Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, September 4, 1857

[AMELIA, VA.], September 4th, 1857.

MY DEAR HUNTER: I find your letters at home after an absence of six weeks from the State. Just having returned of course I am not well posted in regard to current events. I am sufficiently so however to feel very confident that your reelection is safe. I came thro' the North West over the Baltimore and Ohio R[ail] R[oa]d and saw Judge Camden and Oldham who told me that you would get the whole vote of that section of the State. I heard from Alfred Barbour at the same time, the same thing. From Jack Willis and Jack Barbour at the same time I heard that from Alexandria thro' the red land country under the mountain all was right. Lee alone preferring Wise and he not daring to misrepresent what he knows to be the will of his constituents. The Southside is all our own, I am sure. Powell's and Richardson's districts [are] all right. Your own county I suppose is sound. Still our friends should be alert and active, for we have fierce, unscrupulous and wiley foes. Write again and tell me all you know, what and where are the weak points and I will help to strengthen them. Your views and policy are all right and I and Wm. Old, Jr and Lewis [?] have been impressing them on Pryor warmly and earnestly before I went away. Pryor has been away from his post for a month leaving his paper in the hands of his assistant and his paper has lost ground and is losing it I fear daily. He had the Enquirer down and has now lost the advantage. I had urged Mayo to write to him to return at once and I think he will when he gets my message. In the mean time Wm. Old has sent a communication down to-day, which I presume will appear as an Editorial placing the paper on the true ground which is the same as that suggested in your letter. This he will follow up with others. I have written to Mayo to place the paper on it and not to drug it. To keep V[irgini]a in the Democratic party at the head of the South and not at the tail of the north and to appeal to State pride and urge upon him not to abandon her principles and natural allies for the purpose of getting broken victuals to feed her hungry politicians. I am and have been all along out and out against making war on Buchanan. It will be time enough when he does something not covertly but openly that will justify it. Any attack on him now only weakens his assailants and strengthens him. If we are to strike let us be clearly right and put him clearly in the wrong and then we can strike hard. Granting that we are able to pull down the pillars of the temple now cui bono. It crushes us as well as him. No I am for giving him full and fair play, supporting him until he drives us off, and to the end of the chapter. At the same time I have little hope that he will permit us to do it. I for one however will assail each in its turn every violation of principle and pledge, until forbearance ceases to be a virtue and then I will war on their authority, but not our Democracy, I am done with that. I wish to live and die in the Democratic fold and faith and shall fight enemies from without or false friends within under the broad shield and panoply of Democracy. Let us all take this position and be brave ourselves and we will keep these hungry curs in their proper places. I do not see any thing that you can do until the meeting of Congress. Then you should and I suppose will take the first opportunity to define your own position and not allow these gentry to make one for you. They can't put you against the administration if you don't choose to be against it, nor can they prescribe the mode and manner of your support or the extent of your opposition. In the meantime his excellency in his zeal for old Buck [Buchanan] or himself is as likely to run afowl of something or other in or out of his way as one that I know and his ex-excellency may be expected to protect the interest of Uncle Sam in other transactions as effectually as he is said to have done in the sale of Fort Snellings and be as implicity trusted by the people of Virginia as he is now. We have beaten these men before and can and will do it again. Keep me advised and trust [William M.] Ambler and Wm. Old implicitly. I name these because they are in the Legislature and should understand every move at once.

I sat up late last night on two strong cups of coffee to keep my eyes open in order to reply to your letters, as soon as I got them. That admirable narcotic having the effect of exciting my brain, may have prevented me from giving such a reply to your letter as it required and would have gotten when it ought to have reached me. Since then no doubt great changes have taken place in the tactics and perhaps in the views of the coalition. That they will crush us if they can is certain. If they can't they will say that they wouldn't if they could and perhaps one of them that he would "crawl to Washington to make you President." "Nous verrons” We will be more than a match for them. There is no doubt, that Wise is or has been at work. Write and tell me all you know.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 220-2

Charles W. C. Dunnington to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, September 7, 1857

WASHINGTON, D. C., September 7, 1857.

DEAR SIR: An article appeared in the Virginia Sentinel on last Friday, which astonished me very much. I went to Alexandria next day and called on R[ichard]. M. Smith, but he had gone to Fauquier. The article looked very much as if the editor desired to put Gov. Smith forward at your expense. Since then I have seen Col. Wm. F. Phillips, who was told by Mr. Finks that Smith intended to take ground for you against Wise. As soon as I can see him I will find out what he is after.

Dr. Tait says he never thought of applying for an office, until Rush Floyd wrote to him that he could get the appointment of 6th auditor if he would apply for it. It is a movement of Gov. Floyd to get his brother into the State Senate, that he may aid the Secretary of War in his schemes. Gov. Floyd told Harris of the Union, that you would be defeated. On the other hand, Gov. Smith told Col. Phillips last week that you would be reelected. Gov. Smith was here about ten days ago and says that in a conversation with the President, Mr. B[uchanan] said he supposed you would be in opposition to his administration.

Robt. E. Scott, of Fauquier, who defended the rioters here last July, told a friend, that he had been stopping with Wise, and that Wise was very anxious to succeed you as Senator.

I have no doubt demagogues and intrigues are endeavoring to poison the mind of the President against all who stand in their way. I repeat these items of gossip, picked up from authentic sources, in the hope they may be useful. Of course, I do not want to be known as giving them, as I do not know at what moment, or upon what pretext I may have the rotation doctrine applied to me, which, with a family of fourteen, would be rather inconvenient.

I met Mr. Montague yesterday. He is to come up to-day to talk over the position of parties in Virginia with me. He is a true friend of yours. It is said the Cabinet are all afraid of Mr. B[uchanan] and that he overhauled the Secretary of War the other day relative to the selling of certain lands owned by the United States. I do not believe the Cabinet will hold together until the adjournment of Congress.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 224

Erastus T. Montague to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, September 14, 1857

WASHINGTON, [.D. C.], September 14, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: I have been here for the last week with but little to do except to pick up what political news I could find and I proceed to give you the result of my observations.

A few days since I learn that the President in a conversation with Gov. Smith remarked that he supposed he should have to regard you as identified with the opposition to his administration. Smith replied that you were cautious prudent and sagacious and not likely to take any step without due consideration.

The efforts of the Enquirer to force from you an exposition of your views on Walker's Kansas policy occasion much talk here. Mr. Forney is the only high official with whom I have had any conversation on the subject. He says you should not notice the matter at all. That should a proper occasion arise during the approaching session "he doubts not you will define your position and that it will be found right as it has always been." Forney and Thompson are your only reliable friends in this concern.

Your friend Col. Phillips is to be removed from the 6th Aud[ito]r['s] office and Dr. Tate of our state senate to be appointed in his place. The object is to remove Tate (who is your friend) from the Senate, and put Floyd's brother in his place. From all I can learn there is a regularly organized combination between Wise, Floyd, and Faulkner the object of which is to put Wise in your place make Faulkner Governor and bring in Floyd to succeed Mason. What a beautiful scheme!!! and to cap the climax old Buck [Buchanan] is made to play second fiddle to this immaculate trio. Hence the efforts of Wise through the Enquirer to identify you with the opposition to the Adm[inistratio]n. At every corner I am accosted with the enquiry what is to be the result of the conflict between Wise and Hunter in Virginia? My reply is there can be no conflict. The people of Virginia never change their public servants without cause. Mr. Hunter has served them faithfully, they are satisfied with his course, and desire no change. Wise's particular friends approach me with hypocritical cant professing to deplore the schism between Wise and Hunter. I ask them for the evidence of such schism they point to the opposition of some of Hunters friends to Wises oyster fundum and other crude and ridiculous absurdities. I reply that Mr. Hunter's friends are free and independent citizens who think for themselves, and that neither he nor any one else can properly be held responsible for their opinions and actions. That he should be judged alone by his own sayings and doings.

I give you these sketches that you may see how the Wise workers here and in Virginia would manage things if they could. But they are powerless. From reliable information from all sections of the state I am happy to learn that you were never so strong in the confidence of the people as now. I have seen Powell who tells me they can't get up a demonstration against you. That all these efforts of your enemies but kill their authors while they add to your strength. Bocock was here a few days since and declared publicly that they could not muster an omnibus load of Democrats in the Legislature who would go against your selection. Both of these gentlemen spoke from personal knowledge of the views and intentions of the members elect. I met with Daniel on Friday last and had a long conversation with him, he confirms the statements of Bocock and Powell and from all I can learn you have but to speak the word and Buchanan and all his friends are as dead as Chelsea in Virginia. I have been unusually cautious and prudent, said nothing but endeavored to learn all I could.

Cobb is laying his plans for the succession. Forney has commenced the movement by a complimentary republication of one of Cobbs speeches during the late canvass. This is to be followed up from time to time by similar compliments from others of the Northern Press, and thus clothe him with the habiliments of National democracy par excellence. Thus placed before the country as a Southern man with the greatest Northern popularity he hopes to secure the nomination. The removal from and appointments to office in his department it is thought will be made with exclusive reference to this object. Will the South be duped and gulp the bait? How will Wise relish this scheme which so effectively dash all his bright visions to the ground. Douglas too will be apt to rebel, rely upon it we shall have rare times here next winter and I sincerely trust that the old adage "When rogues fall out honest men get their dues" will be verified. But I will not bore you with speculations. I have hastily sketched what I have learned and leave you to make your own reflections.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 225-7

William Wood Crump to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, September 15, 1857

RICHMOND, [VA.], September 15, 1857.

MY DEAR SIR: It is not my nature to witness unmoved, an unscrupulous and ingeneous effort, to crush or to injure a faithful, valuable and eminent public servant. Let this be my apology for addressing you upon a subject, which while it concerns you especially yet interests me as well, as one who feeling a sincere gratitude for past service, earnestly desires to retain you in the post you have so nobly filled. I am urged too by the recollection that an expression of mine last fall, was construed by the mischief making into a covert attack upon yourself, and I have had no opportunity to explain the matter to you in person, as I had hoped, if indeed it had attracted your notice at all. I have seen alike with pain and indignation the sedulous effort upon the part of Mr. Wise to bring about a controversy with you. I say Mr. Wise because Mr. Wise has no friends who are not guided, governed and absolutely swayed by him. Under the preposterous pretext that your friends are making war on him, he sets the Enquirer upon you, and assuming that your position towards the Executive is equivocal, it (or rather he) demands that you should speak obviously with the double purpose of either obtaining from you an answer which would place you in a position of hostility to the administration and so authorizing upon his part an open and undisguised war, or of displaying his power, in constraining an answer "though it might and no doubt would disappoint his hopes." That you will pursue the even and dignified tenor of your way I cannot doubt. That the same calm and manly firmness which has endeared you to the people of Virginia, will mark your course in this emergency I feel assured. And yet I could not forbear telling you, that one who is connected with you by no other bonds than those of esteem, watches with the deepest solicitude, in the present emergency, the course you may pursue and burns with indignation at the envious attempt to supplant you. I do not know that you feel as I do, our temperments differ so much that perhaps you may smile at my favour. It may be too that my own impulses are tinged by a cerbity which comes from the remembrance, that the only difference I ever had with your friends all of whom were mine was occasioned by my refusal to unite with them in elevating Mr. Wise to a position which would enlarge his (capacity I was about to write, but that is impossible) sphere for mischief. I was greatly displeased with them and except that they agree with me now in my estimate of him I should still express my displeasure towards them for their unhappy mistake.

I feel assured from what I have seen and heard that if the reins of the party are given to him, we shall have another Phaeton drive to lament. He must either rule or ruin. He cannot, no man thank God, can rule in Virginia and I greatly fear that he will, sow the seeds of discord which will bring disaster sooner or later upon our party. I write thus of him because he is now supposed to be the highest power in the State because he is said to be omnipotent in his influence with Mr. Buchanan and only because he is so do I thus speak of him. Power alone has no charms for me. And if he was in an eclipse I would not thus speak of him. I do not know or want to know, that you agree with me. I write in the fullest and most unstricting confidence to you and for your eye alone. It delights me to say, as I intended long since to have said that, all machinations against you will fail. I have learned that the Northwest, will be for you to a man that the tenth legion is sure, that little Tennessee, will stand by you and indeed I do not know any man of prominence in the Legislature who will lift his voice against you. Wise has not strengthened himself with the Legislature. I could see that he lost ground greatly with the last. No man can approach him and believe him fit to fill a statesman's place. He will lose ground yet more, before the next Legislature adjourns.

I cannot close without expressing the belief that the truce between Floyd and himself will be but short lived. In saying this, let me say at the same time, lest my intimate acquaintance with Gov. Floyd might lead to the supposition that I speak from information derived from him, that I have seen him but once, since he was Sec[retar]y of War and have never spoken of Wise to him or he to me. I reason in the abstract entirely. And from my knowledge of the men I feel assured that there can be no continued cordial co-operation between them. I have always deplored the estrangement between Floyd and your friends. Be assured he is your natural ally not in its modern sense, but he is a thorough States-rights man, he is a gentleman by education and by instinct and whatever deflections he has exhibited from the path of strict virtue he is still a gentleman, manly, generous, and brave. I know he did entertain a most exalted estimate of you and though he has never spoken to me unkindly of you, yet I believe there is some estrangement, which I should rejoice to see removed. Let me repeat that I am writing to you of "my own heart." I do not request a reply or want to open a correspondence and that no one knows or shall know that I have written.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 227-9

Charles W. C. Dunnington to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, September 20, 1857

(Private.)

WASHINGTON, D. C., September 20, 1857.

DEAR SIR: I received yours of the 12th inst. since which I have seen Smith of the Sentinel. I told him I was surprised at the tone of the article which referred to you. He said your friends secured the nomination of Wise, and were to blame for his present prominent position in the party; that he (Smith) had had his say, and at the proper time should take ground for you, in preference to Wise. His feelings towards you arise from you beating Gov. Smith for the Senate, not to anything else. To Wise he is opposed on both personal and political grounds. Smith is sound with the administration, and particularly with Gov. Floyd with whom he was particularly gracious last spring. I am told Gov. Smith has not much influence with the administration which accounts for it.

R[ichard]. M. Smith is of the opinion that the weight of the national administration will be thrown against you, and that your friends are marked. Time, however, will show. Col. Phillips, 6th auditor, Brodhead 3d do., Streeter, Solicitor, and Anderson, Com[missioner] of Customs go out this month. Cobb sent for Phillips yesterday to notify him.

I understand a nephew, or cousin of Gov. Wise, is an applicant for the place made vacant by the resignation of Mr. Merrick. Mr. Montague's name has also been mentioned. The latter gentleman is reliable and a warm friend of yours. There is great dissatisfaction felt by the party at the course of the administration relative to appointments. The rule seems to be to proscribe the friends of the late administration; and reward knownothings if they preferred Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Pierce. The Postmaster General and Secretary of the Treasury are both known aspirants to the presidency, and I believe the present incumbent has hope of a reelection. With such a state of things existing, there will be trouble among them before the adjournment of the next Congress.

The coalition between Wise, Floyd and Faulkner for the purpose of placing Wise in your place, Faulkner in the gubernatorial chair, and Floyd in Senator Mason's place at the close of this administration, would be capable of much mischief. If they had confidence in each other; but I am told there is a jealous feeling growing up among them, each one being afraid of the other's cheating him.

I am told that Messrs. Bocock and Powell when here expressed the utmost confidence in your triumphant reelection. Mr. Montague says the people are all for you in his section; and R. M. Smith says the neighboring district will be represented by men a large majority of whom are for you. How is it in the West? It is said Rush Floyd cannot be elected without Whig votes, so that you may get an opponent of the triumviate in place of Tate. As Hopkins can have no reason to like the Floyds, I hope he will aid you.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 230-1

Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Tuesday, February 12, 1861

Have had rather a busy day of it and it has been quite warm. Packed Julia's trunk and then went to the Pat office. Went up to the Navy Dept by request of Chief Engineer Sam^l Archibold to inspect some Drawings and Models of Engines, Valves, &c. Went to Express off and p^d charge on trunk $2.00 and then back to Pa^t office. Have not done much office work today, a good many in the room talking over the affairs of the Nation. Went this evening to the Levee (the last of Pre^s Buchanans). A great crowd there, many Army & Navy officers in uniform. H N J^r went with me and was introduced to the Pres^t & shook hands with him.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C., image 18.

Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Sunday, February 24, 1861

A very windy day and rather cool but not freezing. The mud is drying up in the streets. The Lincolns are all here and it is understood that satisfactory terms have been agreed upon for a settlement of the difficulties as far as the North and the border Slave states are concerned. There is a week (at least) of excitement in prospect in view of the Inauguration on the 4^th. No Trouble is now apprehended then. Mr Lincoln did not stand upon his dignity yesterday but called upon the Pres^t, Gen^l Cass, and the Cabinet who returned his in evening at Willards. There is a full moon and it is very pleasant out tonight.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C., image 22.

Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Wednesday, February 27, 1861

Weather warm, and air soft as May. The Peace Convention did not adjourn yesterday, but did today, Sine die, after voting for compromise resolutions which are deemed very satisfactory to all parties. At ½ past ten o'clock today most of the Gov^t Employees paid their respects to Pre^s Buchanan at the “White House.” We were rc^d by the Pre^s in the East room. The Pres^t announced to those assembled that the peace “Con'ⁿ” had come to an agreement, and adjourned & that the Country was saved. Took tea with Col Paine at Kirkwood House, and then went with him to see the Exhibition of Rarey, the famous Horse Tamer.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C., image 23.

C. W. C. Dunnington to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 7, 1857

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 7, 1857.

DEAR SIR: I received your favor and have made inquiry as to the position of members of the Legislature elected from Gov. Smith's district on the Senatorial question. I am assured they will vote for you. I had a short conversation with R. M. Smith, of the Sentinel yesterday. He is of the opinion that your reelection is certain. Seymour Lynn, the newly elected delegate from Prince William, is very unfavorably disposed towards Gov. Wise. I do not know how DeWitt stands upon the question. From what I can learn, his negotiations for the purchase of the Sentinel have failed for want of funds.

Forney's new paper is out, and professes to be strongly in favor of Mr. Buchanan. Some say it is in the confidence of Cobb. The Editor of the Union is very "suspicious" both of Cobb and of the "Press." The Treasury Department seems to be very much engaged upon the business of removing light-house keepers with salaries ranging from $250 to $500 per year.

The work on the Capital extension is progressing with great rapidity; but although the new chambers may be completed, it will not be prudent to occupy them next winter, on account of the dampness of the walls.

Hon. A. C. Dodge will return very soon to the United States, and will be the next democratic candidate for governor of Iowa. If he succeeds it will make him a prominent candidate for the Vice-Presidency, which, with the growing ill feeling between the friends of Messrs. Bright and Douglas may result in the selection of a Virginian. There is no possible chance for governor Wise before a National Convention. His denunciations of democratic principles and men in former days will not be forgotten, by the people, if they should be by politicians. They would not have been overlooked in Virginia, but for the extraordinary reasons then existing.

Gen. Rusk, had he lived, might have been a formidable candidate for the nomination; as he was deservedly popular. There is now no man in the East, North, West or South who can command the vote in the next convention that you will be able to obtain; and I think our Western friends will defeat themselves.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 216

William Old Jr. to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 15, 1857

[PETERSBURG, VA.?], August 15th, 1857.

DEAR SIR: Doctor Harvie sent me two letters from you to Mr. L. E. Harvie, who is absent on a trip to the north, as he will be away from home for some weeks, and I do not know certainly at what point a letter would reach him, I will keep them until his return. As he is in the habit of giving me your letters to read, I have read these supposing that they referred to your reelection, a matter in which you are aware I feel a deep and friendly interest. I believe now, you will encounter a violent but not a formidable opposition as far as success is concerned. The alliance between Wise and Floyd is at present a close one, but as neither wishes to advance the other, and can assail you only, through your friends, I do not think they can seriously effect your election. They certainly cannot, if Wise is your opponent, he can get a certain but small vote. The danger is, in my opinion, that they may unite on Judge Daniel of Lynchburg, he is strong in the section of the state where you would get with his aid an almost unanimous vote, and he can array against us all of the old democrats, who have not abandoned their hate of the States rights portion of the party. The Enquirer has used its influence; and it is still strong, to impress the democracy, with the idea that your peculiar friends are resolved to assail Buchanan. I do not believe it has as yet, excited any feeling against you. I wrote Pryor, as soon as this Kansas controversy, assumed a decided character, urging him, to confine his attacks to Walker and his action, and as far as he could to separate Buchanan from the controversy. But Wise, who is editing the Enquirer (perhaps indirectly) has continued to produce an impression with many, that the "South" was established for the purpose of making opposition to Buchanan. Wise has as yet, suffered personally, in the contest, but I think he has managed to hurt you, and advance Floyd. In this last is our danger. I am on good terms with James Booker, but I know he is a warm friend to Floyd, and he will be very influential in the House of Delegates. I hear from various sources that he is in favor of your election. If he is so, not only as against Wise but as against any other, you will be in little danger. Your opponents, will have no really good leader in the House, and the Senate will be safe, unless the House overrules it.

The Northwest I hear from authority I consider good, is for you against Wise, it will be thoroughly for you against Wise and Floyd. If Mr Letcher can make Daniel stand firm and work and Layne the Senator from Roanoke, is true, we have little to fear from the Valley or the Southwest. Neither of these men can be relied on, but they have influence, and can be controlled by men in their congressional districts. I am so ignorant of the character of the delegation from Garnett's district, that I cannot form any opinion of the amount of Wise's strength in it. I look on Claybrook as most dangerous to you. Disaffection in this district and in the Lynchburg district, form our chief source of dread in Piedmont and Tide [water]. I will write to Barbour, and ask him frankly, what his position will be, he will tell me, I am sure; and if he is really for you against all competitors, he will fight the contest out and more adroitly and efficiently, than any man I know. There are men still in the Legislature over whom he used to exercise much almost entire control, and they are the class of men you have to dread. In reading your letter I see you suggest a plan of contest with these men which I hope may be used most advantageously. With it, we can certainly destroy Wise. Pryor can rally the old democrats, easily enough, for his services against the Know Nothings, and his difficulties as Editor of the Enquirer have given him a hold on the rank and file of the party, which he will not have, except by open opposition to the democratic administration. I think it would be well for the present, for him to show that his assailants are resolved to unite Virginia to the Northern States and sever her connection with the South. It can easily be done by extracts from the Examiner and Enquirer. Their assaults upon "secessionists," "Ultras," "Extremists," "opponents of the Manouvres of 1850" &c and their effort to show that we must be dependent upon the Northern democracy, can be so used as to show their intention to prefer allying the democracy to the party North, to granting anything to the Cotton States. If he would use this well, with the conviction now prevailing that Wise edits the Enquirer, and will keep back until just before the legislature meets, the proof he can bring to show that this is the scheme of Wise, we can utterly destroy him. Those who remember his conduct previous to the nomination of Pierce, know how easy it is to fasten this charge upon him.

But it is not desirable I think to kill off Wise early. When he is found too weak, and from what his weakness proceeds, they will take up another candidate, who is not so obnoxious. He is at present I hear sanguine, confident of your defeat, while he is so, they can not prevent his being your competitor. He has been all along disclaiming any intention to be a candidate, his friends say, lately he may be forced to be one. This and the course of the Enquirer and what I hear of Hughes lead me to believe he is more confident than heretofore. We can always defeat him, and send you to the Senate without disturbing the democratic party, but he and Floyd might put up another, whose defeat would be less certain, and an election over whom might add to the number of your opponents. There is another matter, which causes me some alarm, it is the action of the

Southern States, in the organization of the House of Representatives. Should the democracy of Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, unite and carry off enough Southern members, to defeat the election of the Administration Candidates for Speaker and Clerk, it may seriously effect us here. The threat of such action may frighten Buchanan, and its execution will prostrate him, but it will exasperate the democracy here, and throw off many from your support. This matter, of course, you and others better acquainted with its possible effects upon the democracy and the South, can judge of better than myself. I am for making no move, in the South, in which Virginia cannot be carried for her natural allies, unless it be forced upon us. And a contest which results in the election of a Black Republican however severe a blow to Buchanan, will react upon us not only in V[irgini]a but in States further South. These suggestions are offered with a full sense of my own want of information, as to the necessity, that may operate on representatives from States further South, and as to ultimate effect on the people there, of a conflict with the administration, which I believe by the democracy of V[irgini]a will be deemed preventable and perhaps utterly condemned by the mass of the people here. I have written to you hastily and frankly, and you will I am sure believe that I write impelled solely by desire to advance our common cause, and aid your reelection.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 217-9

William Lamb to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 19, 1857

NORFOLK, VA., August 19th, 1857.

DEAR SIR: The report that you sympathize with the attacks upon the Administration, made by certain journals in the South, having been industriously disseminated throughout Virginia, thereby embarrassing the mutual friends of Mr Buchanan and yourself, you will oblige me, if convenient and agreeable, by stating your position towards the Administration, which you contributed in a great degree to place in power.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 219

Diary of George Templeton Strong, October 27, 1860

Today’s special rumor is of a scheme of disunion, fathered by the Hon. Howell Cobb of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury, who is now favoring us “mudsills” of New York with his presence and talking sedition. His plan is said to be the secession of all the Southern states and of the commercial portions of the Middle and New England states. New York, I suppose, is to be divided by a line crossing the Hudson at West Point. This is lunacy incredible of a man who goes at large. But, I fear there is no doubt that this Honorable Cobb, one of our highest officers of state, is in shameful alliance with the most advanced destructives and secessionists of the South, and stands ready to become a traitor upon the first eligible opportunity for treason. There is reason to fear that our disgraceful old chief magistrate, James Buchanan himself, is in the hands of men like Cobb and ready to become their instrument.

Even anti-Republicans seem to find this a little too much to bear. The attempt to bully us is barefaced. If these threats are in earnest, they will drive all the North into earnest, resolute resistance, with very little distinction of party. If they are merely part of the electioneering programme of the administration and the South, it is a rash and indiscreet programme. The crack of the plantation whip is too audible.

Caleb Cushing foreshadowed something like this in a speech last summer, when he said in effect that Abolitionists need not suppose the civil war which their fanaticism was bringing upon the country would be remote and confined to the South. “No, we will begin it here, in the streets of Boston.” But the dream of setting up insurrection against our "State Sovereignties” of New York and Massachusetts in enthusiastic loyalty to the "peculiar institution” and the nigger-owning aristocracy is too extravagant to be entertained by any sane man not under the influence of whiskey, opium, or hasheesh.

SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, pp. 54-5

Diary of George Templeton Strong, November 2, 1860

Sent Ellie to the opera in charge of her brother Jem and sallied out for a debilitated stroll. Found a great Wide-Awake demonstration in progress; inspected them in Fourteenth Street. Seward was making a speech in “Palace Gardens,’’ and the crowd there was dense, the Gardens packed full and impenetrable. The show in the street was brilliant—rockets, Roman candles with many colored fire balls, Bengal lights, the Wide-Awakes with their lanterns and torches, and “I wish I was in Dixie.” I adjourned to Broadway in front of the New York Hotel to see the procession pass. The Southerners of the hotel groaned and hissed, and the Republican mob in and about the Lincoln and Hamlin headquarters across the street cheered and roared, and the din was deafening. But there was no breach of peace. . . .

Think I will vote the Republican ticket next Tuesday. One vote is insignificant, but I want to be able to remember that I voted right at this grave crisis. The North must assert its rights, now, and take the consequences.

Think of James J. Roosevelt, United States District Attorney, bringing up certain persons under indictment for piracy as slave-traders to be arraigned the other day, and talking to the Court about the plea the defendants should put in, and saying that “there had been a great change in public sentiment about the slave trade,” and that “of course the President would pardon the defendants if they were capitally convicted.”!!! Is Judge Roosevelt more deficient in common sense or in moral sense? If we accede to Southern exactions, we must re-open the slave trade with all its horrors, establish a Slave Code for the territories, and acquiesce in a decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Lemmon case that will entitle every Southerner to bring his slaves into New York and Massachusetts and keep them there. We must confess that our federal government exists chiefly for the sake of nigger-owners. I can’t do that. Rather let South Carolina and Georgia secede. We will coerce and punish the traitorous seceders if we can; but if we can’t, we are well rid of them.

If I looked remarkably like Kossuth or Mazzini, I could nevertheless travel through Austria with no danger beyond that of a few days' detention, at the end of which, my identity being proven, I should be dismissed with apologies and an indemnity. But I happen to be mistaken for John Jay at least once a week, and it would therefore be utter madness for me to visit that section of our free and happy republic that lies south of Mason and Dixon’s line. Before I had traveled half a day’s journey through that sunny and chivalric region, some gent who had visited New York would spot me as a damned abolitionist emissary. I should be haled forth from my railroad car and hanged on the nearest palmetto tree.

SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, pp. 56-7

Diary of George Templeton Strong, Sunday, November 4, 1860

Mr. Ruggles had a long private talk yesterday with General Scott, some portion whereof he imparted to me, including matters I don’t care to write here. The General is loyal and union-loving, intensely and without reservation. He wrote to the War Department October 27 or 28, calling attention to the inadequate garrison of Fort Moultrie, only about one hundred men instead of the eight hundred or one thousand required to work its guns, and to the unprotected state of other Southern forts and arsenals, but he has received no answer, Ingraham, appointed some three months since to command of the Home Squadron, is a South Carolina man.

If old Buchanan be really playing into the hands of secessionists, and if disunion come next week, as I think it will, and if his non-feasance enable the fire-eaters to take possession of Fort Moultrie or any other federal fortalice, there will arise from all the North (and, I trust, from no small portion of the South), a reactionary indignant cry for vengeance against traitors in high places that will make old Buck’s neck feel insecure for a season.

SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, pp. 57-8

James Hopkins Adams

ADAMS, James Hopkins, statesman, b. in South Carolina about 1811; d. near Columbia, S. C., 27 July, 1861. He was graduated at Yale in 1831. In 1832, during the "nullification" excitement, he strongly opposed the nullifiers in the legislature. After serving in the state senate for several sessions, he was elected governor for the term of 1855-'57. He was one of the state commissioners that were chosen, after the ordinance of secession was passed, to treat with the president concerning the disposition of United States property in South Carolina.

SOURCE: James Grant Wilson, Editor, Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. 1,  p. 15

Diary of Edward Bates, Monday Morning, June 20, 1859

Barton⁹⁵ has been with us two days, it being too wet to plough at home. . . .

Senator Green

The Weekly Mo. Rep:[ublican] of June 17 contains a set speech of Hon: James. S. Green,⁹⁶ on Politics, gotten up, no doubt, with a special eye to his future — another election — He cannot fully defend Buchanan's administration, yet supports it — He is against Douglas'⁹⁷ popular Sovereignty, yet supports him⁹⁸ — On one point of Territorial government however, he is clear, i. e — Congress ought to intervene to put down Polygamy and other crimes in Utah.

[A clipping from the National Intelligencer of June 15, 1859, charging that the expedition sent to Paraguay under Captain Simbrick⁹⁹ was insufficiently provided with ammunition.]

[A long editorial from the Missouri Daily Democrat of June 29, 1859, denouncing Secretary Cass and President Buchanan for surrendering a right maintained by President Fillmore and Secretary Everett in the case of Mr. Francis Allibert,¹ the country of whose birth claimed his military service. The editorial is headed "Degradation and Disfranchisement of Naturalized Citizens by the National Democracy . . ."]

[A reprint from the New York Express referring to this case.]

Naturalized citizens — Secy. Cass — See back 3 pages — Forward 6 pages.2

[A column from the Washington Constitution on "The Rights and Liabilities of Naturalized Citizens" in justification of Secretary Cass’s position.]

[A newspaper copy of Senator Douglas's letter to Colonel John L. Peyton written August 2, 1859, about the LeClerc matter and the slave trade.]

On this subject, of the effect of naturalization, see my two letters to Mr. Welling³ of the Nat:[ional] Intel[ligence]r. — See current Letter Book.

_______________

⁹⁵ Mr. Bates's eldest son. See supra, " Introduction."

⁹⁶ An anti-Douglas Democrat from Missouri; successor of Douglas as chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories; leader of the revolt against Benton in 1849 ; congress man, 1847-1851; U. S. senator, 1857-1861. His Confederate sympathies led to his arrest by Federal troops at the outbreak of the Civil War and to his expulsion from the Senate.

⁹⁷ Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois: Democratic congressman, 1843-1847; U. S. Senator 1847-1861; chairman of the Committee on Territories; nominee of the Northern Democrats for the Presidency in 1860.

⁹⁸ Douglas and Buchanan had recently split the Party in their quarrel over " popular sovereignty." Green was a clever politician indeed if he could support both at once.

⁹⁹ William B. Shubrick had entered the Navy in 1806, and had served in the War of 1812 and the Mexican War. For the naval expedition against Paraguay which he commanded see supra, April 20, 1859, note 13.

¹ Francis Allibert was a native of France who left in 1839 just as he was drawn as a conscript. He became a naturalized American in New Orleans in 1845. On his return to France in 1852, he was arrested, but upon protest of the United States was ultimately released.

² The references are to June 15 and July 19.

³ James C. Welling: literary editor of the National Intelligencer in Washington, 1850-1865; advocate of Bell and Everett in the election of 1860; loyal supporter of Lincoln during the War; assistant clerk of the Court of Claims under Bates 1863-1865: later, president of St. John's College and then of Columbia University.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 25-6

Diary of Edward Bates, Friday, June 24, 1859

[Cold, rainy weather.] Barton I suppose will not go today — nor Coalter, who rides his (B[arton]'s) saddle horse, while B.[arton] drives his new horses. Right of Search.⁹

Carlisle's [sic] Frederick the Great, Vol 2. 524 — Citing the Gentlemen's Magazine for 1739. p 103 — A notable instance in which popular influence is brought to bear upon the English Ministry and Parliament. The object was to force England into war with Spain — for maritime ‘outrages’ in the American seas. The Spaniards claimed the right of search and, in some instances enforced it with cruel insolence — as in the case of the English Capt. Jenkins, who was boarded by a Spanish garda costa off the coast of Florida, his vessel rum[m]aged and plundered, and himself grossly abused — whipped, half-hanged, and one ear cut off—. This led to the Spanish war and the overthrow of Walpole's long administration. The ministry was against the war mitigated the outrages as far as possible, and insisted on peace. But public opinion prevailed against the power of the crown, removed the minister and made the war.

[A clipping from a Missouri newspaper giving "By telegraph from Washington" Senator Douglas's letter of June 22 stating the conditions upon which he would be willing to have his name presented to the Democratic National Convention as a candidate for President. They were: Adherence to the principles of the Compromise Measures of 1850, the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, and the Cincinnati Platform of 1856, "as expounded by Mr. Buchanan in his letter accepting the nomination." He will not accept the nomination, if the platform thrusts into the party creed new issues such as a revival of the African Slave Trade or the doctrine that the Constitution of the United States either establishes or prohibits slavery in the Territories of the United States.']

As long ago as Nov:, 58, in private letters to Mr. Welling¹⁰ of the Nat:[ional] Intel [ligencejr. and Mr. Kidgway of the Richmond Whig (besides in several newspaper articles previously) I assumed that Mr. D.[ouglas] was in position to dictate to his party; as the southern democrats needed him quite as much as he needed them. This letter is the dictation, and his party must obey him or dissolve itself.

Mr. D.[ouglas] however is no statesman. He is only a very cunning politician. He can never succeed before the whole people, without presenting some absorbing question to make them forget his anticedents [sic]. In order to keep in with present rulers and present popular whims, he has lent his name to extreme notions and fantastic propositions [.]           

1. He is the author of the "Wilmot proviso" in the joint resolution, for the admission of Texas. 1845[.] Also in the Oregon territorial bill.

2. He introduced a bill to create the State of California and thrust it into the Union.

3. To pander to Prest: Pierce'[s] silly scruples, he proposed to improve harbors by local tonnage duties[.]  

4. He holds that according to the Dred Scot[t] case, the Constitution carries slavery into the Territories. And yet he holds that slavery being there by force of the constitution, still, Congress, must not protect it there. But, notwithstanding its constitutional existance [sic] there, still, he holds that the Territorial Legislature can exclude it.

5. On Prest: Buchanan's demand of a grant of the war power — the right to use the army and navy to redress the wrongs of our people in Mexico and on the Isthmus — Mr. D.[ouglas] said in debate, that the Prest: ought not only to have the particular power now demanded from Congress, but every where and always.

Note. This last is referred to in the able speech of Senator Dixon¹¹ of Cont. on the 30.000.000 bill¹² — see Nat[ional] Intel:[ligencer] June 30. 1859.

6. Mr. D.[ouglas] being for a long time, chairman of the Com[mitt]ee. on Territories and as such having the drawing of the Organic acts, habitually introduced clauses importing that the Constitution was the law of the Territories — and that the Territories themselves are a part of the U. S. (see specially the Nebraska act §'s 6 and 14.)

Moreover, (see same §6) power is granted to the legislature over " all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution of the U. S. and the provisions of this act?'' Other acts, it seems, may be overridden at pleasure.

The § 14. declares that the Constitution and laws of the U. S. not locally inapplicable shall have the same force in the Territory of N.[ebraska] as elsewhere within the U. S. Except, &c (the Mo. Compromise). But the proviso (Badger's¹³) declares that nothing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation [legislation] which may have existed prior to 20[6] Mar:[ch] 1820 either protecting[,] establishing, prohibiting or abolishing slavery.

Note.14 In Harper's Monthly Magazine for Sept. 1859, Mr. Douglas comes out in an elaborate article upon Slavery in the Territories¹⁵ which being reduced to its elements, is nothing more nor less than Mr. Cass' old notion of Squatter Sovereignty. Note again¹⁶ — The Nat[iona]l. Intelligencer¹⁷ has come out in a series of articles (editorial) not professing to answer Mr. D.[ouglas] but answering him effectually, both by argument and by historical references.

[A reprint from the London Photographic News of a paragraph announcing the "Extraordinary Discovery" that sounds can be photographed.']

When this is brought to pass, we shall realise the thought of the Poet—

" Where Truth in person doth appear,

Like words congeal'd in northern air[.] "

and this other thought —

"He out of words could extract matter,

And keep it in a glass, like water."

_______________

⁹ In red pencil.

¹⁰ Supra, June 20, 1859, note 3.

¹¹ James Dixon of Hartford, Connecticut: Whig congressman, 1845— 1849: Republican U. S. senator, 1857-1869; strong supporter of Lincoln in the War and of Johnson in Reconstruction. This speech against the acquisition of Cuba on the ground that it was a scheme to further slave interests was one of his best efforts.

¹² Supra, April 20, 1859, note 4.

¹³ George E. Badger of North Carolina: secretary of the Navy, 1841; Whig U. S. senator, 1846-1855; opponent of the War with Mexico, of the Wilmot Proviso, of "squatter sovereignty," and of secession: a pro-slavery nationalist who supported the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

¹⁴ Added later.

¹⁵ Stephen A. Douglas, "The Dividing Line between Federal and Local Authority. Popular Sovereignty in the Territories," Harper's New Monthly Magazine, XIX (September, 1859), 519-537.

¹⁶ Added still later.

¹⁷ Sept. 10, 13, 15, 17, and 20, 1859.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 26-9

Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Tuesday, January 1, 1861

Washington D.C.     The old year passed away in gloom and sadness and the new one opens today without affording one hopeful ray of light in regard to the future. There seems to be a determination on the part of nearly the whole south to break up the Government. The Com^rs from S.C. are still here and little is known in the City about what is taking place betwen them and the President & Cabinet. The “receptions” today as well as the “Calls” were few and rather solemn affairs. Pleasant day, just freezing.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C., image 4.

Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Wednesday, January 2, 1861

Matters look more hopeful for the Country today. It is now known that the President refused to acknowledge the Commissioners as being anything more than distinguished citizens from the State of S.C. Their last communication to him yesterday was returned to them unanswered. It struck them like a bomshell it was so unexpected. They and their secession friends here were in great consternation. The “Embasendors!!” left for home immediately, and now that the Pres^t has taken a stand. Every body feels better altho a war is ahead. The weather is cold and unpleasant today.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C., image 4.

Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, Thursday, January 3, 1861

The affairs of the Country appear so desperate that the subject engrosses the attention of all men in all places. Public questions are discussed in my room at the patent office full as much as applications for Patents. It is frequently asked what patents will be worth if the Union is dissolved. But applications continue to be made from both north and south, altho there is something of a falling off. Tomorrow is the Fast day recommended by the Pres^t of the U.S. Offices closed.

SOURCE: Horatio Nelson Taft, The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865. Volume 1, January 1,1861-April 11, 1862, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington D. C., image 4.