Muscoe R. H. Garnett* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 5, 1856

RICHMOND, [VA.], February 5th, 1856.

MY DEAR UNCLE: The Kanawha River bill passed this morning, waiving the State's lien on the tolls, so as to authorise the Ja[me]s Riv[er] and Kan[awha] Co[mpany] to issue 7 per cent bonds ($320,000) to improve it according to Fisk's plans. I congratulate you on the result. There is a prospect of selling (through Latham to N[ew] Y[ork] parties) one half of the Old Dominion Co[mpany] at the rate of $150 per acre. This would net me about $2,000 for one-half of my interest therein; don't you think this would be a bad bargain for me?

My report is at last made; it kept me so closely at work I had no time to write you but the brief note of last week. Yet I have been attentive to your interests. Directly after closing that note, I had a long interview with Charles Irving; he is thoroughly and warmly with us, and we have (at Harvie's advice) taken him into our confidence. This exchange is very important, for it gives us a voice in the Examiner wing of the party. He has been making strenuous efforts on Hughes and Floyd. I learn that the former seems amenable to reason, and might, perhaps, be changed or rationalized, but for Floyd; but the ex-Governor is blind with resentment. He resents the late Senatorial election and thinks you interfered with Pierce against him. Irving says he said Douglas told him so, but this is confidential. Can it be true? Kenna is trying his hand on him, and though with little hope, does not despair. With Floyd, our affairs would be easy. Kenna is for you, as you know, but he is too much for a combination with Pierce; if I understand him aright, he wants us to indicate our willingness to vote for Pierce first, with a view of securing P[ierce]'s friends to you. Do you think Kenna reliable? Irving has sent an excellent leader to his paper coming out for you. He has gone up to Danville to secure that paper, and Clemens thinks he can get the Wheeling Argus to come out. The Dem[ocratic] Recorder has already closed. Mallory will get Irving's editorial favorably endorsed in Norfolk, and the Valley Democrat and Lexington Star must be made to follow suit. Banks promises to republish and endorse in his paper; but at first he hesitated on the plea that it was impolite to alarm the friends of Pierce by pushing you just now. I cannot but think that, as Meade says, Banks has an axe of his own to grind, and the hope of getting into the Union effects him. I don't think he will be worth anything to you, if he gets there, though I believe he really prefers you.

Harvie, Mallory and a few others have a consultation with me tomorrow night for purposes of organization. Harvie has written for Booker to come up and we are to have a frank talk with Wise. What do you think of asking the Convention on the 28th to endorse you? I fear the attempt may be very dangerous, but Mallory and Harvie are disposed, if we conclude we have the strength to carry. And there are some fair arguments in favor of it, other states are disposed to go for you, but are held back by the reports of division and weakness in Virginia. It is supposed here that our friends in Washington expect an expression of opinion by that Convention. Shall we attempt it, or shall we trust to quiet organization in the Districts, and such demonstrations of public opinion through the press, as we are arranging? This is a difficult question ahead of us. The members of the Legislature are much divided and very many undertermined. We have nobody who can efficiently work on the South well; we think Henry Edmundson could do much, if he would come down and spend a week here and be active. Cant he be persuaded to do so?

I deeply regret the Tucker business, both for its personal effects and for political reasons. Your friends here sustain you, but the Examiner has already opened its batteries and begins with a lie by saying that Forney is elected. Beverly [Tucker] himself has given colour to this charge by the assertion that Forney is still in the Union and that Stidell has pledges from the President that Forney shall be kept in. The affair cannot permanently injure except in that aspect, but if the President has cheated you, it may be very injurious. You owe it to yourself to see that Forney is excluded, and checkmate the fraud, if attempted.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from Virginia, 1856-1861.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 178-9

Charles Mason to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, March 18, 1856

ALTO, [VA.], March 18, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: You would be amused to learn some of the manouvres which have been resorted to in our state to secure the nomination for the presidency. You stand no chance in such an intriguing age; and the truth is I have lost confidence in every body. A man who, some months since, told me he could and would make you president, if I am correctly informed, is now throwing every obstacle in the way of such a result. His own ambition may be an apology, but if it be true that he has countenanced strange combinations there is no excuse for him.¹ I can scarcely believe what I hear from Richmond and I say nothing of my own knowledge, for I have been confined to my room for nearly three weeks, with a violent cough which prevented me from attending the convention. The resolutions of our little meeting here, every body understood was a preference for you and your name was not mentioned because we thought it would do more harm than good.

The plan pursued by our convention was a proper one, to express no preference, for any body of men who go into the National Convention tied down to a name, must have an up hill road to travel. I saw the disadvantage Mr. Buchanan labored under by such a course in the last convention. There was an omission, however, in our friends not instructing our delegates to cast the whole vote of the state as a unit. They sh[oul]d have gone further and instructed them to vote always for that son of V[irgini]a who was presented to the convention, by other states and receiving the largest vote.

We were very near having our vote scattered in Baltimore by the Floyd party, which would, at once have broken the moral force of Virginia's strength and defeated a nomination.

_______________

¹ Probably Henry A. Wise, who was then governor of Virginia.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 183-4

James A. Seddon to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, December 3, 1855

ST. JAMES, LOUISIANA, December 3rd, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR: Your letter only reached me in this outside world a few days since. Its confidence and kind consideration for my uninformed councils have afforded me sincere gratification. You may have many wiser but no truer friends, and so entirely conscious am I of the warmth and disinterestedness of my own regard and so confident of your just appreciation, that I feel privileged to use the utmost candor and frankness with you. It is plain to me there is imminent danger of jealously and discension arising, if not between Wise and yourself, at least between your respective friends and adherents, and in consequence the loss of the favorable contingency of elevating a true Southern States Rights man to the Presidency and adding another Chief Magistrate to the illustrious roll our State can now boast. Wise is clearly in a false position. While unconscious of the full eclat of his State triumph and the commendation it would afford to a certain class of lookers out for new stars in the political fermament to put him up for the Presidency, he, animated both by gratitude for the recent exertion of yourself and your friends in his behalf and by old relations of kindness, committed himself decidedly in your favor. Since, circumstances and the flattery of friends have deluded him and kindled ambitious aspirations that to one of his nature are but too seductive.

Wishing however to be an honest man, he can not forget or disregard wholly his promises in your favor, yet being so ambitious, he can not entirely reconcile himself to the preferment of another from his own section and state over him. He therefore compromises with himself by the persuasion that neither can be elected and casts around for chances to strengthen himself in the position.

This I take to be the true state of the case, although perhaps not fully realized to his own mind. Now this will never do as it will inevitably defeat you both now, which is all either can be secure of, and which is indeed a rare contingency not likely to recur speedily. Open rivalry is hardly more fatal than the open position taken by either of you, that no Southern man or Virginian must now be nominated. It is dangerous to have, even more fatally in our state, the peculiar feelings and jealousies which really render it impossible to run with success a Northern man, and the absence of which in the South gives her the preference of a nomination. All this is clear to me, but how to anticipate and avoid the evil is the rub. I confess I am very much at a loss, but I can imagine two minds and natures, as magnanimous and generous as I know yours and hope Wise's to be, might pin to the level of a noble understanding even in relation to such a post of honor and usefulness as the Presidency, and in a personal interview put matters on some bases satisfactory to the friends of both. I think indeed Wise ought to and with a just appreciation of the circumstances of his position and of the times I hope would at once withdraw all pretensions on his own part, and engage with characteristic zeal and energy in urging you. This is perhaps rather to be hoped than expected, although I confess I am not without some anticipation that recent elections at the North may have forced on his mind his original impression that a Northern man can not be nominated. Besides Buchanan, who is the only Northern man to whom past committals can justify him in adhering in preference to you, is wary and prudent and may not wish to run the gauntlet of an ineffective struggle for nomination. With the Session of Congress too Wise will drop more from public notice and you become more prominent. National politicians, who must and doubtless do prefer you, will then be more influential than during the recess in molding and guiding public opinion and Wise may be awakened from his temporary delusion. Should however this not prove the case, would it not be possible for you and himself to leave the question who shall be supported by V[irgini]a in the nominating Convention to the arbitrament of two or more mutual friends, who might quietly enquire and determine the relative strength of each and select the stronger. Or should this be impracticable, might you and he not have an understanding that neither should take the least measure to influence the action of the State or the selection of delegates to the Convention and that when assembled, their choice should determine, the one not preferred at once to withdraw and cast all his influence in behalf of the other.

By one of these or some kindred mode, growing discentions so distructive to the chances of both and so discredible and weakening to the Democracy of our State will be oviated, and what will please me scarcely less, the petty malice of Floyd and Smith with all their yelping pack will be frustrated. I can not answer your enquiry as to the motives of Floyd's peculiar animosity to you, but presume it had origin in some imagined slight to his overweaning vanity, while he was Governor and not infrequently in Washington, or perhaps in a desire thro' you to strike at Mason whose seat he has the folly to aspire to. The Examiner alone gives any venom to his sting but while hurtful to both him and yourself if disunited is impotent against your united strength. I wish much I could see you or be in V[irginia] this winter and think it probable I may return in February. I shall be a deeply interested spectator of events and watch with delight your culminating star.

This climate agrees with me better than the more vigorous North and I enjoy it even the monotony of a French neighborhood and plantation life. I am busy making sugar and hope with it to sweeten the sour portions which the ill fortune of delicate health commends to my lips. Do give my cordial remembrances to Mr. Mason and Judge Butler and any other of our old political associates who may dain to bear in remembrance one who at heart has the merit of valuing his section and his friends.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 172-4

Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Sunday, February 16, 1862

By daylight all of Colonel Statham's Brigade had crossed Caney Fork except a few wagons. Before night General Carroll's Brigade, except two regiments (Stanton's¹ and Murray's, that were yet behind), had crossed. Four companies of McNairy's Battalion were still on the east side of Caney Fork waiting for those other two regiments.

Seven regiments of Crittenden's Division had crossed and moved out in the direction of Nashville by the way of Lebanon. Allison's company was still boarding among the citizens near Trousdale's Ferry.

The following explains itself:

HEADQUARTERS Western DEPARTMENT,       

Edgefield, February 17th, 1862.

 

Major-General Crittenden, Commanding Chestnut Mound:

 

General Johnston directs you to move your command to Murfreesboro (instead of Nashville) without delay. Press all the wagons you need. Fort Donelson has fallen, and General Floyd's army is captured after a gallant defense.

 

Respectfully,

W. W. MACKALL.²

_______________

¹ Stanton belonged to Statham's Brigade.

² Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 889.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 132-3

Lieutenant Colonel William W. Mackall to Major-General George B. Crittenden, February 17, 1862

HEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT,        

Edgefield, February [17, 1862].

Major-General CRITTENDEN,
        Commanding Chestnut Mound:

General Johnston directs you to move your command to Murfreesborough (instead of Nashville) without delay. Press all the wagons you need. Fort Donelson has fallen, and General Floyd's army is captured after a gallant defense.

Respectfully,

W. W. MACKALL.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 889

Landon C. Haynes to Jefferson Davis, January 27, 1862

KNOXVILLE, TENN., January 27, 1862.

His Excellency JEFFERSON DAVIS,
        President Confederate States of America:

SIR: The Army of the Cumberland is utterly routed and demoralized. The result is regarded with the profoundest solicitude. Confidence is gone in the ranks and among the people. It must be restored. I am confident it cannot be done under Generals Crittenden and Carroll. There is now no impediment whatever but bad roads and natural obstacles to prevent the enemy from entering East Tennessee and destroying the railroads and putting East Tennessee in a flame of revolution.

Nothing but the appointment to the command of a brave, skillful, and able general, who has the popular confidence, will restore tone and discipline to the army, and confidence to the people. I do not propose to inquire whether the loss of public confidence in Generals Crittenden and Carroll is ill or well founded. It is sufficient that all is lost.

General Humphrey Marshall, General Floyd, General Pillow, General Smith, or General Loring would restore tone to the army and rein-spire the public confidence. I must think, as everybody else does, that there has been a great mistake made. Every movement is important. Can not you, Mr. President, right the wrong by the immediate presence of a new and able man?

Yours, truly,

LANDON C. HAYNES.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 849

Governor John B. Floyd* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 8, 1850

RICHMOND, [VA.], November 8th, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR: I was absent when your letter of the 9th ult reached the City, and I have delayed an answer to it until now for the purpose of consulting with some of our friends upon the subject.

I am pleased with the idea of sending our free people to the British West India Islands, nor is it by any means a new one to me. I had a conversation twelve months ago with some gentlemen upon the subject; but we made nothing of it for the want of information; and being equally ignorant of the sources to procure it, let it drop. I would take it as a favor confered upon the state if you would ascertain of even the British Minister distinctly the terms upon which his Government would take them, and the condition in which they would be placed upon their removal to the Islands.

We to be sure would part with them very willingly upon any terms, but this information is necessary to render their co-operation hearty. If advantageous terms were offered I do not much doubt, but that they would all emigrate in the course of a few years. I should be very much pleased to render every facility in my power to the conservation of the project.

_______________

* Governor of Virginia (1849-1852); a member of Buchanan's Cabinet (1857-1861).

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 120-1

James Buchanan to Robert Tyler, June 13, 1860

WASHINGTON, 13th June, 1860.

MY DEAR SIR: Do you wish me to place the letter of Captain Maddox to yourself on file? Also that of Mr. Iverson to him?

I am sure that you will think I ought occasionally to make an appointment according to my own wishes and judgment. I know the officers of the marine corps tolerably well, and I intend to exercise this privilege upon the present occasion. Although S—— has not yet been removed, nor is it yet ascertained that he will be a defaulter, yet the applications are already numerous for his place. Your friend M—— will never be behind in this race.

I return Mr. Campbell's letter according to your request. Immediately upon its receipt I spoke to the Secretary of War upon the subject, and he informed me that the rule as to the length of time a surgeon should remain at West Point had been changed, and that Dr. Campbell was the first whom this change had affected. He gave me strong reasons for the change, which I have not time to repeat. His successor, Dr. Hammond, has seen much hard service in New Mexico and our remote frontiers. So says Gov. Floyd, who informs me it is too late to recall Dr. Hammond's appointment. I am sorry I did not know the facts in time. I believe the service of a surgeon at West Point has been reduced to two years.

I have hardly time now to say my prayers. Should they succeed at Baltimore in rejecting the regular delegates from the seceding States and admitting those who are "bogus," then Douglas will or may be nominated. In that event the unity and strength of the Democratic party is annihilated and Lincoln elected. This is not the worst. The Democratic party will be divided and sectionalized, and that too on the slavery issue. Everything looks bad, not only for the party, but for the country. The information from New York is not very encouraging.

In haste, always sincerely your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S. — I hope you will be to see us ere long and stop at my house if you like the entertainment.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 558-9

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 2, 1861

A slight solace to one's anxieties about home is found in the circumstances brought by successive steamers during the week. 1. The proposition of Mr. Crittenden, or "The Border States," seems growing into favour. 2. There was a large minority on the question of secession before next 4th of March in the Georgia Convention. 3. The Alabama members of Congress have been instructed not to quit, but to wait further advices. 4. The South Carolina Commissioner, Colonel Hayne, has suspended his demand for the evacuation of Fort Sumter. 5. Charleston is suffering greatly from want of supplies. 6. Major Anderson is universally applauded. 7. Virginia has adopted as satisfactory the compromise of Crittenden. 8. Financial affairs are improving; the United States stock rose one per cent.

There would seem to be a most extraordinary departure from the chivalric honour in public life which has heretofore characterized Southern gentlemen in the disloyal treachery with which Cobb, Floyd, Thomson, Thomas, and Trescott have pursued secession in the very penetralia of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. Nothing can relieve them from the charge of deceit and treachery but their having apprised the President, on entering his counsels, that, instead of recognizing as paramount their allegiance to the Union, they were governed by "a higher law" of duty to Georgia, Virginia, Mississippi, Maryland, and South Carolina respectively.

Persigny, recently appointed to the Ministry of the Interior in Paris, made a popularity-seeking plunge at his outset in relaxing restrictions on the Press. Suddenly he has turned a corner; giving, three days ago, an "avertissement" to the Courrier de Dimanche, and arbitrarily ordering the offensive writer, Ganeseo, out of the Kingdom! He says that Ganeseo is a foreigner, and cannot be allowed to criticise the principle of the Imperial Government.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 432-3

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, January 16, 1861

I have been kept for a week, and am still, in a state of great anxiety about the dangerous political excitements at home. The President has taken an attitude less friendly to the secessionists. This has been owing, it would seem, to the occupation of Fort Moultrie and the seizure of a revenue cutter, in the harbour of Charleston, by the South Carolina authorities. General Floyd, as Secretary of War, had pledged his honour to Governor Pickens that there should be no change in the status of the fortifications in the harbour.

Major Anderson, in command, with prudent strategy, shifted his little garrison of twenty men from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. The South Carolina Commissioners at Washington protested, alleging breach of faith. Floyd demanded orders to Anderson to go back. The President declined. Governor Pickens sent militia into Fort Moultrie and seized a United States cutter. Floyd resigned on 29th of December, and his resignation was quietly accepted on the 31st by the President, who appointed Postmaster-General Holt to conduct the department until a successor was named. The President has addressed Congress, announced his determination to protect the property and collect the revenue of the United States with all the power at his disposal, and is said to have directed the frigate Brooklyn to be held in readiness at Norfolk, while two revenue cutters are proceeding to Charleston harbour, on board which a new Collector, McIntyre, of Pennsylvania, will exact the duties on imports. In the interim reinforcements are being sent to Southern garrisons, as a determination to seize them has shown itself in Georgia, Alabama, and North Carolina. These facts, if well founded, place the country in imminent risk of civil war; and if, at the bottom of the whole, there exist, as Mr. Daniel, our Minister to Turin, vehemently assured me on Monday last was the case, an immense majority in the South who desire disunion and have been preparing to accomplish it for twenty years, it would seem that a sanguinary convulsion is unavoidable. Perhaps a large movement of militia, similar to the one made by Washington in 1794 against our Whiskey Insurrection, would overawe the disaffected and restore tranquillity. Certainly, South Carolina has taken, by capturing forts and cutters, a more decisively insurrectionary character than could be attributed to the disorderly riots of Pennsylvania.

My old friend "Betsey Bonaparte" and her son have enlisted Berryer and Legrand in a trial to come off on the 25th inst., before the Court of First Instance in Paris, asserting the validity of the marriage of Jerome in Baltimore in 1803, and claiming to share in the property he has left. If the marriage be sustained, the necessary result would be the illegitimacy of Prince Napoleon and Princess Mathilde. Here is fine garbage for Imperial scandal! and "Betsey" is not one, though she can't lack much of eighty, to shrink in the pursuit of money or to be scared by a crown.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 428-30

Annual Report of William T. Sherman, January 1, 1861

LOUISIANA STATE SEMINARY                

of Learning and Military Academy,        

Alexandria, January 1, 1861.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF SUPERVISORS, Alexandria:

Sir: I have the honor to submit this, my Annual Report. Accompanying it you will find,

1st. Balance sheet, exhibiting the state of all accounts for 1860.

2nd. An Inventory of articles on hand for sale to cadets, classified as "merchandise,” such as text books, clothing, bedding, etc.

3d. An inventory of property belonging to the Seminary, charged to expense account, but remaining on hand and in daily use.

4th. A return of arms, accoutrements and ammunition stored here, for the Central State Arsenal.

5th. A list or catalogue of all professors, cadets, and other persons belonging to the Seminary.

6th. An exhibit, giving the approximate cost of maintaining a "state" and "pay” cadet.

These contain all the information I am required to give at this time, but I am satisfied you will expect of me a more full exhibit of our financial prospects.

By an examination of the Balance sheet, marked 1, you will observe that we begin the new year with: [$56,056.02]. . .

I estimate our expenses for this current year to be: ($43,746.42]. . .

Deducting this from the former sum and we should have a cash balance at the beginning of next year, of $12,310.60, of which balance the sum of $10,502.97 will belong to the “State Cadet Fund," "and must be held sacred. Deducting this from the former balance, leaves the sum of $1,807.63 over and above all the estimated expenses, which are full and liberal. From our isolated position, however, we must expect always to keep on hand a pretty large stock of merchandise for sale to cadets; and this will require a moderate capital to be retained in hand.

All other accounts, such as wood, tuition, furniture, and tailors, are self supporting.

The two professors' houses are now substantially done, and will be occupied within a fortnight. The old rail fence has been removed, and a plain board fence constructed, so as to enclose the buildings in a rectangular field of about twenty-eight acres. The small balance of the appropriation for roads and fences, $243.06, will soon be expended on the main road, within the Seminary limits, and in connection with the road now under construction by commissioners of the parish.

It would be well, at this time, to demolish the old, dilapidated log cabin which stands by the east tower of the Seminary, as well as the shanty occupied by the tailor's family, and to construct, in more retired localities, two plain but neat cottages, one for the servants employed about the Institution, and the other for the occupation of the tailor. These would not cost over seven hundred dollars, a sum that the very favorable condition of our finances will warrant. With these small changes, I do not see that any more buildings will be called for till the number of cadets exceed one hundred and sixty.

CENTRAL STATE ARSENAL. By the act of your General Assembly, approved March 14, 1860, was established here, in connection with this Military Academy, an Arsenal under the above title. We then had on hand only fifty-five muskets and fifty sets of rifle equipments, and it appeared to me of some importance that a better supply should be procured before the opening of the present term. On my application, the adjutant-general of the state, M. Grivot, and Governor Moore, placed in my hands a requisition on the ordnance department of the United States, for the quota of arms due Louisiana for the year 1861. Availing myself of the August vacation, I went to Washington, at my own expense, had a personal interview with the secretary of war, Gov. Floyd, who promptly and courteously gave the necessary orders for advancing these arms before the time they could be claimed under existing laws. Colonel Craig, chief of ordnance, promptly filled the requisition, so that we are now in possession of a complete supply of the very arms and accoutrements needed by this institution. The arms are of the newest and best patterns. The jury of the parish, at its December meeting, appropriated the sum of two hundred, fifty dollars for the purchase and deposit here of powder, balls, and percussion caps. By an inspection of the return herewith you will see a complete list of them all.

To afford a proper and safe place of storage for these arms and ammunition, I enclosed the space under the main stairway, in such a manner as greatly to strengthen them, and to afford a magazine easy of access, easy to guard, and where the powder is remote from any walls containing fireplaces or flues.

It was my purpose to give in detail the history of events which attended our progress during the past year; to have explained the character of discipline, of instruction, and all things that would be calculated to assist you in your duty report to the legislature. But I find all these things so well described by your late vice-president, General Graham, in his report of April 28, 1860, that I have nothing further to add.

The rules and regulations for the government of us all, professors and cadets, have been so thoroughly canvassed, and adopted and printed for general use and circulation, that nothing remains but to give them a fair trial. Should, in their application, any defects exhibit themselves, I shall not hesitate to point them out, and at the very start I cannot withhold the expression of my earnest conviction that, in our course of study and array of text books, we have imposed upon the cadets a load they cannot bear, and that it is calculated to make imperfect and superficial scholars. In adding to a full scientific course of study a most complete classical one, we are apt to appall the mind of ambitious youth who contemplates the task he has assumed.

Our standard for admission is low, but not too low. The majority of applicants come to us very badly prepared, and with every disposition possible to yield to the wishes of parents, the Academic Board was constrained to reject twelve applicants at the beginning of this term. All these things can be safely left to time, and, in the meantime, by adhering closely to the system which has been well begun, by maintaining a pretty severe discipline, and more especially, by keeping the classes of cadets constantly employed, at their studies and recitations, we can, beyond the probability of doubt, complete the work so auspiciously begun, and make this to rank among the first institutions of our country. A result in which I feel assured all, professors and cadets will continue to exhibit a pride and zeal worthy the cause.

I have the honor to be your ob't servant,

W. T. SHERMAN, superintendent.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 321-5

John W. Garrett to John T. Quynn, October 26, 1859

Baltimore, Oct. 26th, 1859.

J. T. Quynn, Frederick:

Advices from Superintendent Armory, Harper's Ferry, represent that efforts for rescue of Brown and other prisoners are preparing in New York and Pennsylvania, and that it may be undertaken to-night. Can the service of two military companies from Frederick be had by our express west tonight if further advices should make it requisite? Superintendent has telegraphed Secretary of War and we are also in correspondence with General Government authorities. Reply promptly.

J. W. GARRETT, Pres't.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 36

A. P. Shutt to William Preston Smith, October 28, 1859

October 28th, 1859.

Wm. P. Smith.

All quiet last night. Secretary of War Floyd was here from Washington, in consultation with Barbour. He is of the same opinion of yourself, that the men in the Government shops, should have protected the town.

A. P. SHUTT.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 39

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, April 3, 1865

Intelligence of the evacuation of Petersburg and the capture of Richmond was received this A.M., and the city has been in an uproar through the day.

Most of the clerks and others left the Departments, and there were immense gatherings in the streets. Joy and gladness lightened every countenance. Secessionists and their sympathizers must have retired, and yet it seemed as if the entire population, the male portion of it, was abroad in the streets. Flags were flying from every house and store that had them. Many of the stores were closed, and Washington appeared patriotic beyond anything ever before witnessed. The absence of the Assistant, Chief Clerk, and Solicitor compelled my attendance until after 3 P.M. close of mail.

Attorney-General Speed and myself met by agreement at Stanton's room last night at nine, to learn the condition of affairs with the armies. We had previously been two or three times there during the day. It was about eleven before a dispatch was received and deciphered. The conversation between us three was free, and, turning on events connected with the Rebellion, our thoughts and talk naturally traveled back to the early days of the insurrection and the incipient treason in Buchanan's cabinet. Stanton became quite communicative. He was invited, as I have previously understood, through the influence of Black. Says Buchanan was a miserable coward, so alarmed and enfeebled by the gathering storm as to be mentally and physically prostrated, and he was apprehensive the President would not survive until the fourth of March. The discussion in regard to the course to be pursued towards Anderson and the little garrison at Sumter, became excited and violent in December, 1860. On the 27th or 29th of that month there were three sessions of the Cabinet in council. Sitting late at night, Buchanan, wrapped in an old dressing-gown or cloak, crouched in a corner near the fire, trembled like an aspen leaf. He asked what he should do. Declared that Stanton said he ought to be hung and that others of the Cabinet concurred with him. This, Stanton said, grew out of his remarks that if they yielded up Sumter to the conspirators it was treason, and no more to be defended than Arnold's. In the discussion Holt was very emphatic and decided in his loyalty, Toucey the most abject and mean. When called upon by the President for his opinion, Toucey said he was for ordering Anderson to return immediately to Fort Moultrie. He was asked if he was aware that Moultrie was dismantled, and replied that would make no difference, Anderson had gone to Sumter without orders, and against orders of Floyd, and he would order him back forthwith. Stanton says he inquired of Toucey if he ever expected to go back to Connecticut after taking that position, and Toucey said he did, but asked Stanton why he put the question. Stanton replied that he had inquired in good faith, that he might know the character of the people in Connecticut or Toucey's estimate of them, for were he, S., to take that position and it were known to the people of Pennsylvania, he should expect they would stone him the moment he set foot in the State, stone him through the State, and tie a stone around his neck and throw him in the river when he reached Pittsburg. Stanton gives Toucey the most despicable character in the Buchanan cabinet, not excepting Floyd or Thompson.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 272-4

John W. Garrett to John B. Floyd, October 26, 1859

Baltimore, Oct. 26th, 1859.

Hon. J. B. Floyd,
        Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.:

Our company has received the following message from A. M. Barbour, U. S. Superintendent at Harper's Ferry.

• Alfred M. Barbour to William Preston Smith, October 29, 1859

Will you do me the favor to say whether you have given orders to dispatch any force to Harper's Ferry by this afternoon's train from Washington to protect the armory? I only await your answer before asking the commander of the militia here to send a force to the spot during the pendency of Brown's trial and that of his associates. Is it not necessary to keep a Government force upon the spot? Pray advise me immediately.

JOHN W. GARRETT,        

Pres't B. & O. R. R. Co.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 34-5

Alfred M. Barbour to William Preston Smith, October 26, 1859

Harper's Ferry, Oct. 26th, 1859.

W. P. Smith,
        B. & O. R. R. Co.:

I have received a letter from a reliable friend in New York city, in which he says the abolitionists speak openly of the rescue of Brown and his party. He thinks a large band of desperadoes will make the effort. It is my duty to inform you that your property here may be destroyed. You had better take measures to protect it at once—the effort may be made to-night. I have telegraphed the Secretary of War and Gov. Wise. You should act at once.

ALFRED M. BARBOUR.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 34

John W. Garrett to James Buchanan, October 26, 1859

Baltimore, 26th Oct., 1859.

His Excellency,
        James Buchanan:

Alfred M. Barbour, U. S. Superintendent at Harper's Ferry, has advised me by telegraph of his fear of an armed attempt to rescue Brown, and also of his apprehension that property at Harper's Ferry would be put in danger. I have telegraphed the Secretary of War, and asked if any force was to be sent this evening, as the danger apprehended from an attack of outlaws was immediate. In the fear that he might not be at his department when the dispatch was sent, I advise you of that dispatch. We shall take steps to protect our property, and I think that the safety of the Armory &c., requires some prompt action from the Government.

J. W. GARRETT, Pres't.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 35-6

Colonel Robert E. Lee to John B. Floyd, [October 18, 1859]

To the Hon. Secretary of War:

I find it unnecessary to bring the troops from Fort Monroe here, and have stopped them at Fort McHenry to await orders. All the rioters now trying to escape. A man named Cook has escaped. They are barricaded in the Engine House, within the enclosure of the armory. They have with them some of our best citizens, who they refuse to release. There are several companies here from Virginia and Fredericktown in charge of the village. I have put the armory property in charge of the Marines and shall endeavor to secure and protect the rioters; they have killed several citizens and several of them have been killed.

R. E. LEE.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 22

William Preston Smith to Thomas H. Parsons, October 17 1859

Baltimore, 10.40 A. M., October 17th, 1859.

Thos. H. Parsons,

        Washington, D. C.

Go at once to Secretary of War, and get his instructions about special train to leave at one o'clock with troops, to put down riot at Harper's Ferry Armory. We have fully dispatched him and President of United States. If this is done, it will require not over two or three cars, which you can send with yard engine to Relay, under your own charge; so as not to interfere with 3.20 train. If this can not be arranged in time, send troops by latter train, for our regular Express west.

W. P. SMITH.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 12

G. F. Gilbert to William Preston Smith, October 17, 1859

Washington Junction, 17th October, 1859.

W. P. Smith.

Hold train until Col. Lee comes to Relay. I will take them up with Engine 22, and keep out of the way of other trains. Col. Lee is the Commander of the expedition, by order Secretary of War.

G. F. GILBERT.

SOURCE: B. H. Richardson, Annapolis, Maryland, Publisher, Correspondence Relating to the Insurrection at Harper's Ferry, 17th October, 1859, p. 13