Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, January 20, 1861

If we are in turmoil on the western side of the Atlantic, they are not much better off on this eastern side. The King of Prussia has just said to his general officers in Berlin: “The aspect of the times is very serious, and menaces great dangers. Gentlemen, there is a distinct prospect of struggles in which I shall need the entire devotion of your hearts. If I and those other sovereigns wishing for peace do not succeed in dissipating beforehand the coming thunder-storm, we shall want the whole of our strength in order to stand our ground. You will have to strain every nerve if you wish to render the army adequate to the future calls of the country. Gentlemen, do not allow yourselves to be subject to any self-delusion respecting the magnitude of coming struggles. If I do not succeed in obviating war, the war will be one in which we shall have either to conquer or be lost to our position in the world!” What convulsion is it that thus thunders in the index? We hear the cry of “Peace, peace,” in every direction, but we see specially dark clouds in various quarters. Hungary is on the eve of revolt, Denmark is arming to maintain her rights in Schleswig and Holstein, Italy, under the magical inspiration of Garibaldi, will insist upon having, as parts of the temporal sovereignty of Victor Emmanuel, both Rome and Venice. War upon Austria then would seem inevitable, and it cannot fail to draw into its vortex Russia, Prussia, Germany, and, not impossibly, Turkey. But the words of solemnity used by the monarch involve a deeper meaning. They refer to the military avalanche which a breath from Louis Napoleon may precipitate across the Rhine,—his vast force of six or eight hundred thousand, his numerous and formidable ships of war, and his actual position as the chief of the revolutionary movement. The language is portentous, infinitely more so than the address of Baron Hubner on 1st of January, 1859. Where on the face of the earth can the stranger, Peace, take up her permanent abode?

The news from home during this week has been deplorable. On the 10th inst. the President sent a message to Congress which depicts the state of things in the gloomiest colours. South Carolina, at Charleston, has fired repeated volleys at a United States transport carrying troops for Major Anderson at Fort Sumter, and has compelled her to retire. The Brooklyn, a second-class screw steamer of fourteen guns, and the revenue cutter Harriet Lane are about to convoy the troops back again to Charleston on board the Star of the West, and we may expect our next news to announce a bloody fight, possibly a bombardment of the city. Seward has made a speech in the Senate which the Times calls “grand and conciliatory,” but which obviously asserts a determination to enforce the laws. Servile insurrection, too, seems. contemplated in Virginia, some twenty-five barrels of gunpowder having been disinterred from secret hiding places.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 430-2

John L. Motley to Anna Lothrop Motley, November 17, 1863

November 17, 1863.

My Dearest Mother: . . . I shall say nothing of our home affairs save that I am overjoyed at the results of the elections in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, without being at all surprised. As to Massachusetts, of course I should as soon have thought of the sun's forgetting to rise as of her joining the pro-slavery Copperheads. The result of the elections in Missouri and Maryland has not yet reached me, but I entertain a strong hope that the latter State has elected an emancipation legislature, and that before next summer the accursed institution will be wiped out of "my Maryland."

The elections I consider of far more consequence than the battles, or rather the success of the antislavery party and its steadily increasing strength make it a mathematical certainty that, however the tide of battle may ebb and flow with varying results, the progress of the war is steadily in one direction. The peculiar institution will be washed away, and with it the only possible dissolvent of the Union.

We are in a great mess in Europe. The Emperor of the French, whom the littleness of his contemporaries has converted into a species of great man, which will much amuse posterity, is proceeding in his self-appointed capacity of European dictator. His last dodge is to call a Congress of Sovereigns, without telling them what they are to do when they have obeyed his summons. All sorts of tremendous things are anticipated, for when you have a professional conspirator on the most important throne in Christendom, there is no dark intrigue that doesn't seem possible. Our poor people in Vienna are in an awful fidget, and the telegraph-wires between London, St. Petersburg, and Paris are quivering hourly with the distracted messages which are speeding to and fro, and people go about telling each other the most insane stories. If Austria doesn't go to the Congress out of deference to England, then France, Russia, Prussia, and Italy are to meet together and make a new map of Europe. France is to take the provinces of the Rhine from Prussia, and give her in exchange the kingdom of Hanover, the duchy of Brunswick, and other little bits of property to round off her estate. Austria is to be deprived of Venice, which is to be given to Victor Emmanuel. Russia is to set up Poland as a kind of kingdom in leading-strings, when she has finished her Warsaw massacres, and is to take possession of the Danubian Principalities in exchange. These schemes are absolutely broached and believed in. Meantime the Schleswig-Holstein question, which has been whisking its long tail about through the European system, and shaking war from its horrid hair till the guns were ready to fire, has suddenly taken a new turn. Day before yesterday the King of Denmark, in the most melodramatic manner, died unexpectedly, just as he was about to sign the new constitution, which made war with the Germanic Confederation certain. Then everybody breathed again. The new king would wait, would turn out all the old ministers, would repudiate the new constitution, would shake hands with the German Bund, and be at peace, when, lo! just as the innocent bigwigs were making sure of this consummation so devoutly wished, comes a telegram that his new Majesty has sworn to the new constitution and kept in the old ministers.

Our weather has become gray, sullen, and wintry, but not cold. There has hardly been a frost yet, but the days are short and fires indispensable. The festivities will begin before long. Thus far I have been able to work steadily and get on pretty well.

Ever your most affectionate son,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 348-50

John L. Motley to Ann Lothrop Motley, May 12, 1863

Vienna, May 12, 1863.

My Dearest Mother: Since Easter brought an end to the Lenten entertainments which succeeded the carnival, there has been absolutely nothing going on in the social world. To-morrow there is a ceremony at the chapel of the imperial palace, the presentation of the cardinal's hat by the emperor to our colleague here, the internuncio, who has just been cardinalized by the Pope. I wish it had taken place yesterday, for then I might have a topic for my letter, besides having got through the bore of witnessing it.

There is much talk about war in Europe, but I can hardly believe it will come to blows. I don't exactly see how France or England is to get any benefit from the war. The Crimean War was different. Without it, it is probable that Russia would have got Constantinople, which England, of course, can never stand. France would like to fight Prussia and get the Rhine provinces, but England couldn't stand that, nor Austria either, much as she hates Prussia. So it would seem difficult to get up a war. As for Austria's going into such a shindy, the idea is ridiculous. To go to war to gain a province is conceivable; to do so expressly to lose one is not the disinterested fashion of European potentates. As for the Poles, nothing will satisfy them but complete independence, and in this object I don't believe that France or England means to aid them. So there will be guerrilla fighting all summer. Blood will flow in Poland, and ink in all the European cabinets very profusely, and the result will be that Russia will end by reducing the Poles to submission. At least this is the way things look now; but “on the other hand,” as Editor Clapp used to say, there is such a thing as drift, and kings and politicians don't govern the world, but move with the current, so that the war may really come before the summer is over, for the political question (to use the diplomatic jargon) is quite insoluble, as the diplomatic correspondence has already proved. There, I have given you politics enough for this little letter, and now I have only to say how much love we all send to you and the governor. I hope this summer will bring warmth and comfort and health to you. Give my love to my little Mary. Our news from America is to April 29, and things look bright on the Mississippi. I hope to hear good accounts from Hooker, but Virginia seems a fatal place for us.

Good-by, my dearest mother.

Ever your affectionate son,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 330-2

Baron Otto von Bismarck to John L. Motley, April 17, 1863

Berlin,

April 17, 1863.

My Dear Motley: You have given me a great pleasure with your letter of the 9th, and I shall be very grateful to you if you keep your promise to write oftener and longer. I hate politics, but, as you say truly, like the grocer hating figs, I am none the less obliged to keep my thoughts increasingly occupied with those figs. Even at this moment, while I am writing to you, my ears are full of it. I am obliged to listen to particularly tasteless speeches out of the mouths of uncommonly childish and excited politicians, and I have therefore a moment of unwilling leisure, which I cannot use better than in giving you news of my welfare. I never thought that in my riper years I should be obliged to carry on such an unworthy trade as that of a parliamentary minister. As envoy, although an official, I still had the feeling of being a gentleman; as [parliamentary] minister one is a Helot. I have come down in the world, and hardly know how.

April 18. I wrote as far as this yesterday, then the sitting came to an end; five hours' Chamber until three o'clock; then one hour's riding; one hour's report to his Majesty; three hours at an incredibly dull dinner, old important Whigs; then two hours' work; finally, a supper with a colleague, who would have been hurt if I had slighted his fish.

This morning I had hardly breakfasted before Karolyi was sitting opposite to me; he was followed without interruption by Denmark, England, Portugal, Russia, France, whose ambassador I was obliged to remind at one o'clock that it was time for me to go to the House of Phrases. I am sitting again in the latter; hear people talk nonsense, and end my letter. All these people have agreed to approve our treaties with Belgium, in spite of which twenty speakers scold each other with the greatest vehemence, as if each wished to make an end of the other; they are not agreed about the motives which make them unanimous, hence, alas! a regular German squabble about the emperor's beard — querelle d'Allemand. You Anglo-Saxon Yankees have something of the same kind also. Do you all know exactly why you are waging such furious war with each other? All certainly do not know, but they kill each other con amore — that 's the way the business comes to them. Your battles are bloody, ours wordy. These chatterers really cannot govern Prussia. I must bring some opposition to bear against them; they have too little wit and too much self-complacency — stupid and audacious. Stupid, in all its meanings, is not the right word; considered individually, these people are sometimes very clever, generally educated — the regulation German university culture; but of politics, beyond the interests of their own church tower, they know as little as we knew as students, and even less; as far as external politics go, they are also, taken separately, like children. In all other questions they become childish as soon as they stand together in corpore. In the mass stupid, individually intelligent.

When over-reading my letter just before I go to meet in my bed “tired nature's sweet restorer,” I find that under the noisy distractions of parliamentary bullying I have written down a suite of dull commonplaces, and I was about to burn it, but considering the difficulty in this dreary sort of life of finding out an undisturbed moment and a more sensible disposition of mind, I think, like Pontius Pilate, “Quod scripsi, scripsi.” These drops of my own ink will show you at least that my thoughts, when left alone, readily turn to you. I never pass by old Logier's house, in the Friedrichstrasse, without looking up at the windows that used to be ornamented by a pair of red slippers sustained on the wall by the feet of a gentleman sitting in the Yankee way, his head below and out of sight. I then gratify my memory with remembrance of “good old colony times when we were roguish chaps.”¹ (Poor) Flesh is traveling with his daughter, I do not know where in this moment. My wife is much obliged for your kind remembrance, and also the children. The little one wrenched his foot in tumbling down a staircase, and my daughter in bed with a sore throat, but no harm in that. They are well, after all.

Now, an affectionate farewell. I can't go on writing such an unorthographic language as English so late at night, but please try it yourself soon again. Your hand looks like cranes' feet, but is very legible. Is mine the same?

Your faithful old friend,

V. Bismarck.

_______________

¹ In February, 1888, Prince Bismarck, in his great speech to the German Reichsrath, quoted this college song, adding at the same time that he had learned it from his “dear deceased friend John Motley.”

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 325-30

Samuel Gridley Howe to Senator Charles Sumner, December 26, 1851

Boston, Dec. 26, 1851.

Dear Sumner: — . . . I told you I should give you my views touching that part of your beautiful speech from which I dissent entirely.

You are quite right in saying Kossuth is demanding more than is reasonable, if by reasonable you mean practical and feasible. If however you plant yourself upon the ground of human brotherhood, and demand of your brother man, or brother nation, all that the sacred tie of brotherhood warrants, and suppose others will do their duty — then you have a right to demand nearly, if not all, that he does.

I am not at all moved by what you (and still more others) say about a war costing us five hundred millions — of course we must first settle if it be right, and then meet the cost as we best may.

Depend upon it, Sumner, God has not yet finished his work with his instrument of combativeness and destructiveness; and though wars are as bad as you have ever depicted them; though the ordeal, the fight, is absurd and all that, still, — still, — when the lower propensities are so active in the race they must occasionally be knocked down with clubbed muskets.

It is not at all probable, still it is possible that, taking advantage of reaction, and of Louis Napoleon's treason,¹ and of the intense desire of the bourgeois class all over Europe for peaceful pursuit of business, let who may govern, and despairing of anything better, the Russians and the Prussians and the Austrians may combine to establish despotism and avert all progress in western Europe; and it is possible that England may be forced to engage single-handed with them: if so shall we be neutral? Shall we merely send a “God speed!” — and not back it up by hearty blows at the enemies of the race?

I say no! a thousand times no! and be it five hundred or five thousand millions that it will cost, let us go into the fight.

Kossuth is doing a great and glorious work; and though like all enthusiasts he overdoes his task, — and attempts more than it is possible to perform — still he will do much for us. God keep him and give him a chance to work for five years more, when he will have a chance to try a struggle with Russia.

What does George² write you? I take it Louis Nap. will have it all his own way for some time to come; not long as Nature views things, but long for us impatient mortals.

Ever thine,

s. G. H.

_______________

¹ The Coup d’Etat.

² George Sumner.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 353-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, October 10, 1863

Lord Lyons, who returned last night, called on me to-day with Admiral Milne and staff, accompanied by Secretary Seward. Admiral Milne has a pleasant face, more Scotch than English. He is tall, — six feet two, — strongly built, not fleshy yet not spare, — a good physique in every respect. While we were conversing, Mr. Seward interrupted to say he had referred the Spanish claim of maritime jurisdiction to the King of Belgium. I asked whether the King of Belgium was an authority on international law and impowered to decide questions of this character so as to make them binding on others. His decision might be conclusive against Spain if he should adhere to the marine league, but were he to decide otherwise, his decision would conclude no government but the United States. I did not believe Great Britain would yield to the dictum of the King of Belgium against tradition and usage and the established law of nations, if the United States did. She would therefore approach Spanish territory to within three miles, while we, by this submission, would be excluded for six miles by the decree if against us.

Seward was a little nonplused. Both Lord Lyons and Admiral Milne exchanged significant looks at this singular reference, which jeopardized our rights and secured us nothing.

Dining at Lord Lyons's this evening, Admiral Milne, who sat next me, stated that he is the first British admiral who has visited New York since the government was established, certainly the first in forty years. He said that it had been the policy of his government to avoid such visitations, chiefly from apprehensions in regard to their crews, their language and general appearance being the same as ours. There were doubtless other reasons which neither of us cared to introduce. He was exceedingly attentive and pleasant. Said he had tried to preserve harmony and good feeling, and to prevent, as far as possible, irritation and vexatious questions between us. Complimented the energy we had displayed, the forbearance exercised, the comparatively few vexatious and conflicting questions which had arisen under the extraordinary condition of affairs, the management of the extensive blockade, and the general administration of our naval matters, which he had admired and in his way sustained without making himself a party in our conflict.

There were some twenty or twenty-five guests, including the Prussian, Spanish, and Brazilian Ministers, the Secretary of State, the Attorney-General, and myself of the Cabinet. The whole was well-timed and judiciously got up for the occasion, and with a purpose. It is, I think, the harbinger of a better state of things, or rather of a change of policy by the English government.

Chase has gone to Ohio preparatory to the election, which takes place next Tuesday. Great interest is felt throughout the country in the result. Chase is understood to have special interest in this election.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 467-9

John L. Motley to Mary Lothrop Motley, February 17, 1863

Vienna, February 17, 1863.

My Dearest Little Mary: I hope that you will accept this note from me as the family contribution for to-day.

I assure you, when you know Vienna as well as we do, you will agree that to screw out a letter once a week is a Kunststück to be proud of. I can't very well write to you, as I write to the State Department, about the movements in Montenegro, the Polish insurrection, or the Prussian-French treaty of commerce, although I dare say these things would amuse you about as much as they do the people at Washington just now, where they have so much other fish to fry. To-day is the last day of the carnival, which we celebrate by remaining calmly within doors in the bosom of our respected family. The great ball at Prince Schwarzenberg's took place last Sunday, so that we were obliged respectfully but firmly to decline. Soon begins the season of “salons.” Now, if there is one thing more distasteful to me than a ball, it is a salon. Of course I don't object to young people liking to dance, and the few balls in the great houses here are as magnificent festivals as could be got up anywhere, and Lily had always plenty of partners and danced to her heart's content, notwithstanding that nearly all the nice youths of the French and English embassies have been transplanted to other realms. But I think that no reasonable being ought to like a salon. There are three topics — the Opera, the Prater, the Burg Theater; when these are exhausted, you are floored. Conversazioni where the one thing that does not exist is conversation are not the most cheerful of institutions.

The truth is that our hostile friends the English spoil me for other society. There is nothing like London or England in the social line on the Continent. The Duke of Argyll writes to me pretty constantly, and remains a believer in the justice of our cause, although rather desponding as to the issue; and Mr. John Stuart Mill, who corresponds with me regularly and is as enthusiastic as I am, tells me that the number of men who agree with him in wishing us success is daily increasing. Among others he mentioned our old friend the distinguished Dr. Whewell, Master of Trinity (with whom we stayed three days at Cambridge when I received my degree there), who, he says, is positively rude to those who talk against the North. He won't allow the “Times” to come into the house. Well, I hope the recent and remarkable demonstrations in England will convince the true lovers of union and liberty in America where our true strength lies, and who our true lovers are.

We have given four diplomatic dinners. The last was five days ago. Sixteen guests, beginning with Count Rechberg and the Prince and Princess Callimaki (Turkish ambassador), and ending with a French and Belgian attache or two. The French and English ambassadors and secretaries dined with us the week before. I think we shall give no more at present, unless we have a smaller one, to which we shall invite the Rothschild of the period, as we have had several good dinners at his house. I am very glad that you are to dine with Mrs. Amory to meet General McClellan. We feel very grateful to Mr. and Mrs. Amory and S—— for their kindness to you. Pray never forget to give all our loves to them. Did Mrs. Amory ever get a letter I wrote her? Its date was May 12. Pray remember us most kindly to Mr. and Mrs. Ritchie. I am so glad that you have been seeing so much of them lately. It is impossible for you not to be fond of them when you know them. Give my love also to Miss “Pussie,” and to my Nahant contemporary, who I hope continues on the rampage as delightfully as ever. You will tell us, of course, what impression General McClellan makes upon you. Personally there seems much that is agreeable, almost fascinating, about him. I only saw him for a single moment, but was much impressed by his manner. I wish it had been his destiny to lead our armies to victory, for I don't see that we have any better man. But no one man will ever end this war except he be an abolitionist heart and soul, and a man of military genius besides.

Things have gone a million miles beyond compromise. Pray tell me what you learn of Hooker.

We all join in kindest love to you, my darling, and to your grandmama and grandpapa, and all at home.

Your ever-affectionate

P. G.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 314-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 16, 1863

Another gun-boat has got past Vicksburg. But three British steamers have run into Charleston with valuable cargoes.

Gen. Lee is now sending troops to Charleston, and this strengthens the report that Hooker's army is leaving the Rappahannock. They are probably crumbling to pieces, under the influence of the peace party growing up in the North. Some of them, however, it is said, are sent to Fortress Monroe.

Our Bureau of Conscription ought to be called the Bureau of Exemption. It is turning out a vast number of exempts. The Southern Express Company bring sugar, partridges, turkeys, etc. to the potential functionaries, and their employees are exempted during the time they may remain in the employment of the company. It is too bad!

I have just been reperusing Frederick's great campaigns, and find much encouragement. Prussia was not so strong as the Confederate States, and yet was environed and assailed by France, Austria, Russia, and several smaller powers simultaneously. And yet Frederick maintained the contest for seven years, and finally triumphed over his enemies. The preponderance of numbers against him in the field was greater than that of the United States against us; and Lee is as able a general as Frederick. Hence we should never despair.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 260

Francis Lieber to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, October 15, 1864

New YorK, October 15, 1864.

. . . I dare say you have already attended to the subject I am going to write about; still I feel prompted to say what follows. From the “New York Times” of this day I observe that much noise is made about the Rebels using our men, captured by them, for working in the fortifications, and that General Butler seems to fall into the error of considering it a grievous offence on the part of the enemy. We ought always to take care not to make ourselves ridiculous. Not to speak of 76 of General Orders No. 100, the employment of prisoners of war is universal: employment for domestic ends (such as when Russia distributed Frenchmen to the farmers, or Napoleon set Prussians to dig one of the chief canals of France) ; or for military purposes, such as working in army factories; or, lastly, for actual army purposes, such as working at fortifications, building roads, bridges near armies, &e. General Meigs asked my opinion on this very subject some months ago, and I wrote him a somewhat elaborate letter, which, were it necessary, might be referred to. That we have abstained from doing so until now, and have fed all along some fifty thousand idle prisoners, is another question. I believe it was done because we have a barbarous and reckless enemy, who threatened to use our men in pestiferous swamps if we should utilize the prisoners in our hands. That we tell them, “If you use our men, we shall use yours,” is all right; but let us not talk of unheard cruelty if they simply set the prisoners to work. We expose ourselves, especially when we do this in the face of our own general order and our own acknowledgment of the law of war. I, for one, am in favor of setting Rebel prisoners to work, — especially now, when the Rebels have used United States prisoners for fortifying Richmond, &c, although I think we must be prepared for insolent resistance and proportionate coercion on our part. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 351-2

Later From Europe

Arrival of the Anglo Saxon.

PORTLAND, MAINE, Jan. 30. – The Anglo Saxon from Liverpool, 16th, via Queenstown, 17th, arrived here this morning.  Her dates are five days later.

The steamship Teutonia, from New York, arrived at Southampton on the 12th, with the steamship America, from New York, and the Novascotian arrived at Liverpool on the 14th.  The Edinburg, from New York arrived at Liverpool on the 15th.

The news by the Anglo Saxon is unimportant.

It was rumored that the rebel steamer Nashville had been sold to English ship owners.  The Tuscarora continued to blockade her.

Corn, easy, market closed steady, with an upward tendency for wheat.  Provisions, quiet.

Consols, for money, 93¼.

The London Globe announces that the Washington Cabinet had given orders for the release of the two Americans taken from the English schooner Eugenie and the steamer Santiago de Cuba.

But little business was doing at Loyd’s [sic] in war risks.  There was continued activity in all the departments at the Portsmouth dock yard.

It was stated that the Tuscarora’s movement in leaving her moorings on the 13th inst., was to prevent the Nashville from getting under way for 24 hours.  It was understood that the Tuscarora’s orders were never to leave sight of the Nashville, to blockade her in Southampton, and if she should leave, to chase her as long as she is at sea.  In addition to the Frigate Dauntless, the war steamer Argus, had been placed at the mouth of the Southampton docks, to watch the movements of the two vessels.

The London Times says that mercantile letters from New York represent that the cry for promoting insurrection among the slaves was gaining force, and looking at the threatened horrors, whispers were at length heard of a wish that for the sake of humanity European intervention might be fount practicable.

Additional correspondence had been published in regard to the Trent affair, including Lord John Russell’s reply to Mr. Seward’s dispatch, dated January 11th.  It expresses much satisfaction at the conclusion arrived at by the Washington Government, which it considers most favorable to the maintenance of most friendly relations.  The English Government, however, differs from Mr. Seward in some of his conclusions, and as it may lead to a better understanding on several points of international law.  Lord John Russell proposes in a few days to write another dispatch on the subject.  In the mean time he says that it is desirable that the commanders of United States cruisers shall be instructed not to repeat acts for which the British Government will have to ask redress, and which the United States government can not undertake to justify.  Lord Lyons is thanked for his discretion.

Mason and Slidell had been expected by the America, and a good deal of interest was felt as to the reception they would get at Liverpool. – Various expedients were adopted to secure anything but a flattering one.

There has been no reply to the strictures on the stone blockade of Charleston.

The extra workmen at the dock yards will be discharged at the end of the financial year.

The Shipping Gazette says that war of further diplomatic strife is certain between England and America.

Liverpool Breadstuffs. – W. N. & Co. and others, report flour dull and declined 6d@1s, wheat declined 1d@2d – red 11s@12s 4d, white western 12s 6d@12s 9d, white southern 12s 9d@13s 3d.  Corn easier, mixed 31s@31s 6d.

(Latest via Londonderry.)

Liverpool, 17. – Flour steady, wheat active with an upward tendency, corn quiet but steady, provisions ditto.

LONDON, Jan, 17. – Consols for money 93¼.  I. C. shares 42 7/8 @ 43 1/8 disc., Erie shares 28 N. Y. C. 71@73.

The Times predicts a speedy collapse in America under the suspension of specie payment. – It also published extracts from Mr. Russell’s diary to the 3d of January.  He says it requires an augmentory faith to believe there will be any success in subjugating the South, for the army of the North will be stricken down for the want of means.  The troops sent to points along the coast are suffering from sickness.  The pretense of there being Union men at the South is fast vanishing.  Mr. Russell sees an extraordinary lack of ordinary political common sense in American Journals.

Capt. Symmes of the Confederate States Navy, and commander of the Sumter has addressed a letter to the Times defending his ship against the insinuations of the Secretary of the Federal Navy who in his official report describes the Sumter as a piratical rover.

Paris Bourse steady.  Rentes quoted 69f 20c.

The French journals generally compliment the Washington Cabinet for their action in the Trent affair.

PRUSSIA. – The King of Prussia, in his speech at the opening of the Chambers rejoiced at the happy issue of the Anglo American difficulties.

SPAIN. – The privateer Sumter continued at the port of Cadiz.

London Money Market. – Consols experienced a further decline of ½ per cent.  Money very easy.

The publication of the correspondence in relation to the Trent affair, has lead to some very bitter strictures on the dispatch of Mr. Seward, particularly as regards that part of it where it is announced that the prisoners, Mason & Slidell would have been retained had the interests of the Union required it.

The London Times doubts whether any nation ever committed a blunder so palpable and so enormous.

The London Morning Post says it is clear that the law of the stronger is the only law ruling in the United States.

The London Herald says that the last four lines of Mr. Seward’s dispatch is the only part of it that can be accepted as an answer to British Demands.

(Very Latest per Anglo Saxon.  Telegraphed to Londonderry.)

Liverpool, Jan. 17. – Notwithstanding the rumored sale of the Nashville she continued to fly the Confederate flag.  No sale has been registered at the Admiralty.

Berlin, Jan. 17. – It is reported that England has no objection to examine the question of guarantee for the rights of neutrals by diplomatic correspondence, but would be opposed to a Congress on the question.

Several members of Parliament had been addressing their constituents.  America was the main topic.  Mr. Gladiator made a speech at Leith.  He was very friendly towards America, and hoped the concession of the American Government would be conceived in a most generous spirit and irritation not to be increased by minute criticism.  He thought the North had undertaken a task which would prove too much for them.

Mr. Gilpin, of Northampton, declared that the lack of sympathy with the North was because the North had not identified themselves with the first principles of the Constitution, which declares all men are born free and equal.  But he believed the question had now become Slavery or Freedom.  He called on Englishmen to hesitate before they directly or indirectly sanctioned a premature and unnecessary acknowledgment of the South.

Lord Henry at the same meeting uttered similar sentiments.

Mr. Peeresford took rather opposite ground, he believed that if the Southern Confederacy established its independence it would lead to an amelioration of the condition of the slave.

The frigate Mirror was expected at Plymouth in a day or two on her way to the North American Station.

ITALY. – The Pope in announcing to the Cardinals that Russia had consented to the re-establishment of the Papal Nuncio at St. Petersburg, said he hoped this fresh concession on the part of the Emperor would be the signal for others in favor of the unfortunate Polish nation.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

The year 1861 was unlucky to the crowned heads . . .

. . . as Napoleon truly observed in his New Year’s day speech.  Prussia buried a King, the effete Sultan of Turkey sank into the grave, the Emperor of China was struck down, Portugal lost a youthful and noble sovereign.  The future historian of 1861 will not, as we hope, esteem it beneath his dignity to include a line of obituary for the dusky sovereigns of Dahomey and Madagascar.  An assassin’s had strove to take the life of the New King of Prussia and a crack brained Athenian enthusiast made an attempt of a similar nature upon the Queen of Greece.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

Possibility of a Civil War in Germany

From the foreign papers it appears that the condition of affairs throughout the great Germanic Confederation, is, in many respects similar to that which existed here previous to the first act of Secession by a southern State.  The Confederation, which has a common Diet or Assembly, has heretofore consisted of the greater Teutonic Powers – Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Baden Baden, and some thirty-two inferior Dukedoms and Electorates – all, of course, monarchical in their form of government, and therefore, differing materially from the American States, but all represented in the Central Legislature, and all in some degree constitutional since 1849, and far more independent than the members of this Confederacy – each and all being free to make peace or war, within certain limits, uncontrolled by the Sister States.

This Band or League did not include other than the German possessions of Austria, and hence it was that in her struggles with the Hungarian and Italian rebellions, the latter Power has stood alone.  The frantic efforts made by the Viennese Cabinet to involve Prussia and all Germany in an alliance with her against Napoleon and Victor Emanuel during the recent memorable conflict in Northern Italy, must still dwell in the recollection of every reader.  Now Prussia and the group of states near to her have lately been distinguished from Austria and her Allies in Southern Germany, by progressive views and rapid improvements in consonance with the spirit of the age.  This advance has awakened the jealous apprehensions of all reactionary cabinets adhering to the old so-called “Wurzburg” Alliance and adroitly and secretly winning Saxony over to her views, Austria has put forward that power in the person of her minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron Von Buest, as a catspaw to propose the reconstruction of the Confederation in such a shape as to admit all of the Austrian Empire into it.  This proposition had already been ripened and approved by the Wurzburg Confederates, before Prussia was informed of it.  Then, suddenly, notes identical in meaning were sent in to her by Austria and all her accomplices proposing the new form, and inviting Prussia to join them, i. e., treating her as though she and her adherents, Baden, Saxe, Coburg, and a few other smaller States were out of the Confederation, or had seceded from it.  To yield would have been to recognize the supremacy of Austria, which will have a majority in the New Diet – to remain out is to invite the hostility of the coalition.  Hence the crisis!  Prussia, with dignity, declines the recognition of this new Wurzburg scheme, and is now menaced on all sides by the adherents of Austria.  The National Verein, an organization of the people extending throughout Germany, calls upon the Prussian King to throw himself into the arms of the progressive party, who have gained substantial victories in the elections and in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies.  As it was, civil war impends; but if Prussia goes with the Verein, the next steamer may bring us news of a Revolution. –{New York Sun.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 3

Trouble Brewing in Europe

If all the ages of the times do not fail, there is a crisis approaching in European affairs, that will require the whole attention of the transatlantic powers, and which will probably leave us at leisure to settle our own difficulties in our own way.  The financial embarrassments of all the European nations, with, perhaps, the exception of England, are among the least threatening of the dangers which are imminent.  In Russia, the Serfs are dissatisfied with the law which makes them free, because it makes them pay for their freedom, and the nobility are sour because the Serfs have been freed at all.  And the much abused inhabitants of Poland and Finland are ever on the alert to take advantage of every pre-occupation of the Government to strike another blow to their independence.  In Germany also there are evidences of coming trouble.  Hungary is awaiting the march of events in Italy, and the moment Garibaldi attempts his long cherished enterprise of wresting Venitia from the dominion of Austria, Hungary will rise en masse to throw off the same yoke.  Secret societies exist in every town, and secret agents are traveling over the country, warning the inhabitants to be ready for the emergency.  A similar state of things is noticeable in the Turkish Provinces of Montenegro and Herzegovina, which are giving the Sultan much trouble.  The recent assertion of Prussia, too, that she considers “the German Confederation as an international and not a federal part of Prussia,” has irritated Austria and thrown the little German principalities into an interesting flutter of excitement, presaging trouble in that quarter.

But the Italian question is the most dangerous and complicated of the whole, and is daily growing more difficult of solution.  Garibaldi has just written a letter intimating that he intends to commence operations for the recovery of Venitia early in the spring, and Austria is taking active measures to resist the attack.  The Bourbons are adding new fuel to the flame of the Neapolitan rebellion, and fresh hostilities are momentarily expected in Naples and Sicily.  The Pope continues to hold on doggedly to his temporal power in spite of the warning of France, and the recent and numerous exhibitions of popular feelings on the subject in the Italian cities, shows that he is daily becoming more unpopular.  If Napoleon should withdraw his forces from Rome, as he threatens to do, the Pope is in a fair way to lose not only his temporal but his spiritual authority as well.  Verily, coming events in Europe cast their shadows before.  At this late day we hardly need the repeated assertions of neutrality in our affairs on the part of England and France.  Matters at home promise to furnish abundant scope for the exercise of all the diplomatic skill of the European nations, if indeed a general appeal to arms is not necessary.  The scales which hold the “balance of power,” never at an exact equipoise, now seem more likely to be put of equilibrium than ever before.  It will require time to get things right again, and meanwhile our little difficulties will be settled up.  In view of the troubles abroad, and the signs of returning peace at home, there is no good reason why we should be further haunted by the ghost of “European intervention.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 8, 1862, p. 2

Foreign News

PORTLAND, March 4.

The steamer Norwegian, from Liverpool on the 20^th, Londonderry 21^st ult. arrived this morning.

The political news possess no particular interest.

Sales of cotton for the four days were 11,000 bales.

Markets closing firmer.

Breadstuffs dull.  Provisions steady.

The Anglo Saxon from Portland arrived at Liverpool on the 20^th.

GREAT BRITAIN. – Parliamentary proceedings, on the 11^th were unimportant.  The bill authorizing marriage with a deceased wife’s sister was passed to a second reading in the Commons, 149 to 133.

The Morning Post has an editorial urging the removal of the prohibition in the West Indies against the efforts for obtaining colored laborers from any part of North America, and advocates the emigration of free negroes from Canada to the west Indies, to develop the cotton culture of those Islands.

It is asserted that the government has said there was confirmation of the news via America, that the Spaniards had sustained a declined defeat at the hands of the Mexicans, and that the dispatch of reinforcements is rendered necessary.

FRANCE. – It is rumored that the Prince Napoleon is dissatisfied with the terms of the address on the Roman question, and will move an amendment for more energetic language.

The bourse continued to be heavy, and on the 19^th the three per cent. rents further declined nearly half per cent., closing at 69.95.  The four and a half per cent. declined one per cent., closing at 99f.

A decree is published, admitting into France, free of duty, rough and purified cast iron, old iron bars, hoops and sheet iron, steel in bars and sheets, and rolled copper, when coming from abroad and destined for re-exportation, after having been converted in French workshops into ships, machines or any other work in metal.

One other decree reduces the interest on treasury bonds to two and a half a three and a half per cent., according to the time of the falling due.

The Moniteur says the government of the Emperor has requested information at Rome respecting the pastoral letter convoking all bishops to Rome for the canonization of the martyrs, the letter having been published in France without having been previously communicated to the government.  Cardinal Antonelli replied that the invitation was simply a friendly one and not obligatory in character – only tended to give weight to the religious ceremony on this reply the French government expressed the wish that the Bishops should not leave their diocese, and must not ask permission to quit the empire except where serious diocesan interests should call them to Rome.

The application for conversation of the 4 1-2 per cent. rentes had reached £70,000,000.

LONDON MONEY MARKET. – English funds dull but steady on the 20^th.

LIVERPOOL, 21. – It is reported that insurances are daily effected on ships and their cargoes to run the blockade of the Southern ports.  The highest premium paid is fifteen guineas, and the ships are entitled to select any port.  In some instances the risks to ports of easy access are as low as ten guineas.  The vessels insured are steamers of 1,500 tons.

The French Bourse is believed to be undergoing an improvement, owing to the receipt of gold from London.

The telegraph from the Red Sea to London is now open.

The iron plated frigate Warrior is ordered from Gibraltar to Portsmouth.

Advices from Manchester report goods and yarns upward, but quiet.

The Journal Espania demands a monarchy for Peru by universal suffrage.

ROME. 20^th. – The Police have made many arrests.

The proclamation of the national committee has been secretly posted here.  The committee hope for early success, but counsel patience.

It is believed that Napoleon has given assurance to the Pope that the French troops will not leave Rome.

Preparations were making to celebrate the anniversary of the Capture of Gaeta.  Numerous patrols traversed the streets to prevent its taking place.

BERLIN, 20^th. – The question between Prussia and Austria is continually widening.  The language of the Prussian and Austrian papers is daily more hostile.

The agitation in Germany is increasing.

Austria, by her recent conduct, had lost much of her influence in northern Germany.

PARIS, 21^st. – The Temps and other French journals demonstrate that a monarchical restoration in North America will only benefit Spain, and the Spanish monarchical interest alone existing.

It is believed that the speech of Prince Napoleon on the address of the Senate will express the real policy of the Emperor on the Italian question.

The following is a summary of the news taken out by the City of New York: The Tuscarora left Gibraltar on the 15^th inst. for the Spanish waters.  She had been watching the Sumter, which still remained at Gibraltar unable to procure coal.

In the House of Commons on the 17^th inst., the supplementary estimates for the naval and military expeditions in the Trent affair, amounting to over £973,000, were moved and unanimously agreed to.  In the debate on the subject, Mr. Bright severely denounced the policy of the government.  He said the money had been worse than thrown away.  The threatening menaces were quite uncalled for, and gave Earl Russell’s first dispatch, which he said had more the appearance of a declaration of war than a courteous demand for a just object which America could not fail to accede to.  He refuted the idea that the American Government was influenced by a mob, and argued that the interests of England were so bound up with America that it was in every respect inadvisable to inflict a sting that it might take centuries to remove.

Mr. Baxter endorsed the tone of the government, but condemned the tone of the press.

Orders had been received at Sheerness to dismantle all gunboats prepared for commissions under the American difficulty.

The Daily News and Star publish the correspondence with Mr. Seward relative to the passage of British troops through the State of Maine.  The latter accords great praise to Mr. Seward for his course in this respect.

The reading of the address to the Emperor of France had taken place in the Senate, and debate commenced upon it on the 20^th.  The address regrets the sufferings inflicted by the American civil war on trade and manufactures, but agrees with the Emperor that the friendly relations of the countries render neutrality incumbent, and believes that the quarrel will be all the shorter if not complicated by foreign influence.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, March 5, 1862, p. 1

Arrival of the America

HALIFAX, Feb. 10.

The America, from Liverpool 25th ult., via Queenstown 26th, has arrived.

Sales of cotton Saturday, 5,000 bales; market closing quiet. Breadstuffs dull. – Provisions heavy. Consols 92 3-4a92 7-8.

There are vague rumors that the Emperor Napoleon has notified that he will shortly officially demand joint action in raising the blockade of the Southern ports of the U. S. If England refuses to take part, he will take the initiative alone.

The London Times continues to urge England not to interfere, and says, the nation can afford to wait.

The pirate Sumter is reported Cruising off Genoa.

FRANCE. – The Emperor’s speech to the Corps Legislatif, on the 25th, was expected with great interest, under the belief that he will say something important on American affairs.

The London Times in another editorial says, we need not be eager to meddle with American affairs. This is the time for waiting and we can afford to wait quite easily as the North and South can afford to be looking across the Potomac, at a cost of two million pounds a week each of them. – If there does come any real cause of complaint, it will tell all the more our present patience and forbearance.

The London Globe editorially remarks that the maritime powers cannot be expected to respect Federal blockades unless really effective. The commerce of the world cannot suffer itself to be despoiled for an indefinite period under a mere paper blockade.

As to intervention, says the Globe, We may be invited or offered to intervene, but our great aim must be to preserve consistency with our principles.

In a letter from Mr. Seward to Smith O’Brien, in response to the latter’s recently proffered advice, Mr. Seward urges Mr. O’Brien, if he would promote the cause of America, of Great Britain and humanity at large, to speak and act in every case and without qualification for the American Union. Mr. Seward’s tone is highly patriotic for Union, and friendly towards European powers, in regard to whom he is determined to stand always not only in the right, but upon the defensive.

Geo. Thompson had been lecturing again at Manchester on American affairs. His remarks were mainly in response to a late speech of Mr. Massy at Salford, whose statements he branded as absolutely false, and a great injustice to the North. The lecturer said the breaking of the blockade would be a wicked and fiendish act, and no greater crime could be created against any country. He had faith, however, in the pacific and neutral policy of Earl Russell.

The Times, in an editorial on Mr. Sumner’s speech, protests against any suggestion that England has budged one step from her former position with respect to her rights, either neutral or belligerent. What she agreed to at the Congress of Paris, she still stands by, and what she had before limited only by those concessions she has still. The case of the Trent has made no new phase whatever.

A telegram of the 22d ult., from Algiers, says, on Monday a prolonged cannonading was heard here, proceeding, apparently from a distance about six miles form shore.

A vessel was sighted this morning which is supposed to be the Sumter. It is presumed she sank her adversary.

The above is considered doubtful, as an Algiers telegram of the 24th ult. says the Sumter has been seen in the Genoese waters, a few leagues off the port of Genoa.

The Gibraltar Chronicle says the United States Consul at Cadiz protested against the assistance given the Sumter at that port. The authorities, however, considered themselves bound to afford such aid as was indispensable. The Sumter having sprung a leak near the screw she was permitted to effect the necessary repairs in the arsenal.

Worst fears were realized relative to the accident at the Hartley Coal Mines. Not one of the buried miners was found alive.

The has been very stormy weather on the Irish Chanel. There were several vessels wrecked and some loss of life.

FRANCE. – The dissatisfaction with M. Fould’s Budget was apparently giving way.

The Paris Bourse on the 24th ult. was buoyant. Rentes advanced 1-2 per cent. and closed 70/75c.

SPAIN. – The Minister of State has declared in Congress that Spain would demand reparation from Mexico on account of the war of independence. It was also stated that Spain had received an official communication respecting any further resolution of France and England in reference to Mexico. He concluded by saying that Spain would fittingly support the interests of Mexico.

PRUSSIA. – A rupture was anticipated between the Prussian Government and the Archbishop of Posen, who in a letter to the minister of Public Worship, defends the national attitude assumed by his countrymen.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, February 11, 1862, p. 1