Edmund W. Hubard* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, May 8, 1852

SARATOGA, [VA.], May 8th, 1852.

DEAR HUNTER: I received your very able and valuable report on “a change in the coinage,” and was highly delighted with this, and other evidences contained in the proceedings of the Senate of the manner, as well as distinguished talents with which you discharge the various duties of your high station. I have often said, that intellectually as well as in points of character, I thought you more resembled Mr. Madison than any other person. In some respects I think you will prove his superior. Madison in the abstract was sound, but he lacked either the elevation of character or the firmness of purpose to carry out his convictions. He gave to expediency what was due to principle. Without going beyond my candid convictions I may add, that I deem you will prove him superior in this respect. If the health of my Family will permit I wish to attend the Baltimore Convention.

For various reasons I decidedly prefer Buchanan. In our section as far as I can learn he is the choice of more than 40 to 1. In our District Convention we thought it improper to express our preference or instruct our Delegates. But we adopted a resolution approving of the two thirds rule in making our presidential nomination. As an evidence of fairness, delegates were selected without reference to their personal preferences. All that was desired was that the popular will would be reflected, let that be as it might. Thos. S. Bocock was appointed and Wm. C. Flournoy and others not agreeing with a decided majority. I might add not with one in 20 in the District Convention. We are dead against Genl. Cass. He cannot be elected. We will take any other Democrat rather than him. He cannot carry V[irginia. Many leading Democrats declare they will not vote for him if nominated. He stands in the same relation to our party that Genl. Scott does to the Whig. He has talents, but with all is deemed more of a demagogue than statesman. His strong proclivity to ride both sides of a sapling argues unsoundness or over ambition—either way he is not trust worthy. Besides he has had his day. The Democrats will settle down in favor both of one Canvass and the one term principle for the Presidency. Besides I am opposed to taking Senatorial Candidates and wish the Baltimore Convention to adopt a resolution excluding all holding office, from the field of selection. We must go to private life positions for our candidates for President and vice too. If we go to Congress for our candidates as well as for instructions as to whom to cast our votes, why Congress will soon absorb all the powers as well as all the honors of our republic. This policy unless averted will corrupt and revolutionize our government. The Executive must in inception, election, and action be distinct from Congress. Let the Congress indicate Candidates, which is tantamount to an election, the next step will be for the President to humble himself to his real master. Thus the judiciary will also fall under the influence of Congress. Then a congressional majority will decide and continue the fate of the country. I am opposed to all this. I want the President in all respects independent of both branches of Congress. The country people are daily becoming more disgusted with Congressional President making. That man will stand highest in the public estimation who keeps above all such extra official dictation. While the South held all the high honors, in truth got all the benefits of our government, they have fattened and grown strong upon the substantials, while we are starving and growing weak upon honors. Now I am for a change. Give me sound and reliable Northern or free State men, and so far as I am concerned they may enjoy all the honors. We want the real solid benefits of government and if they have the honors, it will be the most powerful motive with their aspirants on both sides to keep down the slavery agitation and also to so make the machinery of government as to rebuild the south. I look upon high honors as incompatible with sectional aggrandizement. We cannot get both at once. When the south held the Posts of honor, she had to throw all the crumbs of government to conciliate distant support. Now give the free States the honors and then they will do justice to gain our confidence and support, for without the slave state vote in Congress no Executive can honorably or properly administer the government.

I had rather see Buchanan, Marcy, or Douglas, or Dallas, or R[ichard] Rush by a great deal than Cass, under the latter [I] look upon our defeat as certain. With either of the others we may succeed. Cass is too much mixed up with all this Kossuth movement, and too strongly inclined to elevate himself not only above all our Diplomats, but above the wise policy upon foreign affairs of Washington and Jefferson to be trusted at this juncture. I look upon our Foreign relations at this time, as the most important point to guard in making our selection of candidates. Democratic measures are in the general to obtain either under a Whig or Democratic rule. But justice to the slave states, and a wise and peaceful Foreign policy is what we need. On neither of these points am I willing to confide in Cass. As for the Union and the upstart constitutional expounders from Tennessee, they had better put things in the ascendant at home, before they assume the leadership for the Union. That is either a Whig State, or else the least sound of any of the Democratic slave states. The Union is a high toned Federal organ but unlike other Federal papers, it does not seem to be aware that it is so. Now the Democratic editor from Tennessee is but. little short of our former Globe editors from Kentucky. What one did for knavery, the other is doing for folly. I am opposed to being doctrinated by such chaps from the New States. The Union was clearly for Cass from the start, and all the time. Genl. Cass on a recent occasion went out of his way to laud Genl. Jackson and especially his proclamation. He is the advocate of compulsory democracy, and dead against the voluntary system. He would establish the inquisition, if the Union would suggest it, or the alien and sedition laws. Should he be elected the country might look out for the most high handed measures, all proved by the editor of the Union to be in accordance with the doctrines of Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson. May the Lord deliver our party from the hands of the quacks of Tennessee and Michigan.

To change the subject, I stick closely to my planting and farming, take no part except to vote in politics. We have a son and daughter which I shall train up for a match for some of your children. You and lady are as great favorites with my wife as your humble servant, and she often says she is in favor of Mr. Hunter over all others for the presidency. Of all things we would be most happy to see you and Mrs. H. and all the under fry here. The South Side Railroad passes by me as near as Farmville twelve miles distant. In about twelve months it will be open to Farmville and a few more months to Lynchburg. Then, my dear sir, there will be no valid excuse for your not visiting this part of the state. If you will come, I will take, or go with you any where here abouts. Pray give my best respects to Judge Butler, Atchison, Douglas and Mason and believe me as ever with highest regard and consideration.

_______________

* Representative in Congress from Virginia, 1841-1847; resided at Curdsville, Buckingham County.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 140-2

George M. Dallas to Charles O'Conor, Geo. Douglas, J. Addison Thomas, Schuyler Livingston, &c., &c., &c., Committee, June 14, 1850

PHILADELPHIA, June 14, 1850.

GENTLEMEN—As patriots and politicians, you have every reason to approve the legislative conduct of your representative in the Senate of the United States, Gov. Daniel S. Dickinson. During my service in that chamber, I did not fail to notice the untiring zeal, manly frankness, quick and powerful ability which he invariably applied to forward the interests and sustain the sentiments of the Commonwealth of New York. And in doing this, let me tell you (though you cannot but well know it already), he, at the same time, successfully exemplified his fidelity to the Republican party and his devotion to the Federal Union. It is no wonder that you should desire, at the present interesting juncture of national affairs, to mark prominently with your encomium and encouragement a public agent so eminent, so honorable, and so useful; and it would give me very sincere gratification were it in my power to join you at the entertainment for that purpose on Monday next, to which you have obligingly invited me. I am, however, constrained by my engagements to forego this pleasure, and content myself with offering to your indulgent adoption the following toast:

"The patriot Senator of New York: He who cherishes no higher aim than his country's good, and adopts no higher law than his country's Constitution!"

I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, your friend and fellow-citizen,

G. M. DALLAS.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 437-8

George M. Dallas to Senator Daniel S. Dickinson, March 1, 1850

MY DEAR SIR—The Union of yesterday, which I received this morning, contains a letter addressed to yourself and me, dated as of the 15th ult. It is signed "John Hampden," a name over which I have heretofore seen several good articles, but by whom it is employed I can form no conjecture.

I am quite sure that as the actual and admirable senator of a great commonwealth, you have already fronted the crisis as became you, and that you will retain the ground you have occupied. But I am at a loss to conceive in what manner it is supposed possible for the late Vice-President usefully to emerge from his privacy, affect to advise Congress, or officiously intermeddle with business already in deputed and able hands. Would not such intervention expose me to plausible and unpleasant imputations, and so affect injuriously the very cause I should desire to aid?

Certainly I have nothing to conceal. Content with the measure of domestic happiness which God permits me to possess, and quite willing to work to the last at the law, I do not care to hide my opinions on public questions. They were frequently uttered in the hearing of thousands while position as a national executive agent made it excusable, if not becoming to do so. The extraordinary circumstances of the times have slightly modified these opinions, and the irrepressible bias of my head and heart, toward preserving the Federal Union, as moulded and embodied (if that word be admissible) by the Constitution, carries me further just now, than mere logic carried me heretofore. But I must confess to you that however much I may naturally fondle my own views and sentiments, I shrink from openly claiming to divert attention from the really wise and virtuous men in the capital, toward a mere Q in the corner.

I have written this under a strong impulse of curiosity to know whether the letter in the Union is but an ordinary flight of anonymous vivacity, or is designed as a serious and sober hint to us from any quarter. Pray let me have your idea: and excuse this hasty intrusion on your time.

I am always, very sincerely and respectfully, your friend and servant,

G. M. DALLAS.

March 1, 1850.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 424

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, April 21, 1858

First at the Botanic Garden, second at Northumberland House, and third at the Prime Minister's. Got myself presented to Pélissier, who immediately asked how the Kansas question stood? With all their affected indifference, these European politicians have a keen eye for American differences! Conversed long with Lord Derby about the leading forms of legislation in the two countries; here, every important measure is matured by and introduced from the government; no standing committees, as we have.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 264

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, March 7, 1861

Dined with Lampson, for the time being a resident in a capital house at the farthest end of Eaton Square. Went at eleven to Lord Chelmsford's for fifteen minutes. A youthful dance.

The news from home a shade more promising. A word of meditated coercion in the inaugural of the 4th instant may be the last nail in the Union's coffin.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 441

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, March 12, 1861

Letters and newspapers, both in abundance, from home are gloomier than ever. We may yet pass through a convulsion only less frightful than the revolution of 1789 in France.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 441

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, March 16, 1861

The Duchess of Kent, the Queen's mother, died this morning, in her seventy-fifth year. Away go all further drawing-rooms, levées, and other palatial gayeties for this season. As possibly we shall not have an opportunity to see Queen Victoria again before quitting for home, I am somewhat pleased that we met her in her open carriage yesterday afternoon in Hyde Park and received her kind smile and bow. The Duchess was sister of the present King of Belgium, and, I believe, aunt of the Queen of Portugal; so, three Royal Courts are in deep mourning.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 441

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, March 17, 1861

A long and interesting telegram by the America. The Inauguration on the 4th had gone off without disturbance of any kind, in the presence of some thirty thousand persons. Mr. Lincoln's address was both firm and mild,—firm against the constitutionality of secession, mild in assurances and language. Nothing in the telegram about convening the new Congress, nor about the new Tariff bill, though he noticed the passage of Corwin's resolution to amend the Constitution by expressly prohibiting Congress from meddling with slavery in the States, and approved it.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 441-2

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, March 20, 1861

Dr. Hitchcock, of California, the surgeon of General Taylor at the battle of Buena Vista, who saved the life of Jeff. Davis by extracting from the wound he received a piece of steel of a spur and part of its leather strap, brought me direct from Secretary Black a despatch instructing me to oppose any recognition by this Government of a Minister from the Confederate States. . . I immediately asked an interview with Lord John Russell. As this despatch relates to high questions of domestic politics, and is dated as late as the 28th of February, only three days before the Inauguration, it suggests the possibility of its having been sanctioned by Mr. Lincoln, for his inaugural speaks to the same effect.

Macaulay's fifth volume, edited by Lady Trevelyan, is just out, and is a brilliant specimen of picturesque history. His sketch of Peter the Great and his development & of the rival pretensions to the Spanish succession are admirable in every way.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 442

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, April 28, 1861

I have repeatedly observed on the utter impossibility of keeping a diary without long chasms. More than a month has gone by, and an eventful one, too, without my dotting a single item! I must brush up and try to preserve the features of my few days for remaining in this great country, which, while commanding my highest admiration, I find, after five years of trial, I do not and cannot like.

I went last night to Cambridge House. Lord Palmerston has emerged from the tortures of the gout, and is in admirable looks and spirits. He looks upon the exraordinary report of the bombardment for forty hours of and from Fort Sumter, without any one being hurt, as an absurdity which further news will clear up. Nothing else engaged the conversation of the whole company. Italy, Poland, Hungary, and Holstein all yield in interest to the drama thought to be now formally inaugurated in America. One gentleman confidently predicted that the Southerners would capture Washington and give the Northerners the severest thrashing they have ever had. Motley has worked himself into such a fever at the prospect that he says he can neither read nor write, and must go home.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 442-3

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, May 1, 1861

The America brought me a note from. Mr. Adams. He quits Boston to-day. I may, therefore, look for him at farthest on the 15th inst.

The President's Proclamation against the seceding States as insurrectionary follows quickly upon the fall of Fort Sumter, and firmly accepts the challenge of war involved in that belligerent attack. It calls out seventy-five thousand militia, and will no doubt be enthusiastically responded to in men and money. Thus, then, has sectional hatred achieved its usual consummation,—civil war! Virginia hesitates, but she will join the Confederacy, as will also, finally, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Maryland. My poor country can henceforward know no security or peace until the passions of the two factions have covered her hills and valleys with blood and exhausted the strength of an entire generation of her sons. All Europe is watching with amazement this terrible tragedy.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 443

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 2, 1861

A slight solace to one's anxieties about home is found in the circumstances brought by successive steamers during the week. 1. The proposition of Mr. Crittenden, or "The Border States," seems growing into favour. 2. There was a large minority on the question of secession before next 4th of March in the Georgia Convention. 3. The Alabama members of Congress have been instructed not to quit, but to wait further advices. 4. The South Carolina Commissioner, Colonel Hayne, has suspended his demand for the evacuation of Fort Sumter. 5. Charleston is suffering greatly from want of supplies. 6. Major Anderson is universally applauded. 7. Virginia has adopted as satisfactory the compromise of Crittenden. 8. Financial affairs are improving; the United States stock rose one per cent.

There would seem to be a most extraordinary departure from the chivalric honour in public life which has heretofore characterized Southern gentlemen in the disloyal treachery with which Cobb, Floyd, Thomson, Thomas, and Trescott have pursued secession in the very penetralia of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. Nothing can relieve them from the charge of deceit and treachery but their having apprised the President, on entering his counsels, that, instead of recognizing as paramount their allegiance to the Union, they were governed by "a higher law" of duty to Georgia, Virginia, Mississippi, Maryland, and South Carolina respectively.

Persigny, recently appointed to the Ministry of the Interior in Paris, made a popularity-seeking plunge at his outset in relaxing restrictions on the Press. Suddenly he has turned a corner; giving, three days ago, an "avertissement" to the Courrier de Dimanche, and arbitrarily ordering the offensive writer, Ganeseo, out of the Kingdom! He says that Ganeseo is a foreigner, and cannot be allowed to criticise the principle of the Imperial Government.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 432-3

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 6, 1861

Parliament was opened yesterday by the Queen in person. The military parade, turnout of royal equipages, and assemblage of Peers, Peeresses, Bishops, and Judges, were unusually imposing. The speech was fuller and clearer than common. The paragraph devoted to the United States was uttered as if really felt, though I certainly did not do what some of the newspapers allege,—nod my head with an expression of misgiving as to a “satisfactory adjustment."

"Serious differences have arisen among the States of the North American Union. It is impossible for me not to look with great concern upon any events which can affect the happiness and welfare of a people nearly allied to my subjects by descent, and closely connected with them by the most intimate and friendly relations. My heartfelt wish is that these differences may be susceptible of a satisfactory adjustment.

"The interest which I take in the well-being of the people of the United States cannot but be increased by the kind and cordial reception given by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent visit to the continent of America."

Went to the Commons at eight o'clock, and witnessed the first scene of what I cannot but regard, for the existing government, as an inauspicious breach, on reform, between Lord John Russell and Mr. Bright. The motion was to amend the reply to the speech by a clause as to the omission of that topic. Forty-six, in a thin house, voted for it.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 433-4

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 12, 1861

Yesterday's news from home a shade more promising. The President's message to Congress on the mediatorial propositions from Virginia is calmly and judiciously written. It looks to that State for the preservation of the Union. The Convention of the Border States, free as well as slave, assembled on the 30th of January, and we ought now to have its first movements. There will be a collection of distinguished men at it,—Rives, Tyler, Reverdy Johnson, etc. I fear, however, they are rather effete celebrities than fit for the moment.

A curious sort of intermediate public counsel, not employed by either plaintiff or defendant, but seeming to act and argue as a Judge-Advocate at a Court-Martial, has addressed an admirable argument to the Bench in 'Betsey Bonaparte's" case at Paris. He seems a representative "pro bono publico." His name is Duvignaux. Another singular feature of this trial was in allowing a presumptuous American called Gould to intrude his written notions as to what was general opinion about the marriage of Jerome and Betsey with our eminent lawyers in 1803! How completely this could have been exploded by the production of my father's written and elaborate view of the whole matter given to old Mr. Paterson at the time! I have the rough draft among his relics.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 434

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 14, 1861

At about ten o'clock P.M., of the 13th instant, Gaeta, in which the young Neapolitan King Francis II. has long and bravely stood a siege, capitulated to the Sardinians under Cialdini. So passes into the shade of exile another dethroned Bourbon!

A levée to-day at St. James's Palace. I presented, in the general circle, Colonel Schaffner, of Kentucky, the indefatigable explorer of a northern route for a submarine electric cable, from the highest point of Scotland to France, thence to Ireland, thence to Greenland, and thence, finally, to Labrador. This plan of four stepping-points, instead of one vast leap, has its advantages. It may realize the old phrase, “the longest way round is the shortest way home."

I dined yesterday with Mr. Croskey, meeting a company of most interesting gentlemen, about twenty in number: Admiral Fitzroy, Mr. Dutton, Mr. Scofield, Sir Edward Beecher, Mr. Rae, Dr. Shaw, Captain Peacock, etc.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 434-5

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 16, 1861

Another pamphlet in Paris by La Guéronnière-i.e., by, or with the approval of, the Emperor has appeared. It narrows the temporal power and estate of the Pope to nothing, but keeps the French force in Rome for the safety of his person. Its title is "France, Rome, and Italy."

The Duke of Buckingham's historical notices of the reigns of William IV. and Victoria, and the autobiography, letters, etc., of Mrs. Piozzi, have been my reading for some days. The former is very superficial, a mere skimming of Hansard and the newspapers; the latter, by A. Hayward, Esq., Q.C., is full and entertaining. Both published since January 1, 1861. Hayward takes occasion to give a hit at Macaulay's style of writing history, which is worthy of extraction, as undoubtedly just: "Action, action, action, says the orator; effect, effect, effect, says the historian. Give Archimedes a place to stand on, and he would move the world. Give Talleyrand a line of a man's handwriting, and he would engage to ruin him. Give Lord Macaulay a hint, a fancy, an insulated fact or phrase, a scrap of a journal, or the tag-end of a song, and on it, by the abused prerogative of genius, he would construct a theory of national or personal character, which should confer undying glory or inflict indelible disgrace."

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 435-6

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 17, 1861

Mr. Reuter sends me a telegram from Queenstown of the American news. 1. The conference invited by Virginia met on the 4th, and re-assembled with closed doors on the 5th at Washington. 2. Slidell and Benjamin have withdrawn. 3. A truce between Lieutenant Slemmer and State forces at Pensacola Navy-Yard, followed by surrender to latter. 4. North Carolina resolves unanimously to go with the other slave States if adjustment fail. 5. United States revenue cutter Lewis Cass treacherously surrendered to Alabama. 6. Fifty thousand people starving in Kansas. 7. Secession of Texas definitive. 8. The President has refused to surrender Fort Sumter on Colonel Hayne's demand; an attack expected. 9. Attempt on Fort Pickens abandoned. No blood yet spilt.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 436

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 20, 1861

The day before yesterday the "Parliament of Italy" opened its first session at Turin. A great consummation! giving the noblest immortality to Victor Emmanuel and Cavour. The 18th of February must be marked with a white stone.

A levée at St. James's Palace. Anxious to receive my mail from home, I remained but five minutes after passing the Queen. Lord Clyde particularly cordial.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 436

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 21, 1861

Dined with Mr. Thomas Baring. Mr. Holland, son of Sir Henry, and his wife, daughter of Sir Charles Trevelyan, Mr. Coolidge, Count Straleski, etc., were at table. The habeas corpus issued by the Queen's Bench, to Canada, for the fugitive Anderson, discussed and its correctness negatived. I, of course, abstained.

At eleven o'clock went to Miss Coutts's. Spent quite an interesting half-hour there. The desire to catch up some news as to the progress of our Revolution gives me an eager entourage in every salon.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 436-7

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 22, 1861

Just finished the Duke of Buckingham's two volumes on the “Courts and Cabinets of William IV and Victoria.” There is a curious note by the Marquis of L., which says that about 1845, "in a conversation at the drawing-room with Lord John Russell, Lord L. asked him what he seriously looked to in the present state of parties in the opposition, if Sir Robert Peel, in disgust, was forced to throw up the government. Lord J. replied, he looked only to an American Constitution for England." I make another extract, as it is one which harmonizes with my own judgment, and, coming from so stern a Tory as Buckingham, is probably just. "No fair critic of public men can deny that Lord Palmerston is a statesman of extraordinary resources. Indeed, his experience, his tact, his judgment, his inexhaustible good humour, and rare political sagacity, have maintained his party in power when blunders of every kind have most severely tried the patience of the nation."

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 437