Edward Bates to the Whig Committee of New York, February 24, 1859

St. Louis, Feb. 24, 1859.

To Messrs. J. PHILIPS PHOENIX, WILLIS BLACKSTONE, H. M. BININGER, DAVID J. LILET AND H. R. SMITH, Committee, New York.

Sirs: A short time ago I was favored with your note of the 7th inst., covering a resolution of the Committee, to the effect that it is inexpedient at this time further to discuss or agitate the Negro question, but rather to turn the attention of the people to other topics — "topics of general importance, such as our Foreign Relations, including the Extension of Territory; the building of Railroads for National purposes; the improvement of our Harbors, the navigation of our Rivers to facilitate Internal Commerce; the subject of Currency, and a Tariff of Duties, and other means of developing our own internal resources, our home wealth, and binding together by ties of national and fraternal feelings, the various parts and sections of our widely extended Republic."

Your letter, gentlemen, opens a very wide field, in asking for my "opinion upon the subject, and my views as to the signs of the times." Books have been written upon these matters, and speeches delivered by the thousand ; and yet the argument seems as far from being exhausted as it was at the beginning ; and I take it for certain that you do not expect or desire me to discuss at large, all or any of these interminable quarrels. That I have opinions upon all or most of them, is true — not the opinions of this or that party, ready to be abandoned or modified to suit this or that platform, but my own opinions — perhaps the more fixed and harder to be changed because deliberately formed in the retirement of private life, free from the exigencies of official responsibility and from the perturbations of party policy. They are my own opinions, right or wrong.

As to the Negro question — I have always thought, and often declared in speech and in print, that it is a pestilent question, the agitation of which has never done good to any party, section or class, and never can do good, unless it be accounted good to stir up the angry passions of men, and exasperate the unreasoning jealousy of sections, and by those bad means foist some unfit men into office, and keep some fit men out. It is a sensitive question into whose dangerous vortex it is quite possible for good men to be drawn unawares. But when I see a man, at the South or the North, of mature age and some experience, persist in urging the question, after the sorrowful experience of the last few years, I can attribute his conduct to no higher motive than personal ambition or sectional prejudice.

As to the power of the General Government to protect the persons and properties, and advance the interests of the people, by laying taxes, raising armies and navies, building forts and arsenals, light houses, moles, and breakwaters, surveying the coasts and adjacent seas, improving rivers, lakes, and harbors, and making roads — I should be very sorry to doubt the existence of the power, or the duty to exercise it, whenever the constituted authorities have the means in their hands, and are convinced that its exercise is necessary to protect the country and advance the prosperity of the people.

In my own opinion, a government that has no power to protect the harbors of its country against winds and waves and human enemies, nor its rivers against snags, sands and rocks, nor to build roads for the transportation of its armies and its mails and the commerce of its people, is a poor, impotent government, and not at all such a government as our fathers thought they had made when they produced the Constitution which was greeted by intelligent men everywhere with admiration and gratitude as a government free enough for all the ends of legal liberty and strong enough for all the purposes of national and individual protection. A free people, if it be wise, will make a good constitution; but a constitution, however good in itself, did never make a free people. The people do not derive their rights from the government, but the government derives its powers from the people; and those powers are granted for the main, if not the only, purpose of protecting the rights of the people. Protection, then, if not the sole, is the chief end of government.

And it is for the governing power to judge, in every instance, what kind and what degree of protection is needful — whether a Navy to guard our commerce all around the world, or an Army to defend the country against armed invasion from without, or domestic insurrection from within; or a Tariff, to protect our home industry against the dangerous obtrusion of foreign labor and capital.

Of the existence of the power and duty of the Government to protect the People in their persons, their property, their industry and their locomotion, I have no doubt; but the time, the mode and the measure of protection, being always questions of policy and prudence, must of necessity be left to the wisdom and patriotism of those whose duty it is to make laws for the good government of the country. And with them I freely leave it, as the safest, and indeed the only, constitutional depository of the power.

As to our Foreign Policy generally, I have but little to say. I am not much of a progressive, and am content to leave it where Washington [Jefferson] placed it, upon that wise, virtuous, safe maxim — "Peace [. . .] with all nations; entangling alliance[s] with none." The greedy and indiscriminate appetite for foreign acquisition, which makes us covet our neighbor's lands, and devise cunning schemes to get them, has little of my sympathy. I view it as a sort of political gluttony, as dangerous to our body politic as gluttony is to the natural man — producing disease certainly, hastening death, probably. Those of our politicians who are afflicted with this morbid appetite are wont to cite the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, as giving countenance to their inordinate desires. But the cases are wholly unlike in almost every particular. Louisiana was indispensable to our full and safe enjoyment of an immense region which was already owned, and its acquisition gave us the unquestioned control of that noble system of Mississippi waters, which nature seems to have made to be one and indivisible, and rounded off the map of the nation into one uniform and compacted whole. Nothing remained to mar and disfigure our national plat, but Florida, and that was desirable, less for its intrinsic value, than because it would form a dangerous means of annoyance, in case of war with a Maritime Power, surrounded as it is, on three sides by the ocean, and touching three of our present States, with no barrier between. The population of Louisiana and Florida, when acquired, was very small compared with the largeness of the territory; and, lying in contact with the States, was easily and quickly absorbed into and assimilated with the mass of our people. Those countries were acquired, moreover, in the most peaceful and friendly manner, and for a satisfactory consideration.

Now, without any right or any necessity, it is hard to tell what we do not claim in all the continent south of us, and the adjacent islands. Cuba is to be the first fruit of our grasping enterprise, and that is to be gotten at all hazards, by peaceful purchase if we can, by war and conquest if we must.² But Cuba is only an outpost to the Empire of Islands and continental countries that are to follow. A leading Senator³ has lately declared (in debate on the Thirty Million bill⁴) that we must not only have Cuba, but all the islands from Cape Florida to the Spanish Main, so as to surround the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea, and make them our "mare clausum" like the Mediterranean, in old times, when the Roman Emperor ruled both its shores, from the pillars of Hercules to the Hellespont.⁵ This claim of mare nostrum implies, of course, that we must own the continent that bounds our sea on the west, as well as the string of islands that inclose it on the east — that is, Mexico, Central America, and all South America, so far south at least as the Orinoco.⁶ In that wide compass of sea and land there are a good many native governments, and provinces belonging to the strongest maritime powers, and a narrow continental isthmus which we ourselves, as well as England and France, are wont to call the highway of nations. To fulfill the grand conception, and perfect our tropical empire, we must buy or conquer all these torrid countries, and their mongrel populations. As to buying them, it strikes me that we had better waite [sic] awhile, at least until the Government has ceased to borrow money to pay its current expenses. And as to conquering them, perhaps it would be prudent to pause and make some estimate of costs and contingencies, before we rush into war with all maritime Europe and half America.

I am not one of those who believe that the United States is not an independent and safe nation, because Cuba is not a part of it. On the contrary, I believe that we are quite capable of self-defense, even if the "Queen of the Antilles" were a province of England, France or Russia; and surely, while it remains an appendage of a comparatively feeble nation, Cuba has much more cause to fear us than we have to fear Cuba. In fact, gentlemen, I cannot help doubting the honesty of the cowardly argument by which we are urged to rob poor old Spain of this last remnant of her Western empire, for fear that she might use it to rob us.

But suppose we could get, honestly and peaceably, the whole of the country — continental and insular — from the Rio Grande to the Orinoco, and from Trinidad to Cuba, and thus establish our mare clausum, and shut the gate of the world across the Isthmus, can we govern them wisely and well? For the last few years, in the attempt to govern our home Territories of Kansas and Utah, we have not very well maintained the dignity and justice of the nation, nor secured the peace and prosperity of the subject people.⁷ Can we hope to do better with the various mixed races of Mexico, Central and South America, and the West India Islands? Some of those countries have been trying for fifty years to establish republican governments on our model, but in every instance have miserably failed; and yet, there was no obstacle to complete success but their own inaptitude.

For my part, I should be grieved to see my country become, like Rome, a conquering and dominant nation; for I think there are few or no examples in history, of Governments whose chief objects were glory and power, which did ever secure the happiness and prosperity of their own people. Such Governments may grow great and famous, and advance a few of their citizens to wealth and nobility; but the price of their grandeur is the personal independence and individual freedom of their people. Still less am I inclined to see absorbed into our system, "on an equal footing with the original States," the various and mixed races (amounting to I know not how many millions) which inhabit the continent and islands south of our present border. I am not willing to inoculate our body politic with the virus of their diseases, political and social — diseases which, with them, are chronic and hereditary, and with us could hardly fail to produce corruption in the head and weakness in the members.

Our own country, as it is, in position, form and size, is a wonder which proclaims a wisdom above the wit of man. Large enough for our posterity, for centuries to come: All in the temperate zone, and therefore capable of a homogeneous population, yet so diversified in climates and soils, as to produce everything that is necessary to the comfort and wealth of a great people: Bounded east and west by great oceans, and bisected in the middle by a mighty river, which drains and fructifies the continent, and binds together the most southern and northern portions of our land by a bond stronger than iron. Beside all this, it is new and growing — the strongest on the continent, with no neighbor whose power it fears, or of whose ambition it has cause to be jealous. Surely such a country is great enough and good enough for all the ends of honest ambition and virtuous power.

It seems to me that an efficient home-loving Government, moderate and economical in its administration, peaceful in its objects, and just to all nations, need have no fear of invasion at home, or serious aggression abroad. The nations of Europe have to stand continually in defense of their existence; but the conquest of our county by a foreign power is simply impossible, and no nation is so absurd as to entertain the thought. We may conquer ourselves by local strifes and sectional animosities; and when, by our folly and wickedness, we have accomplished that great calamity, there will be none to pity us for the consequences of so great a crime.

If our Government would devote all its energies to the promotion of peace and friendship with all foreign countries, the advancement of Commerce, the increase of Agriculture, the growth and stability of Manufactures, and the cheapening, quickening and securing the internal trade and travel of our country ; in short, if it would devote itself in earnest to the establishment of a wise and steady policy of internal government, I think we should witness a growth and consolidation of wealth and comfort and power for good, which cannot be reasonably hoped for from a fluctuating policy, always watching for the turns of good fortune, or from a grasping ambition to seize new territories, which are hard to get and harder to govern.

The present position of the Administration is a sorrowful commentary upon the broad democracy of its professions. In theory, the people have the right and ability to do anything; in practice, we are verging rapidly to the One-Man power.

The President, the ostensible head of the National Democrats, is eagerly striving to concentrate power in his own hands, and thus to set aside both the People and their Representatives in the actual affairs of government. Having emptied the Treasury, which he found full, and living precariously upon borrowed money, he now demands of Congress to entrust to his unchecked discretion the War power, the Purse and the Sword. First, he asks Congress to authorize him, by statute, to use the Army to take military possession of the Northern Mexico, and hold it under his protectorate, and as a security for debts due to our citizens⁸ — civil possession would not answer, for that might expose him, as in the case of Kansas, to be annoyed by a factious Congress and a rebellious Territorial Legislature.

Secondly: Not content with this, he demands the discretionary power to use the Army and Navy in the South, also in blockading the coast and marching his troops into the interior of Mexico and New Granada, to protect our citizens against all evil-doers along the transit routes of Tehuantepec and Panama.⁹ And he and his supporters in Congress claim this enormous power upon the ground that, in this particular at least, he ought to be the equal of the greatest monarch of Europe. They forget that our fathers limited the power of the President by design, and for the reason that they had found out by sad experience that the monarchs of Europe were too strong for freedom.

Third: In strict pursuance of this doctrine, first publicly announced from Ostend,¹⁰ he demands of Congress to hand over to him thirty millions of dollars to be used at his discretion, to facilitate his acquisition of Cuba.¹¹ Facilitate how ? Perhaps it might be imprudent to tell.

Add to all this, the fact (as yet unexplained) that one of the largest naval armaments which ever sailed from our coast is now operating in South America, ostensibly against a poor little republic far up the Plate River,¹² to settle some little quarrel between the two Presidents.¹³ If Congress had been polite enough to grant the President's demand of the sword and the purse against Mexico, Central America and Cuba, this navy, its duty done at the south, might be made, on its way home, to arrive in the Gulf very opportunely, to aid the " Commander-in-Chief " in the acquisition of some very valuable territory.

I allude to these facts with no malice against Mr. Buchanan, but as evidences of the dangerous change which is now obviously sought to be made in the practical working of the Government — the concentration of power in the hands of the President, and the dangerous policy, now almost established, of looking abroad for temporary glory and aggrandizement, instead of looking at home, for all the purposes of good government — peaceable, moderate, economical, protecting all interests alike, and by a fixed policy, calling into safe exercise all the talents and industry of our people, and thus steadily advancing our country in everything which can make a nation great, happy, and permanent.

The rapid increase of the Public Expenditures (and that, too, under the management of statesmen professing to be peculiarly economical) is an alarming sign of corruption and decay.

That increase bears no fair proportion to the growth and expansion of the country, but looks rather like wanton waste or criminal negligence. The ordinary objects of great expense are not materially augmented — the Army and Navy remain on a low peace establishment— the military defenses are little, if at all, enlarged — the improvement of Harbors, Lakes and Rivers is abandoned, and the Pacific Railroad is not only not begun but its very location is scrambled for by angry sections, which succeed in nothing but mutual defeat. In short, the money to an enormous amount (I am told at the rate of $80,000,000 to $100,000,000 a year) is gone, and we have little or nothing to show for it. In profound peace with foreign nations, and surrounded with the proofs of National growth and individual prosperity, the Treasury, by less than two years of mismanagement, is made bankrupt, and the Government itself is living from hand to mouth, on bills of credit and borrowed money!

This humiliating state of things could hardly happen if men in power were both honest and wise. The Democratic economists in Congress confess that they have recklessly wasted the Public Revenue; they confess it by refusing to raise the Tariff to meet the present exigency, and by insisting that they can replenish the exhausted Treasury and support the Government, in credit and efficiency, by simply striking off their former extravagances.

An illustrious predecessor of the President is reported to have declared "that those who live on borrowed money ought to break." I do not concur in that harsh saying; yet I am clearly of opinion that the Government, in common prudence (to say nothing of pride and dignity), ought to reserve its credit for great transactions and unforeseen emergencies. In common times of peace, it ought always to have an established revenue, equal, at least, to its current expenses. And that revenue ought to be so levied as to foster and protect the Industry of the country employed in our most necessary and important manufactures.

Gentlemen, I cannot touch upon all the topics alluded to in your letter and resolution. I ought rather to beg your pardon for the prolixity of this answer. I speak for no party, because the only party I ever belonged to has ceased to exist as an organized and militant body.

And I speak for no man but myself.

I am fully aware that my opinions and views of public policy are of no importance to anybody but me, and there is good reason to fear that some of them are so antiquated and out of fashion as to make it very improbable that they will ever again be put to the test of actual practice.

Most respectfully,

EDWARD BATES.

_______________

² This was the substance of the Ostend Manifesto which Buchanan as Minister to Great Britain had joined Ministers John Y. Mason and Pierre Soulé in promulgating. As Secretary of State under President Polk, Buchanan had tried to buy Cuba. In his second, third, and fourth annual messages he urged Congress to cooperate with him in securing it by negotiation.

³ Robert Toombs of Georgia: Whig state legislator, 1837-1840, 1841-1844; states' rights Democratic congressman, 1845-1853; U. S. senator, 1853-1861. He was later a leader in the Georgia Secession Convention, and congressman, brigadier-general, and secretary of State under the Confederacy.

⁴ January, 1859, Senate Reports, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., ser. no. 994, doc. no. 351. The bill purposed to appropriate $30,000,000 "to facilitate the acquisition of Cuba by negotiation." Senator Slidell (infra, Nov. 24, 1859, note 89) introduced it on January 10. 1859 (Cong. Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., 277) ; it was reported favorably by the Committee on Foreign Relations of which he was chairman, on January 24, 1859 (ibid., 35 Cong., 2 Sess., 538) ; it was debated at great length on January 24, February 9-10, February 15—17, February 21, and February 25 (ibid., 35 Cong., 2 Sess., 538-544, 904-909, 934-940, 960968, 1038, Appendix [155-169], 1058-1063, 1079-1087, 1179-1192, 1326-1363) ; but because of opposition, it was withdrawn on February 26 (ibid., 35 Cong., 2 Sess., 13S51387). At the next session, on December 8, 1859, Senator Slidell reintroduced this bill (ibid., 36 Cong., 1 Sess., 53), had it referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations on December 21 (ibid., 36 Cong., 1 Sess., 199), reported it out favorably to the Senate on May 30, 1860, but because of opposition did not push it (ibid., 36 Cong., 1 Sess., 2456). He promised to call it up again at the next session, but when that time arrived was too busy seceding to bother about Cuba.

⁵ On January 24, Toombs had said, "Cuba has fine ports, and with her acquisition, we can make first the Gulf of Mexico, and then the Caribbean Sea, a mare clausum. Probably younger men than you or I will live to see the day when no flag shall float there except by permission of the United States of America . . . that development, that progress throughout the tropics [is] the true, fixed unalterable policy of the nation." Ibid., 35 Cong., 2 Sess., 543.

⁶ I. e., as far as Venezuela.

⁷ Bitterness over the slavery question had reached the point of armed conflict, raids, and murder in Kansas in 1855-1856, and Utah was at this time subject to frequent Indian raids. It was in 1859, too, that the Republicans tried to prohibit polygamy in Utah and the Democrats succeeded, probably with slavery in other territories in mind, in preventing Congressional legislation on the subject.

⁸ Dec. 6, 1858, James D. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, V, 514. See infra, Feb. 15, 1860.

⁹ J. D. Richardson, op. cit., V, 516-517.

¹⁰ Supra, April 20, 1859, note 2.

¹¹ J. D. Richardson, op. cit., V, 508-511.

¹² Rio de La Plata in South America.

¹³ An expedition of some 19 ships, 200 guns, and 2.500 men which was sent against Paraguay because a vessel of that nation had fired upon the United States steamer Water Witch. A mere show of force sufficed to secure both an apology and an indemnity on February 10, 1859. The President of Argentina was so interested and so pleased that he presented the commander with a sword.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 1-9

Diary of Henry Greville: June 28, 1861

London, Friday.—Bethell took the oaths yesterday and assumes the title of Westbury.

The Sultan is dead, and is succeeded by his brother, who is said to be a man of much energy, and very superior in all ways to his brother.

The Emperor Napoleon has recognised the King of Italy, but has made it to be understood that this 'recognition is not to be taken as an approval of the past policy of the Cabinet of Turin, or as an encouragement of enterprises of a nature to endanger the peace of Europe.' The French troops will occupy Rome as long as the interests which brought France there are not covered by guarantees. Ricasoli, in replying to this note, says, 'Our wish is to restore Rome to Italy without depriving the Church of any of its grandeur, or the Pope of his independence.' In the meantime His Holiness is ill, and his death may perhaps simplify matters.

There was a Drawing-room yesterday at which the Crown Princess and Prince of Prussia were present.

I have a letter from Fanny Kemble, who says the violence of the language against this country in consequence of our neutral attitude exceeds all bounds, and the nonsense talked upon the subject is quite incredible.

I went last night to Verdi's new opera, 'Un Ballo in Maschera,' which is dramatic and effective.

SOURCE: Alice Countess of Stratford, Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville: 1857-1861, p. 385-6

Diary of Henry Greville: Saturday, April 20, 1861

There was an interesting debate last night in the House of Lords, brought on by Lord Ellenborough, on the Roman question, in which Clarendon and Lord Derby also took part. He asked whether our Government was engaged in any correspondence with the object of reconciling the spiritual independence of the See of Rome with the exercise of temporal sovereignty by the King of Italy within the Roman territory. He thought Rome was the fitting capital of a united Italy, and that the occupation by the French of that city precluded that unity. He then discussed the Venetian question, and though he admitted the right of Austria to maintain herself in Italy, by virtue of the Congress of Vienna, he considered the time was come when she should reconcile herself with the Italian people. Holding these views, however, he deprecated the interference of the Italians in Hungary. Lord Wodehouse replied that we were not in any correspondence on the Roman question, and that Her Majesty's Government considered it was neither becoming nor desirable for a Protestant country to take the initiative in the matter. The whole question depended upon the withdrawal of the French troops from Rome, and Her Majesty's Government had not disguised their opinion that it was desirable those troops should be withdrawn.

Clarendon thought Rome the proper capital, and believed the Emperor Napoleon to be sincerely desirous of withdrawing his troops whenever it would be safe for him to do so-both as regarded the Pope and his own position in France, where popular opinion was in favour of their remaining. Derby said much the same thing, but expressed his opinion that it would have been far better to establish a northern and southern kingdom of Italy, in which case Rome would have lain between the two countries and the solution of the difficulty would have been easy. As, however, there was only one kingdom, the desire to have Rome for their capital was quite natural; but it was a desire that created the greatest embarrassment.

Dined at Chorley's, met Mr. Brookfield, Holman Hunt the painter, and others, who talked much of Fechter and with great enthusiasm.

Bad news from America-Civil War imminent.

SOURCE: Alice Countess of Stratford, Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville: 1857-1861, p. 369-70

Speech of Lord John Russell, Saturday, October 12, 1861

Gentlemen, it is with feelings of the deepest gratitude that I rise to acknowledge the toast which has now been drunk. It has been my fate to have taken part in many political measures, and during a tolerably long political life, I take this approbation of a set of men so enlightened as a testimony that I have not dishonored my principles; that I have done nothing to impair the honour, and so injure the interests of my county. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, If I have been successful in any of the measures that have been proposed, it has been that I have proposed, in more fortunate times, measures which had the approbation of great men, who have gone before me. I have endeavoured to follow in the footsteps of Lord Grey, Lord Holland, Sir Samuel Romilly, and Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) My noble friend near me has justly and correctly alluded to that which happened in 1830. Lord Grey at that time being in the councils of his sovereign, resolved to introduce a measure founded on those principles of reform of which he had through life been the advocate;  and let me say that there can be no more gratifying—no more noble aspect in the history of the public life of a statesman, than to see Lord Grey, who, in adverse times, had been content to give his opinion, and had then allowed rivals of far less well-founded principles than himself—to carry on the government of the country and enjoy power without envy on his part. It was a great spectacle to see this man, when the opinions of the people came round to him, resume, without passion and without resentment, those plans for the benefit of his country of which he had always been the distinguished advocate. (Applause.) Lord Grey, as my Noble Friend has said, called to his assistance his Noble Brother, Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) It was my happiness to be associated in that work with Lord Durham. We labored together to the same end in perfect harmony and agreement as to measures that we though necessary for the reform of the representations. (Cheers) With us was joined a person whose absence I deeply deplore to-day, who would have been here to-day if his health had allowed him, and whose talents have been the greatest service to this country. I mean Sir J. Graham. (Cheers.) With these two was associated Lord Dungannon, who was specially acquainted with many parts of our representative system. We framed the plan of reform—(cheers)—and that reform, as you all know, was not only carried, but has now been nearly thirty years in operation. (Cheers.) That it has operated beneficially I cannot doubt—(cheers)—and that it has led the way to many other great measures which never could have been carried in an unreformed Parliament. (Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, let me say, when I embarked in public life I embarked with the view of carrying great measures into effect and having great public objects before me. It appears to me that public life is only honourable when it is directed to such measures—(applause)—and that the pedlar who sells his pins and pincushions  for sixpence has a better, because an honester, trade, than the man who devotes his talents to public life, only for the sake of seeking his own emolument. (Applause.) Gentlemen, many of the measures which I have noticed have been successful. We need not now refer to them all; but there is one point which, perhaps, I may refer to, because it respects a principle which I think runs through many of our measures of late times, and shows an improvement in the general principles of government. What I mean is this—that in favour of religious liberty; first, the Protestant Dissenters, then the Roman Catholics, and lastly and recently the Jews,—and all our measures with regard to free-trade have been measures not introducing new plans, not formed upon skillfully devised schemes, but have been merely unloosing the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on the dear liberty of the subject. It is the business of the government to maintain internal peace, to settle the civil relations which should prevail among the community, to defend the independence of the country abroad; but governments had sought to do more than this—they had sought to lay down rules of faith, to which they have asked men, under pain and penalty of punishment, to adhere, quite ignorant that they, the government, were utterly unable to frame rules of faith which should better the conscience. (Applause.) To take the other instance to which I am alluding, namely, that of free trade, what struggles we have had now going on for nearly forty years, in order to enable men to do that which is perfectly innocent in itself, namely, to exchange the products of their industry against the products of the industry of others, which were objects of use, of comfort, or of enjoyment. (Applause.) I remember the beginning of these contests, when certainly the principles of free trade were not understood as they now are, a petition being presented to the House of Commons, setting forth that your petitioners made gloves, which were inferior to the gloves of France, and therefore they prayed, what do you suppose, not that people might be allowed to wear the gloves of France, which were cheaper and better, but the gloves of France might be utterly excluded, in order that they might furnish bad and dear gloves. (Laughter and cheers.) Why, gentleman, this is the whole history of protection and free trade. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Parliaments and legislatures have presumed they should direct the industry of their fellow subjects into the channels that should be profitable to the country at large, not seeing that if you leave men their freedom they would find out themselves what were the occupations which would be most profitable, and what were the goods which they could produce to the best advantage. It is, therefore, not only that we have passed some very excellent measures, but that we have enlarged and enlightened the whole machinery of government. We say there are certain things in which government ought not to interfere, upon which the man himself—the subject—is the best judge, and to him must be left the choice of his occupation. (Cheers.) Above all, I am happy to say we have it not in this country; but in many countries people consider that it is a part of the duty of a government to fetter and bind the talents and abilities of men, and that upon no subject of politics, upon no subject of morals, upon no subject of literature even should men use the talents with which God had endowed them, without the control and permission of the officers of Government. (Cheers.) Such, gentlemen, then, have been the general principles upon which these measures to which general principles upon these measures to which I allude have been passed. They have been sound principles; and, as I have said, I trust they will be applied in future times in any other cases of a similar kind. (Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, I will state in a few words what has been my course since I have been entrusted with the seals of the foreign department. That course has been to respect the independence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce others to do the same. (Hear, hear, and applause.) There is one of those countries with which we have had much to do, and of which we have heard much of late years. I mean Italy. We have all seen with pleasure—I see that a very distinguished man (Mr. Henley) says there is no one in the country who has not seen with pleasure the Italians casting off their old chains, and exercising the powers of government for themselves, in that way gaining there distinction distinction which in old times belonged to them only. We all rejoice to see them assert that independence, and we shall all rejoice if they establish a free government, and thus effect the happiness, the self-respect, and the elevation of one of the finest countries and one of the most talented nations of the globe. (Great applause.) But, gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen, to which great attention has been given. Italians say, and they say with great apparent justice, that the independence of Italy cannot be fully consummated unless Rome, the capital, is in their hands. (Loud cheers.) I may say that the people of Naples will be willing to found in that city an Italian government, as that is a part of Italy associated with ancient institutions; but as Italy has not Rome, they cannot regard it as a kingdom. Well, on the other hand, the Roman Catholics of Europe say that they require that the independence of the Pope should be respected, and many say that it cannot be respected without territorial government. That it is a discussion which has been going on for some time; and I observed in what I was reading this morning—an essay by one of the most learned ecclesiastics of Italy, that the opinion is now gaining ground that whether the temporal power ought to become the right of the King of Italy or not, the spiritual power will be more felt, it will be more respected, and will be exercised more fairly, if it is separated from the temporal. In the conclusion of the discourse to which I have alluded, the author says that is what is wished by the people of Italy, and that is what is wished by the people of Italy, and that is in the world. (Applause.) This, as I have said, is not a question upon which we can take the initiative; but this I will say, that I think that what that learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is in accordance which the opinions given has proposed, and which is in accordance which the opinions given by that great man now so much regretted—Count Cavour, will furnish a solution to the Italian difficulty, and that it will be a great means of securing the independence and happiness of Italy. Gentlemen, let us look for a moment at another part of the world—at another country which, for my part, I have always observed with the greatest interest—the United States of America. It appears to me that it would be a great misfortune to the world if that experiment in free government which, though not carried on in exactly the same principles as our own—principles which had been devised with great wisdom—it would be a very great misfortune if anything were to happen to divide that state. (Cheers.) I am very sorry to say that those events have happened, and we now see two parties contending together—not upon the question of slavery, though that I believe is the original cause of the conflict—not contending with the respect to free trade and protection, but contending as so may States of the old world have contended—the one side for empire and the other for power. Far be it from us to set ourselves up as judges in this matter, but I cannot help asking myself, as affairs progress in the contest, to what good end can it lead? Supposing the contest ended by the re-union of its different part, that the South should agree to enter again with all the rights of the constitution, should we not again have that fatal subject of slavery brought in along with them—(Cheers)—that subject of slavery which caused, no doubt, the disruption, we all agree must, sooner or later, cease from the face of the earth? (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, as you will see, if this quarrel could be made up, should we not have those who differed with Mr. Lincoln at the last election carried; and that the quarrel would recommence, and perhaps a long civil war follow? On the other hand, supposing the United States completely to conquer and subdue the Southern States—supposing that should be the result of a long military conflict—supposing that should be the result of some years of civil war, should we not have the material property of that country in a great degree destroyed? Should we see that respect for liberty which as so long distinguished our North American brethren? (Cheers.) Should we not see those Southern men yielding to a force, and would not the north be necessitated to keep  in subjection those who had been conquered, and would not that very materially interfere with the freedom of the nation? (Cheers.) If that should be the unhappy result to which we at present look forward, if by means such as this the reunion of the States should be brought about, is it not the duty of those men who have embraced the precepts of Christianity, to see whether this conflict cannot be avoided? Gentlemen, I have made these observations to you upon matters, as I have said, deeply affecting us all, but not upon matters upon which the Government of this country has any immediate power or interest. Had they been cases of that kind, it would not have been consistent with my duty as Foreign Secretary to have spoken to you in detail upon the subject. In these cases, it is the duty of the head of the Government of this country to watch closely as to what happens with respect the independence of all foreign nations, but not to let go any part of that caution and vigilance which becomes ministers of England at this time, not to impair any part of the influence of this country, because that influence may be used in the cause of freedom and of humanity—(Hear, Hear, and cheers)—not to lower in any respect the power of this country, because that power may be absolutely necessary to preserve the freedom of Europe, to vindicate the independence of nations, and to guard our own dignity and freedom. (Cheers.) Much has been said on the continent of Europe in disparagement of my Noble Friend who is now at the head of the Government, but on examining those strictures, I have never been able to make out more than this, that he was believed to be too susceptible with regard to the interests of this country. (Cheers.) I shall be at little pains to vindicate him from such an attack. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, I own that my Noble Friend constantly devotes his attention to keep clear and unsullied the honour of England—(Applause)—to keep uninjured and unimpaired the interests to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) It is my privilege to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) I do not feel that to be entrusted with such a task by the people of so great and so free a country as this, is something that makes public life worth having—(cheers)—that lightens its labour—that lightens its anxiety—(cheers)—and, I may add, that while that task is thus rendered honourable, while it is one which a man may be proud to undertake, it is no small addition to feel that he has acted upon the whole for the benefit of his country; and that whatever errors and mistakes he may have made at times, he will meet from such an assembly as the present the king and indulgent acceptance of his efforts, and that, at all events, they will give him credit for the firm intention to do for “old England” all that he could.

SOURCE: “The Banquet,” Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, Sheffield, Yorkshire, England, Tuesday, October 15, 1861, p. 5

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Louisa Storrow Higginson, August 1852

August, 1852

Dearest Mother:

The difference between Perry ——, of Worcester . . . and his brother . . . Elijah is that Elijah not only is insane, but is thought so. Perry is round and rosy; Elijah is tall, straight, with a fine face, and a taste for walking the streets with his hat off, declaiming loudly. He has travelled a great deal and can take excellent care of himself and property. His last visit was to Rome to convert the Pope; he is himself a devout Catholic, but has some peculiar views on penances and the like. Failing in this, he comes to my meetings, where he gently reclines on a bench, as the Isles-of-Shoalers used to do when the missionaries first went there. But everybody knows him and takes it quietly. He has a gift at extemporaneous prayer which he indulges freely from 10 to 11 P.m., his room being next to mine with a thin partition.

Perry —— talks faster than any man I ever met, but he is quite shrewd and well informed, reads a good deal, and is the man who pronounced Vergniaud Virginnyord. He says: “My wife's great-grandfolks wuz the fust white folks that settled up Paxton way: and the Injins wuz gittin' considerable sarcy before the war, and one day two on 'em came on old Elnathan Dodge, two to wunst, right thru the door: wal, he just took and chucked one on 'em eaout, right over the horse trough, and chucked the other after him, right on eend, and they run, and that night Elnathan up duds and cleared” — which last is as vivid as veni, vidi, vici. The children are named Eugene, La Roy Delavan, and Freewalder Channing. Freewalder, he informed me, was a German hydropathic establishment.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 83-4

Foreign News by the Steamer Scotia

NEW YORK, May 21.

The steamer Scotia arrived at one o’clock this p.m.

The Sumter remained at Gibraltar.

Mr. Longard stated in the House of Commons that as far as the Government knew, Mr. Mercier’s visit to Richmond was without instruction from France, and was attended with no practical result whatever.  The Paris correspondent of the New Confederate organ, the Index, asserts that M. Mercier was under instructions to ascertain certain points, and will report in person to the Emperor.

The Independence Belge asserts that the object of Lavelette’s recent visit to London was to induce England to consent to a common intervention in American, and England agreed, on condition that the Roman question was first settled.  The French government gave ear to this, and it has led a conference relative to intervention.

Mr. Layard, in announcing the conclusion of a slave treaty in the House of Commons, said its conditions gave every person hope that the traffic will effectually be suppressed.

Mr. Bright said Earl Russell’s late statement, that he hoped in a few months the Northern States would allow the independence of the South, had paralyzed business in Lancashire for the time being, and showed how little he knew of the sentiment of the north.

The Times editorially speaks of the distress in Lancashire, and says it is for the honor of the nation that this distress be known, that the world may see the sacrifices made in the cause of neutrality.

The Times regards the new slave trade treaty as the first fruits of secession, but says it is not a blow at the South but a victory over the North.

The Paris correspondent of the London Herald says it’s beyond  a question that the recognition of the South is seriously contemplated by the French government.

The Bourse was flat – 70 to 80c.

Rumors of the approaching solution of the Roman Question are getting more general.  It is reported that the Papal government is prepared for sudden departure.

LONDON, P. M., May 10th. – Consols further declined, closing to-day at 92 1-2a29 3-4; Ill C. 49 1-4a46 3-4 discount; Erie 32 1-4a32 3-4.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 22, 1862, p. 1

Arrival of the Niagara – Foreign News

HALIFAX, May 14.

The Niagara, Capt. Stone, from Liverpool and Queenstown 4th, arrived this evening.

GREAT BRITAIN. – Vague rumors of the threatened intervention in America continue in circulation, and the dullness and decline in cotton is attributed to them.

The Paris correspondent of the Daily News, writing on the 1st, says it is positively stated to-day in official circles, that the French and English Ministers at Washington have received identical instructions to attempt a moral intervention, exclusive of any idea of forcible intervention, in the hope of putting an end to the war.

The Paris correspondent of the Independence Belge reiterates the statement relative to the contemplated intervention of France and England for re-establishment in the most absolute manner, and has reason to believe the project will soon be made known officially to the public.  It is said certain conditions will be imposed on the South, having for its object the gradual emancipation of the slaves.

The Times publishes a letter from Mr. Russell, explaining the difficulties thrown in his way by Secretary Stanton when he sought to visit the British Man-of-war.  He says the difficulties amounted to prohibition, and thinks Secretary Stanton would order away the Rinaldo if be.  Russell Further says: “In conclusion, I may be permitted to add that I have received assurances that Gen. McClellan has expressed himself strongly, in reference to Secretary Stanton’s conduct to himself in the matters, and that he and his staff have been kind enough to declare to my friends how deeply they regret my absence from their command.”

On the 2d, Sir G. C. Lewis said the House could soon have ample opportunity to discuss the question of defences, as it would be his duty shortly to ask leave to bring in a bill for another loan for national defences.

Mr. Maguire called attention to the distress in the common manufacturing districts, and reported deaths from starvation in Ireland.  He asked what the Government intended doing.

Sir Robert Pool admitted that distress did exist to some extent, but the accounts were greatly exaggerated.

The Times says that England has withdrawn her stake in the military part of Mexican enterprise, and will get redress for the past and guarantees for the future.

Italians in Paris believe that Rome will be occupied soon by Piedmontese troops.

The Paris Constitutionel asserts that the re-call of Gen. Guyon won’t change French policy in Rome.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 16, 1862, p. 2

Foreign News

HALIFAX, Jan. 26. – The Europa from Liverpool 11th, Queenstown 12th, arrived last night.

A Cadiz telegram says the American Consul has received orders to protest against the admission of the Sumter.

It was said Spain would protect the prisoners brought by the Sumter.

RUSSIA. – It is reported that Russia has sent an embarrassing ultimatum to Rome that if the Pope don’t condemn the conduct of the Polish Clergy Russia will recognize the Kingdom of Italy.

CHINA. – A new regency has been established at [Peam] under the 2d Empresses.

FRANCE. – The pacific termination of the Trent affair caused a rise in the Bourse of 1 per cent.

The Moniteur says the feeling of profound regret and indignation has been aroused in England and France by the vindictive act of destroying the port of Charleston.  Rentes firm – 68f 60s.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 4

Later From Europe

PORTLAND, Feb. 27. – The steamship Hibernia from Liverpool 13^th, via Londonderry 14^th, arrived this P. M.

American affairs had been debated in the House of Lords, and papers relative to the blockade of the Southern ports were promised shortly by Earl Russell.

Breadstuffs are still declining, except wheat, which was quiet, but steady.  Provisions dull.

Consols 92 7/8@93 for money.

European political news generally unimportant.

(Latest via Londonderry.)

Liverpool, Feb. 14. – Breadstuffs, steady, Provisions declining.

Consols 93½ for money.

The Etna for New York was detained till the 13^th.

Sales of cotton in Liverpool market for the three days including Wednesday were 20,000 bales.  Market firmer with upward tendency, but prices were without change.

Breadstuffs still declining, except wheat which was quiet but steady.  Provisions dull.

Consuls 92 7/8 @ 93 for money.

(Latest via Londonderry)

Liverpool, Feb. 14. – Cotton Sales for the week, 54,000 bales; market closing unchanged, but firmer.  Sales to-day 12,000 bales.

Breadstuffs steady.  Provisions declining.

Consuls 93 1/8 for money.

The Hibernia’s dates are five days later than those already at hand.

GREAT BRITAIN. – Parliament was discussing American affairs.  In the House of Lords on the 10^th inst. Earl Carnarvon said he had received information that no less than three British subjects were confined in the prisons of the Federal Government and had lain there for months denied a trial or their release unless they took an oath of allegiance to the United States.  He hoped that the Government would take earnest steps in the case and at once declare what was to be the position of British subjects in the Federal States.

Earl Russell said that Lord Carnarvon could hardly have read the papers which had been laid on the table, or if he had he would have seen that these cases had been brought under the notice of the Government; neither had he made allowance for the peculiar state of affairs in the United States, which justified urgent measures.  In England Parliament had given Government in times of difficulty, authority to arrest persons on suspicion, and it had to be frequently done without their being brought to trial.

The Government had complained of the arbitrary manner in which these arrests have been made by the sole authority of the President without Legislative sanction.  He was not disposed to defend the acts of the U. S. Government.  Congress had decided that the prerogative belonged to the President, and if he believed that the parties were engaged in treasonable conspiracies as alleged, he (Russell,) did not see how Her Majesty’s Government could interfere with a practice which was absolutely necessary although it was exercised with unnecessary harshness.

The American Government alleged they had undoubted proof of the complicity of these persons in conspiracies.  This Her Majesty’s Government was not in a position to contradict but they had entered a strong remonstrance against the manner in which the arrests were made and prisoners treated, and in their case would be earnestly watched by them.

Earl Malmsbury in asking for the papers connected with the blockade, complained that the Times had deliberately represented that Earl Derby advocated its being forcibly raised, he approved the conduct of the Government, and the question was one for them alone to decide but it was desirable to know what was the real state of the blockade.  He expressed doubts of the policy of the declaration of Paris in 1856, and did not believe they would or could be carried out in great wars when circumstances would be too strong for abstract principles.

Earl Russell said that on the first night, he was glad to find the noble Earl opposite, had approved of the conduct of the Government, and the country must feel confidence when all its leading men agreed.  The papers were now being printed.  They would be in their Lordship’s hands before long.  He hoped they would reserve their opinions till then, considering the importance of the question.

In the House of Commons, on the 10^th inst., Mr. Cobden gave notice that at an early day he intended to bring under the consideration of the House the state of international and maritime law, as it effects the rights of belligerents.

An order had been received at Portsmouth to reduce the number of men and guns of the ships of war in commission.

The London Daily News reviews the engagement at Mill Springs, Ky., as a genuine and important Federal success, and thinks if it may reasonably hope that the Federal troops engaged in it may be taken as a representative specimen if the Union army as it has become under McClellan, and the result of rapid and decisive action cannot be doubted.

The diplomatic correspondence concerning the intervention in Mexico had been laid before Parliament.  Earl Russell in a late letter to Sir Charles Wyke touching the rumor that the Arch Duke Maximilian will be called to the throne of Mexico says if the Mexican people by a spontaneous movement place the Austrian Arch Duke on the throne there is nothing in the convention to prevent it.  On the other hand we could be no party to forcible intervention for this purpose.

FRANCE. – Paris letters say that Mr. Slidell had been received by M. Thovenal in a private capacity; his diplomatic assumption of character being distinctly ignored.

Paris Bourse dull.  Rentes were quoted at 71f 25c.

The Cotton manufacturers at Genoa, who employ upwards of 25,000 hands, held a meeting to consider means of alleviating the effects of the present crisis in the cotton trade..  A committee was appointed to report on the matter.

The January mails from the coast of Africa had reach England.  Increased activity in the slave trade was reported.  The withdrawal of the American squadron led immediately to a large increase of the number of vessels carrying the American flag.

A bark from New York, but sailing under British colors, had been seized in the Roads off Cape Coast, on the suspicion that she was a slaver.

(Latest via Londonderry.)

Liverpool, Feb. 13, p.m. – It was intended to dispatch the steamer Great Eastern for New York in April.

The London Times of the 13^th published further correspondence from Russell from New York.  In it the writer says the army of the Potomac is not likely to move till the winter is over, and that  a mutinous spirit prevailed among the men, many of whom are better off than ever they were, and that the various expeditions by sea had so far accomplished nothing of moment.

The affair in Kentucky he regards as the greatest success yet achieved by the Federals.

A great popular demonstration took place and Genoa on Sunday, the 9^th inst., in favor of Victor Emanuel and Rome as the capital of Italy.

At Milan, on the same day, preparations had been made for a demonstration, but the municipality issued a notice that such demonstrations were useless, and advising the Milanese to exercise their constitutional rights by signing the following protest:

Although respecting the Sovereign Pontiff of Rome as the head of the Church, we look upon Rome as the Capital of Italy, with one King, Victor Emanuel.

The protest soon received an immense number of signatures.

Letters from Vienna are filled with most lamentable accounts of the inundation.  The district submerged in Vienna alone comprises a population of 80,000 persons to be provided for.  The rain fell for four days, almost without intermission.  Bridges and viaducts were destroyed and the railroad service was nearly all suspended.  Several towns were also inundated by the Danube, including Presburg and Pesth.

The Times in an editorial on Burnside’s expedition says the force is plainly inadequate to the service expected, and if Burnside wishes success he will entrench himself, establish a good base of operations and await reinforcements before running the risk of penetrating the enemy’s country.

The great exhibition building in London as delivered up to the Commissioners by the contractors.  It was virtually completed at noon on the 12^th inst, as stipulated in the contract.

(Very Latest.)

Liverpool, Feb. 13. – London Money Market – The funds on Thursday closed firmer.  Consols 93@93½.  American securities unaltered.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 1, 1862, p. 3

Foreign News

PORTLAND, March 31.

The Jura from Liverpool, 20^th, and Londonderry the 21^st, arrived here at 6 p. m.

GREAT BRITAIN.

President Lincoln’s emancipation message had attracted much attention in England.

The Liverpool Post says there can be no doubt, it will have an incalculable effect in Europe, and that effect will be most favorable to the Northern cause.

A London paper in an editorial on the subject, says it is the most important news since the split.  The President’s avowed object is to recover to the Union the Border States.  The position is important, not for its intrinsic likelihood of acceptance, but simply because it is a proposition, and is the first bid made towards putting an end to the war.  The North may gradually rise in its offers until something acceptable has been put forth.  The only reply of the south to President Lincoln has been a resolution of the Confederate House of Representatives, to burn all the cotton and tobacco that may be in danger of falling into the hands of the invaders.  In every point of view the proposal of the president gives great scope for speculation and perhaps some glimpse of hope, but it is for what it may herald, and not for what it is.

Russell’s correspondence of the Times is again dated at Washington, and comes down to March 3d.  He says the weather has prevented Gen. McClellan from advancing.  He praises the constancy and tenacity of the Confederacy.  He says the Northern troops were getting weary of war and clamorous for furloughs.

Gibraltar advices of the 14^th, says the Federal vessels Tuscarora, John and [Kearsarge] were at Algiers.

The Lieutenant of the Sumter, and ex-U. S. Consul at Cadiz, who were arrested at Tangiers, were transferred from the John to the Harvest Home, bound for Boston.  It is said they were put in irons.

At a general meeting of the Atlantic Telegraphic Company held in London on the 19^th.  The directors report was adopted.  Hopeful views were entertained.

The Marine statistics show that in 5 months ending January 31^st, about 36 vessels from America for England laden with flour and grain, were lost.  The total cargoes exceeded 700,000 bushels.

FRANCE.

Additional troops were being sent to Mexico and a new brigade was to leave Toulon on the following week.

AUSTRIA.

Great precautions were being taken by the Vepitian frontiers.  The advance posts had been doubled and the garrisons augmented.  Troops had been posted along the line of the river Po.

GREECE.

All the cannon of the insurgents have fallen into the hands of the Royal troops.

A small garrison at Syria was captured and order restored at that place.

The insurgents at Nauplia asked for an amnesty and an armistice for 24 hours, which was granted.

ROME.

The Pope has been ill the past week.  His strength has been much prostrated and he has suspended his audiences.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, April 2, 1862, p. 1

Additional Foreign News

NEW YORK, March 5.

In reply to a question on Italian affairs Lord Palmerston said he believed that there was a strong desire that Rome be the capital of Italy, and that the Pope’s temporal power should cease.

In Canada the regiments are to be raised to the full strength of 1027 men.

Glass, Elliott & Co. in a letter to Cyrus W. Field, say that they would not be willing to manufacture and lay the Atlantic Telegraph Cable and assume the entire risk, as they believe it too great for one firm, but are so confident of satisfactory results that they are willing to contract for work and stake a large sum on its successful laying and working.  They state that they will make a definite offer in a few days.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, March 7, 1862, p. 1

Foreign News

PORTLAND, March 4.

The steamer Norwegian, from Liverpool on the 20^th, Londonderry 21^st ult. arrived this morning.

The political news possess no particular interest.

Sales of cotton for the four days were 11,000 bales.

Markets closing firmer.

Breadstuffs dull.  Provisions steady.

The Anglo Saxon from Portland arrived at Liverpool on the 20^th.

GREAT BRITAIN. – Parliamentary proceedings, on the 11^th were unimportant.  The bill authorizing marriage with a deceased wife’s sister was passed to a second reading in the Commons, 149 to 133.

The Morning Post has an editorial urging the removal of the prohibition in the West Indies against the efforts for obtaining colored laborers from any part of North America, and advocates the emigration of free negroes from Canada to the west Indies, to develop the cotton culture of those Islands.

It is asserted that the government has said there was confirmation of the news via America, that the Spaniards had sustained a declined defeat at the hands of the Mexicans, and that the dispatch of reinforcements is rendered necessary.

FRANCE. – It is rumored that the Prince Napoleon is dissatisfied with the terms of the address on the Roman question, and will move an amendment for more energetic language.

The bourse continued to be heavy, and on the 19^th the three per cent. rents further declined nearly half per cent., closing at 69.95.  The four and a half per cent. declined one per cent., closing at 99f.

A decree is published, admitting into France, free of duty, rough and purified cast iron, old iron bars, hoops and sheet iron, steel in bars and sheets, and rolled copper, when coming from abroad and destined for re-exportation, after having been converted in French workshops into ships, machines or any other work in metal.

One other decree reduces the interest on treasury bonds to two and a half a three and a half per cent., according to the time of the falling due.

The Moniteur says the government of the Emperor has requested information at Rome respecting the pastoral letter convoking all bishops to Rome for the canonization of the martyrs, the letter having been published in France without having been previously communicated to the government.  Cardinal Antonelli replied that the invitation was simply a friendly one and not obligatory in character – only tended to give weight to the religious ceremony on this reply the French government expressed the wish that the Bishops should not leave their diocese, and must not ask permission to quit the empire except where serious diocesan interests should call them to Rome.

The application for conversation of the 4 1-2 per cent. rentes had reached £70,000,000.

LONDON MONEY MARKET. – English funds dull but steady on the 20^th.

LIVERPOOL, 21. – It is reported that insurances are daily effected on ships and their cargoes to run the blockade of the Southern ports.  The highest premium paid is fifteen guineas, and the ships are entitled to select any port.  In some instances the risks to ports of easy access are as low as ten guineas.  The vessels insured are steamers of 1,500 tons.

The French Bourse is believed to be undergoing an improvement, owing to the receipt of gold from London.

The telegraph from the Red Sea to London is now open.

The iron plated frigate Warrior is ordered from Gibraltar to Portsmouth.

Advices from Manchester report goods and yarns upward, but quiet.

The Journal Espania demands a monarchy for Peru by universal suffrage.

ROME. 20^th. – The Police have made many arrests.

The proclamation of the national committee has been secretly posted here.  The committee hope for early success, but counsel patience.

It is believed that Napoleon has given assurance to the Pope that the French troops will not leave Rome.

Preparations were making to celebrate the anniversary of the Capture of Gaeta.  Numerous patrols traversed the streets to prevent its taking place.

BERLIN, 20^th. – The question between Prussia and Austria is continually widening.  The language of the Prussian and Austrian papers is daily more hostile.

The agitation in Germany is increasing.

Austria, by her recent conduct, had lost much of her influence in northern Germany.

PARIS, 21^st. – The Temps and other French journals demonstrate that a monarchical restoration in North America will only benefit Spain, and the Spanish monarchical interest alone existing.

It is believed that the speech of Prince Napoleon on the address of the Senate will express the real policy of the Emperor on the Italian question.

The following is a summary of the news taken out by the City of New York: The Tuscarora left Gibraltar on the 15^th inst. for the Spanish waters.  She had been watching the Sumter, which still remained at Gibraltar unable to procure coal.

In the House of Commons on the 17^th inst., the supplementary estimates for the naval and military expeditions in the Trent affair, amounting to over £973,000, were moved and unanimously agreed to.  In the debate on the subject, Mr. Bright severely denounced the policy of the government.  He said the money had been worse than thrown away.  The threatening menaces were quite uncalled for, and gave Earl Russell’s first dispatch, which he said had more the appearance of a declaration of war than a courteous demand for a just object which America could not fail to accede to.  He refuted the idea that the American Government was influenced by a mob, and argued that the interests of England were so bound up with America that it was in every respect inadvisable to inflict a sting that it might take centuries to remove.

Mr. Baxter endorsed the tone of the government, but condemned the tone of the press.

Orders had been received at Sheerness to dismantle all gunboats prepared for commissions under the American difficulty.

The Daily News and Star publish the correspondence with Mr. Seward relative to the passage of British troops through the State of Maine.  The latter accords great praise to Mr. Seward for his course in this respect.

The reading of the address to the Emperor of France had taken place in the Senate, and debate commenced upon it on the 20^th.  The address regrets the sufferings inflicted by the American civil war on trade and manufactures, but agrees with the Emperor that the friendly relations of the countries render neutrality incumbent, and believes that the quarrel will be all the shorter if not complicated by foreign influence.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, March 5, 1862, p. 1

Later From Europe

NEW YORK, May 21. – The steamer Nova Scotia arrived at 1 o’clock this afternoon.

The Sumter remained at Gibraltar.

Mr. Layard Stated in the House of Commons that as far as the Government knew that Mercier’s visit to Richmond was without instructions from France, and was attended with no political results whatever.

The Paris correspondent of the new Confederate organ, the Index, asserts that M. Mercier was under instructions to ascertain certain points and will report in person to the Emperor.

The Independent Belge asserts that to object of Lovalt’s recent Visit to London was to induce England to consent to common intervention in America, and England agrees on condition that  the Roman question was first settled.  The French Government gave ear to this and has led to conference relative to intervention.

Layard in announcing the conclusion of a slave trade treaty in the House of Commons said its conditions gave every reason to hope the traffic will be effectually suppressed.

Mr. Bright said Earl Russell’s late statement that he hoped in a few months that the Northern States would allow the independence of the South.  He said the war had paralyzed business in Lancashire for the time being, and showed how little he knew of the sentiments of the North.

The Times, editorially speaking of the distress in Lancashire, says it is for the honor of the nation that this distress be known to the world that it may see the sacrifices made in the cause of neutrality.  The Times regards the new slave trade treaty as the first fruits of secession, but says it is not a blow at the South, but a victory over the North.

The Paris correspondent of the Morning Herald says it is beyond question that the recognition of the South is seriously contemplated by the French Government.

The Bourse was flat 70f 80c.

Rumors of the approaching solution of the Roman question are more and more general.  It is reported that the Papal Government is prepared for sudden departure.

LATER. – LONDON, May 11, P.M. – Consols – further decline, closing today 92½@92¼.

American Stocks – I. C. 49½@46½ discount; Erie 32¼.

Liverpool Breadstuffs Market – Authorities report flour neglected and offered at slight reduction, 24s 6d@30s.  Wheat dull and nominally unchanged, red western 10s@10s 10d; white 11s 6d@11s 10d.  Corn in moderate demand but freely offered at 27s 9d@28s for mixed.; white 23s@33s per quarter.

LATEST. – May 10, P.M. – The market is nominally the same as yesterday, but holders would accept lower soles [sic] of buyers of approved provisions.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington Iowa, Saturday, May 24, 1862, p. 3