of my life impresses the conviction upon me more and more, how important is the early direction given to the sentiments as well as to the intellect. There is now power enough among the educated men of the country to save it, if that power were rightly directed.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 309

Congressman Horace Mann, July 29, 1850

JULY 29, 1850.

We have just heard that Mr. Winthrop has been appointed senator to fill the place made vacant by Mr. Webster. Under the circumstances, the duty of appointing devolved upon Gov. Briggs. I am so certain, that I can almost say I know this appointment has been very disagreeable to Gov. Briggs, and that he has been forced into it by the Webster influence. The promotion, and therefore indorsement, of Mr. Webster by President Fillmore, has given the proslavery party a prodigious advantage in this contest. If the South, and their proslavery friends at the North, do not carry this measure, it will be almost like a miracle. But there is a goodly number of us who will stand firm. For my part, I would rather have the feeling of free thought and free speech within me than to have the highest office which the nation can bestow.

The Compromise Bill is coming to a crisis, and the contest becomes intense. Two tie-votes were taken yesterday in the Senate on important amendments, which shows how nearly parties are divided.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 310

Congressman Horace Mann to Samuel Downer, July 31, 1850

WASHINGTON, July 31, 1850.

MY DEAR DOWNER,—You could not have given me any proof of your friendship so acceptable as in writing to me with the frankness you have done. I am astonished at the idea that my notes were unjustifiably severe in the apprehension of any reasonable man. It is, as it seems to me, nothing but truth that gives them an edge. In what might be called harshness or bitterness, or, to use a still harder word, vindictiveness, my references to Webster, compared with his contemptuous and supercilious manner to me, were as honey to vitriol.

However, if I have gone beyond the point, in attacking Mr. Webster, at which the sympathy of the public is on my side, then I have made a mistake; but I do not feel that I have done a wrong. It cannot, however, be expected that my friends will attack him as his do me, or that mine will defend me as his do him. Besides, and this, I think, accounts for the most of it, since my notes were written, he has not only escaped the doom which awaited him as a Massachusetts senator, but has passed into a place of great power and influence. All are now looking at him as a man having almost the nation's patronage at his disposal, and as interested to carry out measures which will pay in gold. But I have no such prerogative, and therefore must suffer. This is my explanation of the matter. Could it have been possible that our fortunes could have been changed, I believe the result would have been changed also.

You speak of my not having written to you. It is too true. But I have been so worn down with what seemed indispensable to be done, that I have not found time, and could not, as I sometimes do, make it. . . . I wish would write me often. Tell me in frankness every thing that will be of service to me, and all in which I feel interested, whether I reply or not. Your letters are always so welcome to me, that, if you could know how glad I am to receive them, it would be some compensation to you for writing them.

I have not time to go into political speculations. The Compromise Bill will probably pass the Senate to-day, or almost certainly to-morrow. . . .

Yours truly,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 310-1

Congressman Horace Mann, August 5, 1850

AUG. 5, 1850.

We are rejoiced at the defeat of the Omnibus Bill. It strengthens the chances of the Territories for freedom. All delay in admitting California, that comes from slavery, will intensify their hatred of it. However the questions may be decided in Congress, the chances are increasing, that the Territories, by their own action, will exclude it. This, too, is the best mode in which the work can be done; for there are many at the South who would all but rebel, if not actually do so, should Congress prohibit slavery, who would still allow it if the Territories themselves prohibit it. Several of the Southern States have actually resolved that they would resist if Congress should pass the proviso; but none have dared to utter a threat if the inhabitants of the Territories legislate it into existence.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 311

Senator Salmon P. Chase to Charles Sumner, June 22, 1850

Northampton, June 22, 1850.

My Dear Sumner: I came here on Thursday evening, having left the Federal City the evening before at 5 P. M. I thought of notifying you of my coming but fearing my expectation might be disappointed and having the slenderest possible hope that you could meet here if I did, I omitted it.

This is a beautiful place and the Round Hill establishment is a delightful retreat for invalids. Mrs. Chase's health, however, I am grieved to say is not improved. She has been worse since she came than she was when she left Washington, though she is now mending again.

I was glad to hear from C. F. Adams that you intend having in Boston an earnest, efficient and well-established Democratic paper. I do hope you will. The cause of freedom in Massachusetts suffers greatly from the want of it, and the heart of the cause in this State is felt over the whole country. It seems to me that with a paper of the right stamp in Boston not only might Palfrey's re-election be secured but such a revolution wrought as would secure the election of the right sort of a Senator in place of Webster. How glad I should be to greet you as a Senator of Massachusetts!

I wish someone of your poets would give us a ballad of the Omnibus.¹ John Gilpin would serve as a model in part. Clay might be coachman, whip in hand — Webster on the box with him — Cass, footman or doortender; Bright, Whitcomb, Foote, Downs etc. etc. the team of twenty-four horses; — the passengers, California, New Mexico, Texas, Deseret. Could not a very effective piece be got up, on this idea by Hosea Bigelow, and well illustrated. Would it not have a run? I incline to wish so.

After the most careful scrutiny those of us who are opposed to the Omnibus Bill believe that it will be defeated by a majority of four votes at least. But those who favor it seem equally sanguine that it will pass by the same majority. Who is right will not be seen for several weeks, I fear — as the discussion moves on slowly.

I return to Washington on Monday, and hope to be in my seat on Tuesday morning.

Faithfully your friend,

[SALMON P. CHASE.]

Did you notice the strange blunder in Webster's Maine letter in regard to the geography of New Mexico? He says New Mexico extends from the mouth of the Rio Grande to El Paso and northwards etc. There is not a foot of New Mexico below the Paso; but there is an extensive district, 70,000 square miles as stated by Col. Preston now occupied by Mexicans, where no Texan ever was until this last winter. Strangely enough not one of Mr. Webster's authorities for desolation and barrenness cover this vast district at all. Maj. Gaines and the rest only traversed the State of Tamaulipas from the Nueces to the Rio Grande. How strangely Webster shifts and wavers and into what remarkable blunders he perpetually falls!

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¹ The "Omnibus" Bill, the name popularly given to Clay's proposed measures of Compromise in 1850.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 213-4