Congressman Horace Mann, 1852

DANSVILLE, N. Y., 1852.

I have seen only the most meagre account of D——'s and R——'s speeches. I do not see how D—— can come out without being battered and shattered to pieces. Nor ought he to. I think he has been false to great principles, though with such palliations as apostates always find. I think posterity does not look at crimes as the traitors themselves do. With the latter it may not be unmitigated and untempted crime. They have their excuses, their subterfuges, and their casuistry. Görgey doubtless disguised his treason to himself under some plea of benefit to his nation. It is a known fact, that Arnold stoutly contended that he desired to confer a benefit on his country as the motive of his treachery. Judas probably made himself believe that the interests of religion demanded the surrender of his Master. Even Mr. Webster talks to this day as if, in sacrificing the immortal principles of liberty, he had only the good of the Union in view. But when the occasion has passed by, when the event is far removed into the past, then the palliations and the pretexts are lost sight of; and only the black, fatal, damning guilt remains for the detestation and abhorrence of men.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 357

Senator Charles Sumner to John Bigelow, March 2, 1852

Congress and all the world have a vacation to-day to quaff fresh air, sunshine, and champagne on board the 'Baltic.'¹ I voted for the adjournment, but did not care to put myself in the great man-trap set especially for members of Congress. I see nothing certain in the Presidential horizon. In all my meditations I revert with new regret to the attempted reconciliation in '49 in your State. Without that we should now control the free States.

I read carefully and enjoyed much Mr. Bryant's address.² It was a truthful, simple, and delicate composition, and, much as I value sculpture and Greenough, I cannot but add will be a more durable monument to Cooper than any other. Webster's historical article was crude and trite enough.

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¹ Of the Collins line of steamships, whose owners were then seeking a subsidy.

²  On J. Fenimore Cooper, Feb. 25, 1852, at a meeting of which Mr. Webster was chairman, called to raise funds for a monument to the novelist. Sumner's reply to the invitation to attend the meeting is printed in his Works, vol. iii. p. 43.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 279

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, May 1851

[May.] Albany, Tuesday evening, six o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—I arrived here at four o'clock, received your letter, and have dispatched the Boston papers.

I have also written to Washington to provide for the matter there, until I see you. In tantis laboribus magnis, in quibus sesemens mea penitus agitat, rerum non sum oblitus parvorum.¹

I hope this is pretty good Latin; if not, it is at least good English, to say that I am always, with most sincere regard, your obliged friend and obedient servant,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

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¹ Translation: Amid such great labors, in which my mind is deeply troubled, I have not forgotten the small things.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 438

Daniel Webster to Edward Curtis, Tuesday, two o’clock, 1851

Tuesday, two o’clock, 1851

My Dear Sir,—

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I am glad you think me right in keeping away from New York for the present. I am resolved not to commit either the Government or myself, in any degree, to the extravagant expесtations entertained in regard to what may be done.

When may we look for you? Fletcher left us this morning. Mr. Ashmun has been here for a day, and leaves to-morrow morning. We long to see you and Mrs. Curtis.

You perceive the Kossuth movement was checked a little, in the House of Representatives, yesterday. Probably it will go on to-day.

For two hours I have been reading the Report of the United States officers, who have returned from Utah. I never read so disgusting and terrific accounts of human depravity, and enormities. Governor Young has more than thirty wives! All the money sent to him for territorial purposes, he has given to the Mormon Church! But these things are not the beginning of the story of abominations.

Yours ever,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 439

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, May 2, 1851

Washington, May 2, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I was rejoiced to receive your letter yesterday, signifying that your health was better. We shall look out for Ellen till she comes.

It is very cold weather. The mercury this morning was as low as 35°, at five o'clock. I fear for the fruit-trees. At present, I am busy with Mexico, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica.

My wagon is a treasure. Morning or evening I get a drive in it, every day. If it had not been so cold, I was to have driven down to the Seines to-day, to witness for an hour or two, the drafts of rock fish, shad, sturgeon, &c., &c. As it is, I shall keep over the fire.

Yours truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, pp. 439-40

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, May 4, 1851—8 a.m.

Washington, May 4, 1851, eight A. M.

MY DEAR SIR,—We have a great change in the weather, the mercury being now twenty-five degrees higher than yesterday morning at the same hour. The wind is south, and not unlikely to bring rain. There were frosts in various places in this neighborhood on the nights of the 2d and the 3d; but I think we shall now have summer upon us.

I am steadily engaged in my official duties, and make progress in some things which require despatch. There are but few people here, and it is a good time for work.

I have given up my professional engagements, both in New York and Boston. This has been done at a great sacrifice, three thousand dollars at least, but I felt it to be my duty. For the next two or three months I may calculate on good health, after which my annual visitation of "hay fever," or "catarrh," may render me incapable of doing much of any thing for the residue of the summer. I feel, therefore, that I owe it to my place, and to my duties, to let nothing interfere for the present with close attention to public affairs.

There never was a time, I think, in which our foreign relations were more quiet. There seems no disturbing breath on the surface. All the diplomatic gentlemen here are amicably disposed, and our intercourse is quite agreeable. I think Mr. Hülsemann is the most satisfied and happy of them all.

An hour hence I receive my mail, and then go to church, always expecting a good sermon from Dr. Butler.

By the way, if you would see something in the prophetic books of Scripture, remarkably applicable to our days, turn to the second chapter of Nahum, and the fourth verse.

Yours, always truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

P. S. For something to remind you of telegraphic wires, see Job, xxxviii. 35.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 441

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, Monday, May 5, 1851—7 a.m.

Monday morning, seven o'clock, May 5, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I was happy to find a short letter from you in my mail yesterday. As to the "especially special" letter to me from New York, I shall receive it with great gratitude and sincere respect, but I hope it will not be of a character to call me away immediately from my engagements here.

I shall look for you with hope and confidence, on Saturday morning, and trust you will bring some friend with you. There are two or three things I want to say to you, by word of mouth.

It is again wet and rainy, and the glass down to 40°, as disagreeable a morning as you would wish to see.

Yours, truly always,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 442

Daniel Webster to Edward Everett, Monday, May 6, 1851

Washington, May 6, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I think of dedicating each volume to some friend. Would that look like affectation? Public men and scholars will be remembered by their works. Private friendships are forgotten. It has occurred to me, that I would dedicate the second volume to Isaac P. Davis, as a memorial of an uninterrupted friendship of forty years. What should you think of it? I have mentioned it to no one.

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 442

Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Friday, May 9, 1851—7 a.m.

Washington, Friday morning, seven o'clock, May 9, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I hope to meet some Boston friends in New York on Tuesday. Mr. Edward Curtis will be there, as well as others, and it may be a good time to confer. My own stay will be short, as we leave early the next morning. But I hope you, and whoever comes with you, may be able to stay a day or two. My letter to you expresses pretty much what I have to say on the subject. What remains must be left to friends.

Yours, truly,

DAN’L WEBSTER.

P. S. Of course, if any thing be attempted, Mr. Choate must be our standard-bearer.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 443

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, Sunday, May 11, 1851—1 p.m.

[May 11, 1851,] Sunday, one o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—I thank you for your letter from Philadelphia. I am well, and leave to-morrow morning, at six o'clock. I dread the journey awfully.

I see four elements of distress in it: 1. Heat. 2. Crowds. 3. Limestone water. 4. The necessity of speech-making.

This last is not the least, for I have exhausted my opinions and my thoughts, my illustrations and my imaginations; all that remains in my mind is as "dry as a remainder biscuit, after a voyage."

Your notion that no evil can come from this jaunt, cheers me; but still I feel a caving in at the prospect before me. But never mind. If I should not be remarkably foolish, nor remarkably unlucky, I shall not spoil all the past.

Yours,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 443

Daniel Webster to Caroline White Webster, May 20, 1851—9 p.m.

Buffalo, May 20, 1851, nine o'clock, P. M.

MY DEAR CAROLINE,—I am detained here, unavoidably, for two or three days beyond my expectation.

Fletcher has had his trunk packed, two or three times, for his departure for home, but when the time came, I did not feel that I could part with him. I have nobody else with me, and though well at present, I should be alarmed if I should get sick.

To-night he has got all things in readiness for going early in the morning; but I do not believe I should sleep an hour, under the consciousness that he was to leave in the morning. I must, my dear child, detain him a day or two longer, and you must try to forgive me for it. I have no travelling friend; no servant, or attendant, that I am acquainted with; and if Fletcher should go, I should feel absolutely desolate.

I have telegraphed to New York for somebody to meet me, and the moment I see a reliable and familiar face, I will give your husband my blessing, and let him depart.

Your affectionate father,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 444

Daniel Webster to Millard Fillmore, May 29, 1851

New York, May 29, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I arrived from Albany this morning, having stayed two or three days at Canandaigua to recruit. Coming after you, I had infinite pleasure in hearing of the warmth of your reception everywhere, and of the highly favorable impression made by your visit. Your friends all think it has done great good. The enemy seems silenced, at least for the present. Every body, my dear Sir, speaks in just terms of the propriety of your speeches to the people, and of your excellent, acceptable, and honorable demeanor, in all respects; none more so, than some here with whom these strains are new. I hope to move South to-morrow.

Yours always truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 444

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, November 12, 1889

NEW YORK, Νον. 12, 1889.

Dear Brother: . . . I was very glad to receive your full letter of November 9th, to hear that you are safely back at your Washington home, and take the recent election so philosophically. I wanted Foraker to succeed, because he was one of my young soldiers. He cannot be suppressed, and will turn up again. I think you are also wise in your conclusion to retire gracefully at the end of your present term. To be a President for four years is not much of an honor, but to have been senator continuously from 1861 to 1892 - less the four years as Secretary of the Treasury - is an honor. Webster and Clay are better known to the world than Polk and Pierce. As to myself, I continue pretty much as always in universal demand for soldiers' meetings, college commencements, and such like things - always with a promise that I will not be called on to speak, which is always broken worse still, generally exaggerated by reporters. . . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 379-80

Congressman Horace Mann, July 13, 1851

WASHINGTON, July 13, 1851.

A Virginian told me yesterday that he saw I kept preaching; and, upon my evincing some curiosity to know what he meant, he said he heard a discourse from me the day before, — Sunday; all which, being at last interpreted, meant that he had heard a street temperance-lecturer read my Letter to the Worcester Temperance Convention, to a large audience which he had collected. I see the letter itself is in Monday's "Commonwealth."

I was glad to see in some paper yesterday a letter from Gen. Scott to Gen. Jackson, declining a challenge for a duel which the latter had sent him. It was well written, saying at the end that he, Gen. Jackson, could probably gratify his feelings by calling him, Scott, coward, &c., till after the next war; meaning thereby, that, in another war, he would have an opportunity to vindicate his courage, &c.

The general impression here is that Mr. Webster cares nothing for the Whig party, but will accept a nomination from any body of men not too contemptible to be noticed.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 350

Congressman Horace Mann to Reverend Samuel J. May, August 4, 1851

WEST NEWTON, Aug. 4, 1851.

REV. S. J. MAY, — . . . Webster has debauched the country, not only on the subject of slavery, but of all decency and truth. Well, I have no doubt who will come out right ten years hence.

Very truly yours, &c.,

H. MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 350

Congressman Horace Mann to Mr. and Mrs. George Combe, December 5, 1851

WASHINGTON, Dec. 5, 1851.

MY DEAR FRIENDS MR. AND MRS. COMBE, — Politics in this country do not, as they should, mean a science, but a controversy; and in this sense we are all involved in politics. When will the time come that politics can be taken from the domain of passion and propensity? I have no doubt that such a millennium is in the future. Nor will the whole world enter that millennium at the same time. Wise and sage individuals like Mr. George Combe must be the pioneers: then it must be colonized by a larger number, and then entered and dwelt in by all. But I fear the epochs and eras which will mark and measure these successive stages of consummations are to be geological in their distance and duration. Doubtless you have seen a book entitled the "Theory of Human Progression," which, from internal evidence, is Scotch in its origin, and whose object is not only to prophesy, but to prove, the future triumph of peace and justice upon earth. I have read but part of the book. I am reading it to my wife at odd hours, when our chances of leisure come together. I have long believed in the whole doctrine; but it is delightful to see it argued out, not only to take the Q. E. D. on authority, but to feel the truth of the solution. All sciences, even the natural ones, have been the subjects of controversy and of persecution in their beginning: why, then, should not the science of politics? One truth after another will be slowly developed; and by and by truth, and not individual aggrandizement or advantage, will be the only legitimate object of inquiry. Then will its millennium come! - Doubtless you have through the public papers the political movements of the country at large. The old struggle for supremacy between the political parties goes on; but worse means are brought in to insure success than ever before entered into our contests. The North (or free States) comprises almost two-thirds of all our population; the South (or slave States) but about a third. The North is really divided into two great parties, Whigs and Democrats. These are arrayed against each other in hostile attitude; and, being nearly equal, they cancel each other. The South is Whig or Democratic only nominally. It is for slavery exclusively and intensely. Hence we now present the astonishing and revolting spectacle of a free people in the nineteenth century, of almost twofold power, not merely surrendering to a proslavery people one-half the power, but entering into the most vehement competition to join with them in trampling upon all the great principles of freedom. We have five prominent candidates for the next Presidency. All of them are from the North. The South does not put forward as yet a single man; for Mr. Clay can hardly be considered a candidate. Each one of the five candidates begins with abandoning every great principle of constitutional liberty, so far as the black race is concerned; and to this each one has saddled more and more proslavery gratuities and aggrandizements, as the propositions he advanced were made at a later period of time. All Whigs professed to be shocked when Gen. Cass offered in substance to open all our new Territories to slavery. But Mr. Webster's accumulated proslavery bounties, as compared with those of Gen. Cass, were as "Pelion to a wart." Mr. Buchanan offers to run the line of 36° 30′ through to the Pacific Ocean, and to surrender all on the south side of it to slavery. Mr. Dallas, late Vice-President under Mr. Polk, tells the South that the antislavery spirit of the North will never be quiet under the compromise measures and the Fugitive-slave Law; and so proposes to embody this whole series into the Constitution by an amendment, thus putting them beyond the reach of legislative action. And Mr. Douglas, a young senator from Illinois, who aspires to the White House, offers Cuba to the South in addition to all the rest. In the mean time, the South sets forth no candidate for the Executive chair. Some of their leading politicians avow the policy of taking a Northern man, because "a Northern man with Southern principles" can do more for them than any one of their own. All of them are virtually saying to Northern aspirants, "Proceed, gentlemen; give us your best terms: and, when you have submitted your proposals, we will make our election between you." Is it not indescribably painful to contemplate such a picture, — no, such a reality? You must feel it as a man: I feel it as an American, you as a lover of mankind, I as a lover of republican institutions.

You will, of course, understand that such contests cannot be carried on without corresponding contests in the States. In Massachusetts, many collateral issues have mingled with the main question. Mr. Webster's apostasy on the 7th of March, 1850, had not at first a single open defender in our Commonwealth. Some pecuniary arrangements were made by which one or two papers soon devoted themselves to his cause. In a few days after the speech, he visited Boston; and, at a public meeting to receive him, he held out, in unmistakable language, the lure of a tariff, if they would abandon principle. This interested motive appealed to both parties. It was pressed upon them, both in public and in private, during the whole summer, and indeed until the approaching termination of the 31st Congress showed that it was only a delusion and a cheat.

During the summer, another pecuniary element was introduced. The merchants of New York sought a monopoly of Southern trade through a subserviency to Southern interests. The merchants of Philadelphia and Boston forthwith became competitors for the same profits through the same infamous means. In this way, within a twelvemonth, all the Atlantic cities were carried over to the side of Southern policy. I believe I told you of efforts made against myself, and their result, in the last year's election of a representative to Congress from my district. Since that time the process of defection has gone rapidly on, spreading outwards from the city, and contaminating the country. The great body of the Whig merchants and manufacturers in the Northern States now advocate Mr. Webster for the Presidency. This, of course, determines the character of the mercantile papers. A large meeting was held in Boston last week to nominate him for that office. He is expected soon to resign his secretaryship, and to travel South on an electioneering tour. His health is very much impaired; and that glorious physique, which should be in full vigor at the age of eighty, is now nearly broken down. He can do nothing but under the inspiration of brandy; and the tide of excitement also must be taken "at the flood;" for if a little too early, or a little too late, he is sure to fail.

In Massachusetts we have had a fierce contest for State offices. Mr. Winthrop was the Whig candidate for Governor; and his election would have been claimed as a Webster triumph, though not justly so. But he falls short of an election by about eight thousand votes. The Free-soilers and Democrats combined, and have obtained a majority in both the Senate and the House. This secures an anti-Whig Governor, and is a triumph of antislavery sentiment. We have never had a more fiercely contested election. I was "on the stump," as we say, about three weeks, speaking from two to two and a half hours almost every evening. Since the election, I have been delivering lyceum lectures; so that you may well suppose I am pretty much "used up." With this term in Congress, I hope to escape from political broils, and to live a life more in accordance with both natural and acquired tastes. . . .

H. M.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 352-5

David Henshaw to Daniel Webster, April 21, 1851

Boston, April 21, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR, I have noticed with surprise and regret, in common, I doubt not, with a large portion of the citizens of this commonwealth, that some of the aldermen of Boston have refused the use of Faneuil Hall to a number of highly respectable citizens, who had intended giving you there a public welcome. The grounds of that refusal seem disreputable to their discernment, or to their patriotism.

Because the public safety required them to refuse that hall to those who proposed to devise means to disturb the peace of the country, to violate and trample under foot paramount United States law, to resist by force or fraud its execution, who designed there to fan the flames of discord and civil war, to plot the disunion of the States, and the overthrow of the constitution; that hence, to mete out even-handed justice, they must refuse this public edifice to those who desired to assemble to uphold the laws of the land, to sustain the union of the States, to pay a proper respect to one of the ablest, boldest, and most patriotic champions of the constitution and the Union, is to confound all ideas of propriety, and to leave a doubt in regard to the intelligence or patriotism of officers so voting. It is fortunate, however, for the credit of the city and State, that but four or five men have placed themselves in this equivocal position. The common council speak more correctly the voice of the country, and have given a fitting rebuke to the aldermen.

Feelings of deep regret at this pitiful outrage upon popular rights and public sentiment, and a high respect for your public services, have induced me to address you this note, and, as a citizen of Massachusetts, to assure you of the satisfaction your able and patriotic course, in aid of the compromise measures of the late congress, has given me. I have always been, as you are aware, on the opposite side of politics to yourself, but the old issues that long divided parties have mostly passed away, new ones have arisen under new combinations. Difference of political opinions never prevented my just appreciation of your long public services, of your political foresight, of your enlarged and comprehensive patriotism, so prominent in your efforts to carry through the compromise measure.

It is quite evident that Massachusetts, for a long while, impaired her just influence in the Union by a sectionalism at war with our condition and progress as a nation. In our country, now extending from ocean to ocean, embracing thirty-one independent States, independent in regard to their local legislation, but confiding to a general government the control over their affairs, in which it is supposed they have a common interest; a strict regard to the terms and conditions of our national compact, a complete non-interference of the States with each other in their local legislation, and with their State institutions, and a liberal and fraternal spirit towards all, are necessary to hold so vast a fabric together.

Those who opposed the extension of our national bounds by the purchase of Louisiana, and who predicted such dire calamities from that acquisition, lived to see the error of their judgment, and have now mostly passed away. But the spirit of opposition to our national progress seems to have remained in some minds, and in fact to have increased in force, with the party of the abolitionists, and with the ultra-slavery men of the South, until they have become open and avowed disunionists; disunionists, unless they can rule the Union.

If the views of the abolition party are to control the course of this good old commonwealth, I fear Massachusetts will sink in influence to a level with South Carolina; the one State would seemingly seek her welfare and glory under the palmetto banner, the other under the flag and tomahawk of the Indian; and both perhaps, in the event of this dire disruption, might display their philanthropy by cutting each other's throats. From your elevated position, long experience, and political forecast you perceived what the crisis demanded, and promptly and boldly gave your efficient aid to restore harmony to the nation You fearlessly indicated to those you so ably represented, that they should exhibit less sectionalism, and more of elevated, liberal, and fraternal nationality. I have faith that Massachusetts and the whole country will profit by your example. The whole Union pays homage to your patriotism and your public services.

The pitiful attempt of a few city officials to annoy you, but arouses the patriotism of the country to sustain you; and it is this act, as I before remarked, which has led me, as a humble citizen of this State, to bear to you in this tangible form the expressions of approbation, and of gratitude, for your invaluable public services in the alarming crisis through which the country has passed.

With the greatest respect, I am, dear Sir, your obedient servant,

DAVID HENSHAW.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 432-4

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, April 29, 1851

[Washington.] Tuesday morning, eight o'clock. April 29, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—We were glad to learn that Ellen Fletcher found shelter under your hospitable roof. My telegraphic message to Boston seems to have miscarried. In two hours, I presume, we shall hear something from her.

The point of rendezvous for these Cuban patriots is now said to be Savannah. Men and arms are collecting there. They must be quick. If they are not out of the river in twenty-four hours from this time, they will not get out at all. If they should get out, they will be followed.

It is a beautiful morning. I have walked through the market, where I saw fine lamb, asparagus plenty and cheap, cucumbers, all sorts of green things, young chickens, &c., to say nothing of shad right out of the river, at twenty-five cents a pair.

This place lies south of Marshfield.

Yours,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 436-7

Daniel Webster to Millard Fillmore, April 29, 1851

Department of State, April 29, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have gone over the draft of an answer to Mr. de la Rosa's note, with some care, and the revised draft is now in the hands of the copyist. I shall ask Mr. Hunter to take it to you to-morrow early, and he will either read it to you or leave it for your perusal, as you may prefer. It is a paper on an important subject, and will be much discussed in Congress, especially if the treaty should fail of ratification.

I am desirous, therefore, that it should be made to conform in all points with your judgment.

Yours, truly always,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 437

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, April 30, 1851—2:30 p.m.

[April 30.] Wednesday, half-past two o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have yours of yesterday, and am most happy to hear your cold is better. We shall be happy to see Ellen.

We have bad weather, and I am just closing up a long day's work.

The Cuban expedition will all blow out, North and South. Those engaged in it are a set of geese.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 437